Thursday, May 13, 2010

Re: [ZESTCaste] Do you think caste-based census needs to be resumed? Or will it just lead to an increase in casteism and conflict?

 

INDIA MEANS CASTE OR CASTES,  WITHOUT CASTE THERE IS NO INDIA,
 
CASTE IS CREATED FOR A PURPOSE, IT WAS CREATED FOR THE BENIFIT OF THOSE WHO CREATE CASTE. BEFORE CONSTITUTION CASTE IS A BENEFICIAL FOR UPPER CASTE. PEOPLE READING AND PRCTICING HINDU SASTRAS AND FOLLOWING IT. WHAT THE VEDAS, SMIRITIS,PURANAS TEACHES ? IT JUSTIFIES CASTE SYSTEM. PEOPLE BELIVE CASTE SYSTEM IS GOOD FOR SOCIETY. SO INDIANS CANNOT LIVE WITHOUT CASTE. A MAN WENT TO ASK DRINKING WATER FROM A CASTE HINDU. BEFORE GIVING WATER HE WILL ASK, WHOU ARE YOU ?PERSON WITH GOOD POSITION. HE WILL ASK  WHO ARE YOU? HE WILL SAY, I AM A HINDU, THEN ANOTHER QUESTION, WHAT IS YOUR CASTE ? AFTER ANOTHER CASTE WHAT IS YOUR SUB CASTE? THIS IS HAPPENING IN INDIA. TO GET A SOME DRINKING WATER , A CASTE HINDU NEEDS LOT OF QESTIONS. WHEN THEY ENTER INTO THE MARRIAGE WORLD , WHAT IS YOUR KULAM, KOTHRAM,CASTE, JATHAGAM, HERE ONLY CASTE SYSTEM STARTS. IF YOU DID NOT STATE CASTE QUSTIONS WHEN YOU ENTER INTO A MARRIAGE CASTE WILL DIE. NOW COMMING YOU YOUR QESTION. WHY CASTE CENSUS? WHEN A RESERVATION BASED ON CASTE AND IT NUMBER, POLITICAL RESERVATION ALSO BASED ON POPULALTION IN THE CONSTITUTION. MANDAL COMMISSION REPORT ALSO BASED CASTE AND THEIR NUMBER. SO TO GIVE EXACT PERCENNTAGE REAL CENSUS IS MUST. BUT THOSE WHO CREATED THE CASTE SYSTEM ARE VERY SMALL IN NUMBER. THOSE WHO RULE INDIA ALSO VERY SMALL IN NUMBER. SO THEY GOT FEAR IN FUTURE RULING . SO THEY AFRAID TO TAKE CASTE BASE CENSUS. AFTER TAKING THE CASTE BASED CENSUS INDIA WILL GET MORE CHANGES. IT WILL OPEN THE EYES OF MANY. NOW THOSE WHO THE VICTIM OF THE CASTE SYSTEM WILL BECOME THE RULERS OF INDIA. NOBODY CANNOT STOP. THE FIRST RULEER FROM THE VICTIM OFTHE CASTE SYSTEM WILL BE  THE GREAT MAYAWATI JI.
--- On Thu, 5/6/10, Siddhartha Kumar <mailsiddhartha.k@gmail.com> wrote:

From: Siddhartha Kumar <mailsiddhartha.k@gmail.com>
Subject: [ZESTCaste] Do you think caste-based census needs to be resumed? Or will it just lead to an increase in casteism and conflict?
To: "zestcaste" <zestcaste@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Thursday, May 6, 2010, 5:43 PM

 
http://www.dnaindia .com/india/ message-board_ do-you-think- caste-based- census-needs- to-be-resumed- or-will-it- just-lead- to-an-increase- in-casteism- and-conflict_ 1379708

Do you think caste-based census needs to be resumed? Or will it just
lead to an increase in casteism and conflict?

Thursday, May 6, 2010 12:34 IST
The demand for restoration of caste-based census has got a boost with
members of the Union Cabinet making a forceful pitch for the
enumeration of OBCs (other backward classes) nationally. Among those
arguing strongly for the return of caste census are OBC faces such as
law minister M Veerappa Moily, minister for overseas affairs Vayalar
Ravi, telecom minister Andimuthu Raja and fertiliser minister MK
Alagiri.

The development came after a strong demand in Parliament for revival
of caste census. The BJP and the left parties joined OBC leaders
Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Prasad, and Sharad Yadav in demanding that
caste be brought back as a census criterion.

The last census to enumerate caste was in 1931, when the British were
ruling India and Lord Irwin was the viceroy. There was no census in
1941, thanks to the Second World War. After independence, India's
founding fathers decided to do away with caste as a census criterion
because of their desire to build a casteless society.

Now politicians, particularly from the OBCs, are demanding resumption
of caste enumeration in the census. In fact, they want it done in the
exercise that is already under way. They say the reality of caste in
India cannot be wished away and enumerating caste would help in
implementation of many policies based on caste, such as reservation in
education and employment.

But those opposed to such a census say the dream of a casteless social
order should not be given up and efforts should be made to weaken the
caste structure based on oppression of those at the bottom of the
hierarchy.

Do you think it is time to revive caste-based census? Or will it
merely worsen the divide in society?

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[ZESTCaste] Put an end to caste feelings (A letter to the editor)

 

http://www.centralchronicle.com/viewnews.asp?articleID=35263

Put an end to caste feelings

Category » Your Voice Posted On Wednesday, May 12, 2010

Our politicians talk endlessly on a caste-less and class-less,
egalitarian society, especially at election times and once gaining
power, they forget it and follow the same old traditional ways. Only
recently, a case has come up in the media about SCs and Dalits being
denied entry in temples by the Chauhans, bracketed as Other Backward
Class, in the home turf of the MP Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan
in Jait (Sehore district), hardly 100 kms away from Bhopal.
This is not only a case of Jait village alone, but in almost every
Indian village, particularly in northern India. Even in much educated,
advanced southern State like Tamil Nadu, caste discrimination is
quite alive and kicking. There were numerous cases reported in the
media and while respective governments came up with their own stock
denial postures, but in fact, caste discrimination is very much
brimming.
So is the case of class distinction. As we have the upper caste,
middle caste, backward caste and lower caste, we have upper class,
middle class, lower class and those below the poverty line (BPL).
These are the real enigmas of Indian society. Nobody, not even a
single person in government wants to level this distinction or
discrimination. When upper caste treats the middle or backward class
downward, they in turn treat the lower or the lowest caste badly. If a
Brahmin treats an OBC badly, the OBC attempt to treat the SC/ST or the
Dalits more badly.
This is a quid pro quo attitude. Really, those who have created this
order in society should be blamed for it. When in post-independent
India we never had any caste based enumeration in our census, the
latest decision of government surprises all. Was that just to please
the Yadav brothers who bailed out the UPA in Cut Motion viz-a-vis
promised co-operation in passing the nuclear damage compensation bill.
RK Kutty, Bhopal

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[ZESTCaste] Caste and liberals

http://www.dnaindia.com/opinion/column_caste-and-liberals_1382398

Opinion > Column
Caste and liberals
R Jagannathan

Wednesday, May 12, 2010 23:22 IST There has been much liberal
hand-wringing over the Centre's decision to include a caste-count in
the 2011 census. This is wrong-headed because a caste-count is not
going to promote further casteism just as its absence will not usher
in a caste-free society. If we have a reasonably accurate estimate of
how many people belong to what caste, we can at least know where we
stand.

Of course, no caste enumeration is going to be right. In the last
count in 1931, the British found that entire groups of jatis used the
opportunity to move up the hierarchy. This time around, the reverse
could happen. Our guilt-ridden upper classes may stop indicating their
castes while the rest may try to up their numbers in the hope of
pressing for more reservations. What is not going away is our
obsession with caste.

The real problem with caste is the liberals' approach to it. Thanks to
a deep sense of guilt about the inequities of the system, the Indian
liberal (which usually means upper caste Hindus) is overapologetic
about caste, and refuses to make peace with it. He is thus giving
caste-based politicians an emotional handle with which they can stifle
rational arguments for change and greater inclusiveness.

It is time for all liberals, and especially the Hindu upper classes,
to abandon unwarranted guilt about caste. Caste may have originated in
the religious-civilisational system we now call Hinduism, but it is
owned by all Indians. Islam and Christianity have embraced caste even
though these religions have no scriptural sanction for it. The
bottomline: caste is an Indian system rather than just a Hindu
albatross.

You may also want to see
Madras HC directs govt to conduct caste-wise census
Cabinet may take up issue of caste census next week
66 employees in Indore suspended for not doing census work
Caste-based census in Mumbai only from February 2011
Census exercise hit by roadblocks
Caste is not something that could have been invented by anyone. It can
grow only when almost everybody accepts it. It grew from this soil and
struck deep roots. With every invasion and religious or reformist
attack, its roots went deeper. Caste has proved to be a stronger
binding force than religion precisely because it is rooted in Indian
realities.

The biggest attacks on caste —all futile — have come from sons of the
soil, and not Islamic invaders or Christian proselytisers, as some
liberals are prone to believe. The Buddha didn't succeed. Neither did
Vivekananda, Kabir, Guru Nanak, Ram Mohun Roy, Dayanand Saraswati,
Ramanujam, or even Gandhi and Ambedkar. All frontal attacks on caste
have been repulsed. The post-Ambedkar Dalits, and especially Kanshi
Ram and Mayawati, have gone the other way and embraced caste with a
vengeance.

They opted for a political consolidation of the Dalits and lower
castes. The other backward castes have also made a virtue of caste
consolidation and reaped huge gains from it — it started in the south
and moved north. In the south, caste oppression today means
non-Brahmin oppression of the lowest castes.

To get an arm around caste, you first need to understand it. For one,
it is not just a system of discrimination; it became one. Caste is
about kinship and community ties. It offers a protective cocoon for
members in turbulent times. Caste will weaken and disappear only when
people feel secure about themselves and their future. It will dissolve
when the state protects individual rights, without necessarily setting
it against community rights.

Caste survived in India because we took a different approach to
diversity. In the west, diversity was treated as a threat, and thus
met with annihilation and destruction. The Americans annihilated the
Red Indians, the Australians massacred the aborigines, and so on.
Ambedkar, quoting 19th century French theorist Ernest Renan, makes
much the same point about the role of brutality and extermination in
creating homogeneity in society. "Unity is ever achieved by brutality.
The union of northern and southern France was the result of an
extermination, and of a reign of terror that lasted for nearly a
hundred years."

In India, diversity was not seen as a threat. The approach was to
accommodate, with minimal violence, different groups without
disturbing the power structure. This is how castes grew with every
invasion, with every expansion of the Hindu economy. In hindsight,
perhaps we could have achieved a casteless society through much
brutality in the past. But we chose the other route of peace and
compromise.

Does this mean caste, and its negative consequences, will be with us
forever? Not quite. Market forces, urbanisation and globalisation are
chipping away at the edifice. It will be diluted in due course.
Socially, we can help the process by making simple changes in the
institution of caste by drawing up objective entry and exit rules.
Caste cannot remain an institution driven purely by birth. Once it
behaves like a regular club, with proper entry and exit rules, its
worst excesses will tone down. We can allow demography and market
forces to finish the job.

Liberals should not wallow in guilt about caste. They need to reform
caste, not fight it.


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[ZESTCaste] Nepal’s Trailblazing Dalit Feminist

http://towardfreedom.com/home/content/view/1959/1/

Nepal's Trailblazing Dalit Feminist
Written by Claire Colley
Wednesday, 12 May 2010
Source: The New Internationalist

Durga SobDurga Sob was just 10 when she realized she was from the
Dalit, or 'untouchable', class of Nepal: 'I drank from a water pot
that other people used, and by sharing this water, I'd made it
'unclean'. I was screamed at and chased away. I told my mother and she
said: "God made us Dalit, that's just the way it is." It was then I
knew the pain of being a Dalit, and had to do something to change
things.' The injustices experienced during her childhood in the remote
village of Silgadi in western Nepal inspired Durga to found the
Feminist Dalit Organization (FEDO) to fight against caste and gender
discrimination.

Nepal is one of the poorest countries in Asia and Dalits represent
around 20 per cent of the population. The term 'Dalit', chosen by the
community itself, means 'broken people', and although caste
discrimination was outlawed in 1963, its practice remains widespread.
Dalits are considered polluting and suffer an apartheid of
segregation: '[We] are often denied proper housing, access to
healthcare and other public services, like use of water taps and
temples,' says Durga. 'Dalit women suffer a triple oppression, and are
at the bottom of the pile. As women they're second-class citizens
anyway, but as Dalits they're subjected to social exclusion, and as
the poorest group in Nepal, they experience chronic poverty.' Indeed,
more than 90 per cent of Dalit women live below the poverty line and
life expectancy is just 51 years, as opposed to a national average of
59.

Education is also denied to many Dalits. Around 80 per cent of Dalit
women are illiterate and the first milestone Durga achieved was being
admitted to school: 'My mother, a wonderful woman, encouraged me,
despite everyone saying she was wasting her money.' Dalit girls
traditionally work at home and are married young. Despite continual
discrimination and bullying, Durga completed school by the age of 16.
Realizing that she was equal to her classmates, and again breaking
Dalit rank, she started teaching English to other Dalits: 'I felt it
was no good if I were the only one who was educated; I had to educate
others. I would bring all the girls to my home and teach them. After
this, many went to school and completed their education.'

Moving to Kathmandu when she was 19 years old, Durga started working
for ActionAid and it was here that she met the US feminist Robin
Morgan and told her about the situation for Dalit women. Although
there were many projects which were working to empower Nepali women,
none had been initiated to address Dalit women's specific issues.
Morgan encouraged Durga to form FEDO in 1994. The early days were
difficult: 'We needed seven Dalit women on the board before we could
register FEDO and it was hard to find educated and committed Dalit
women, they were so oppressed.' Moreover, women in urban areas did not
wish to expose themselves as Dalit. Durga also experienced prejudice
from other women activists: 'High caste women would not accept us and
I was routinely excluded.'

Durga was, however, used to chronic discrimination and continued to
strive for inclusion: 'Initially, FEDO was small and focused on
informal education and income-generation programmes. We began our work
in the Lalitput district and held literacy classes for 50 elderly
women. These were successful, so later we focused on formal education,
health, sanitation, advocacy and awareness.' FEDO now works in 45
districts in Nepal and has 40,000 members. Some 3,000 Dalit children
were sent to school after FEDO's school enrolment campaign. In
addition, 50 Dalit health workers have been trained, 5,000 women have
benefited from microfinance programmes, and 2,000 Dalit women's groups
have been established.

Nepal is, however, a country in recovery after 10 years of a civil war
which ended in 2007, and because of their perceived association with
the Maoist guerrillas, the Dalit community bore the brunt of the
violence. Dalit women are particularly vulnerable to all forms of
gender violence, including domestic abuse, trafficking for
prostitution and rape as a weapon of war. In response to this, FEDO
began working in partnership with the British-based organization
Womankind to establish healing and support units for Dalit women
survivors of violence. There are now four centres and almost 1,800
women have benefited: 'The healing centres have seen an overwhelming
response and for the first time, Dalit women have been able to break
the taboo of talking about the violence they've experienced. Many now
understand that violence doesn't have to be a part of their everyday
lives.'

Also crucial to empowerment is education around rights, and FEDO makes
use of CEDAW, the international bill of rights for women, as
legislative support: 'We provide training for women about how to file
cases to police to ensure that they have equal access to justice,'
explains Durga. 'Women often immediately practise what they have
learnt and CEDAW is seen as a basis on which to fight back against
oppression. This is a vast shift in perception for Dalit women.'

The current post-war situation in Nepal, as well as being a time of
challenge, also represents an opportunity for the community. Following
the 2006 Peace Agreement, political parties are currently formulating
a new constitution for the country: 'Up until now, in terms of
participation and representation, there have been no Dalit women in
positions of power. However, this is changing: 25 Dalit women have
been elected as members of the Constituent Assembly and this is one my
happiest achievements. The constitution-making process is a unique
opportunity to ensure that the constitution will guarantee equality
and, for the first time in Nepali history, Dalit women are represented
in political processes.' Durga's pride is palpable: 'It's taken 15
years, and it's still early days, but FEDO has created an environment
where Dalit women have started to see themselves as respectable
citizens.'

Website: Feminist Dalit Organization


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[ZESTCaste] Centre not letting Uttar Pradesh progress: Mayawati

 

http://www.ndtv.com/news/india/centre-not-letting-uttar-pradesh-progress-mayawati-25270.php?u=1433

Centre not letting Uttar Pradesh progress: Mayawati

NDTV Correspondent, Thursday May 13, 2010, Lucknow

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati completes three years in power today.

Speaking at a press conference in Lucknow, the minister slammed the
Centre saying the Congress is not letting Uttar Pradesh progress.
(Watch what Mayawati said)

Three years of Mayawati rule in UP is the 54-year-old BSP leader's
fourth stint as Chief Minister. (Mayawati's three years in pics |
Watch)

When she was sworn in on May 13, 2007, she had a complete mandate
having been voted in by an overwhelming majority in a state where the
only political reality had been 17 years of fractured coalitions.

Her much-talked-about social engineering, which saw the coming
together of Dalits and Brahmins for the first time in history, ensured
she had a simple majority in the state. Such a mandate also meant that
Mayawati could finally build the memorials of Dalit icons, including
her own, that she had always wanted. That these memorials cost nearly
Rs 6,000 crore saw other parties up in arms.

Archrival Mulayam Singh Yadav of the Samajwadi Party, who has only
seen political downslides since Maywati's spectacular ascent, has
promised that when comes to power, he will raze these memorials. But
hundreds of Dalit labourers working on Mayawati's dream projects have
supported these manifestations of identity politics. Even the Dalit
unskilled labour working tirelessly to build these massive icons have
said they are proud to be associated.

But two years into her reign, it was time for a reality check. The Lok
Sabha elections of 2009. Mayawati put up 80 candidates in the fray.
She had conquered the state, her eyes were now firmly set on the
national stage. In the midst of talk of the return of a Third Front
after the expected Left-Congress divorce, Mayawati saw a shining
future armed as she would be with a bagful of seats from the biggest
state. Mayawati as Prime Minister was a thought that did cross some
minds.

But UP had other thoughts. The Congress, buoyed by the Rahul Gandhi
factor, was back in the reckoning winning more seats than anyone had
anticipated and putting paid to Mayawati's plans.

It was a wake-up call. Less than half her term had elapsed yet and
cracks were evident in her vote base. Mayawati knew it was time to go
back to the drawing board to ensure that every Dalit vote came back to
her.

And it did, when the BSP swept the by-elections in November 2009. The
BSP had recovered less than six months after the disappointment.

Mayawati then proved the Lok Sabha elections were a temporary blip,
sweeping the Legislative Council elections. A sweet present for her
birthday two days later.

And then, controversy struck. At a party rally this year, Mayawati was
presented a garland made of 1,000 rupee notes in front of a gathering
of five lakh people, most of who can barely afford one square meal.

There have been other controversies, not least over her penchant for
building large monuments to honour herself. But if there has been one
constant in Mayawati's political career, it is controversy. Not least
for her indulgences on her lavish birthday parties. Her favouring
pastels in clothing, her fondness for jewellery, including large
glittering diamonds, her larger-than-life birthday cakes have all
caught the eye of critics who then question her claiming to represent
poor Dalits.

But she has built the edifice of her political success without letting
controversy come in the way of her single-minded focus. If anything
she has been dismissive.

For Kumari Mayawati as she prefers to be known and Behen Ji as she is
addressed by partymen and followers, has long had a USP. The
groundswell of Dalit support which can negate any other political
consideration on its day. She is an icon for millions of India's
Dalits and often throws her being "the daughter of a Dalit" in the
face of Opposition.

Mayawati was born in Delhi on 15 January 1956. Her father worked as a
clerk. Mayawati graduated from Kalindi College in Delhi University and
then became a teacher. She also holds a law degree.

Her political career began when she joined Dalit leader Kanshi Ram,
who became her mentor. Kanshi Ram founded the Bahujan Samaj Party in
the early 1980s and it was obvious very soon who his political heir
was. The climb has largely been a steady upward graph since, though
Mayawati has seen her share of setbacks.

In two years, Mayawati shall face the electoral test yet again. She
cannot shut her eyes and pretend any more that Rahul Gandhi is not a
factor. Will it be her earthy charisma that shall prevail or the
backlash of controversy?

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[ZESTCaste] 14 yrs after dalit massacre, 3 get death, 20 life sentence

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/14-yrs-after-dalit-massacre-3-get-death-20-life-sentence/articleshow/5924102.cms

14 yrs after dalit massacre, 3 get death, 20 life sentence
Rajiv Nayan Agrawal, TNN, May 13, 2010, 03.50am IST

ARA (BIHAR): Nearly 14 years after 21 dalits, mostly women, girls and
two infants, were massacred by a private militia of landlords in
Bhojpur district, a local court on Wednesday awarded capital
punishment to three convicts and life imprisonment to 20 others.

Additional district and sessions judge A K Shrivastava had on May 5
convicted 23 activists of Ranvir Sena while acquitting 30 others for
want of evidence. On Friday, he handed down capital punishment to Ajay
Singh, Manoj Singh and Nagendra Singh.

Around 70 Sena activists had raided Bathani Tola village in Bhojpur
district in the afternoon on July 11, 1996 when most of the male
members were in the fields. The marauding militia men hacked many
victims to death while gunning down others.

Ranvir Sena, now a defunct outfit, was a private army of goons raised
by upper caste landlords to take on CPI-ML (Liberation) Naxalites who
were grabbing farmlands and killing big landlords in central parts of
then undivided Bihar in late 1980s and 1990s. Ranvir Sena usually
targeted dalits because they were regarded as sympathizers of CPI-ML,
which has now become a political party.

Special public prosecutor Ram Babu said police had chargesheeted 63
people of whom four died during the trial while five others were
acquitted by Patna High Court. Two accused, including prime suspect
Ranvir Sena chief Brahmeshwar Singh alias Mukhiyaji, are yet to face
trial as they had been absconding for long. Mukhiyaji was later
arrested. Though granted bail by Patna High Court in Bathani Tola
massacre case, he would be soon put on trial, Ram Babu said.

The trial began on January 24, 1998 and charges were framed against 63
accused on March 24, 2000. The prosecution produced 13 witnesses,
including three doctors and an investigating officer, while the
defence brought three witnesses. Arguments in the case started on
April 1, 2010, and concluded on April 20, 2010.

This is second massacre case in Bihar in which capital punishment has
been awarded to Ranvir Sena activists during the last one month. On
April 7, a Patna court sent 16 convicts to the gallows and sentenced
10 others to life imprisonment for killing 58 dalits at
Laxmanpur-Bathe in Arwal district on December 1, 1997. Nineteen
accused were acquitted.

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[ZESTCaste] League Of Honor Killers

http://www.countercurrents.org/jaikrishan120510.htm

League Of Honor Killers

By Raja Jaikrishan

12 May, 2010
Heraldofindia.com

With municipal polls due on May 20, followed by panchayat polls, both
ruling Congress and opposition INLD are out to pamper caste panchayats
in Haryana . These caste councils have launched a campaign against
same-gotra marriages.

On March 30, a karnal Court awarded death penalty to five persons and
sentenced two others, including a Khap leader, to life imprisonment in
connection with the honor killing of a same-gotra couple.

The state with 60:40 Jat –Dalit ratio was recently in news for inter
–caste violence in Mirchpur village. Here Jats burnt to death a Dalit
father and his physically challenged daughter in retaliation to an
altercation. The spread of literacy and politicization has changed the
traditional power equation in the villages. Dalits are reluctant to
take up traditional jobs. Migrants have stepped in their shoes.

In the Mirchpur incident 25 jats were arrested after protests from
Dalits. Rahul Gandhi paid visit to the village and went to the house
where the father and daughter were burnt alive, to stitching the Dalit
support with Congress.

Swami Agnivesh, activist from Haryana, says: "Gotra is lineage sourced
to sages i.e Gautam ,Parashar etc.In Haryana gotra names don't follow
this convention. A gotra e.g Tomar is found in Rajputs, Jats and
Dalits. How can an inter-caste marriage in this case be an intra
-gotra marriage?

Quoting the Satyarthprakash, the Swami adds: " Swami Dayanand
Sarawsati did emphasize the importance of distance in matrimony. The
politicians are succumbing to the blackmail of panchayats to ensure
vote and support in the ensuing elections. They remain quiet when
these kangaroo courts give directions leading to honor killings by
family members".

" Indian National Lok Dal party supports the ban as it is against the
tradition and wrong medically. We will bring a proposal in the state
assembly. If the government brings in an amendment bill in this
regard, we will support it."

Party chief Om Prakash Chautala said this after giving a memorandum to
home minister P Chidambaram seeking changes in the Hindu Marriage Act
favoring the ban.
After the Khap panchayats threatened to lay siege to Congress MP Navin
Jindal's Kaithal house, he attended the Sarvjatiya Sarvkhap
Mahapanchayat khap on Sunday .
Jindal, an industrialist and MP from Kurukshetra, had sent a letter to
representatives of khaps, acknowledging their "yoeman" service
rendered to society.

On may 2,Khap panchayats at a meeting at Pai ,near Kathal, had put all
elected representatives in the state on a one-month notice to support
their demand for amending the Hindu Marriage Act seeking a ban on same
gotra marriages.

Jindal letter to the Khaps followed Chautala's support to the ban on
same-gotra marriage and villages. Chautala beat Naveen in the race to
take up the Khap demand with the ruling party by giving the memorandum
to Chidambaram.

Madu Kishwar, social activist saw a point in the demand of Khap
Panchayats seeking ban on same-gotra marriages. She said the
Constitution has provided for a personal law for each religious
community. The Hindu Marriage Act has a provision, which bars a
marriage if it violates local customs of kinship. By taking up the
panchayat demand for amendment to the Act Jindal has put the demand on
a democratic course.

The mahapanchayat, called against the backdrop of a Karnal court
verdict, had thundered last month: "We don't want a constitution or a
law that goes against our age-old tradition." As of now, "the Congress
stand is clear. No Customary law or practice can possibly be excused
or condoned in any manner if it involves killing of any kind in the
name of honor, tradition or heritage".

Jindal's condemnation of honor killings and support for the ban on
same-gotra marriage lays bare the paradox of electoral politics.


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[ZESTCaste] Christians hail caste inclusion in census

http://www.sakaaltimes.com/SakaalTimesBeta/20100513/5741562463657674903.htm

Christians hail caste inclusion in census

CAMIL PARKHE
Thursday, May 13, 2010 AT 01:23 PM (IST)
Tags: CBCI, catholic church, caste, census
PUNE: The Catholic Bishops Conference of India (CBCI), the apex body
of the Catholic Church in the country, has welcomed the government's
willingness to include caste in the national census.

The CBCI has said that the move will facilitate identification of the
dalit Christians - the erstwhile untouchables converted to
Christianity - and help them get benefits extended to dalits belonging
to other religions.

In an interview to a Christian website, Fr Babu Joseph, CBCI
spokesperson, welcomed the Centre's proposal and said that since caste
remains a social reality, there should be the "actual picture of
people belonging to a particular caste." However, such data should be
used for 'our long term aim of removing caste' from society, he said.

The Church, which does not endorse casteism in its community, however
recognises existence of dalits in its fold and has been demanding that
they should be given all the concessions given to dalit Sikhs and
Buddhists.

Fr Malcolm Sequeira, spokesperson of Pune diocese, has said that mere
religious conversion does not bring any changes into the
socio-economic status of the dalits. Therefore, dalit Christians
should not be discriminated on the grounds of their religion. Fr
Sequeira said that the census form should have two separate columns
for caste and religions, so that even dalit Christians or dalits of
any religion may be able to specify their caste as well as religion.

Tribals from northeastern states converted to Christianity continue to
get quota meant for scheduled tribes even after conversion. This
benefit is not extended to the dalits Christians, formerly belonging
to various scheduled castes.


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[ZESTCaste] 75th issue release function of 'Brahmin Today' Magazine

 

http://www.tamilbrahmins.com/chit-chat/4289-75th-issue-release-function-brahmin-today-magazine.html

75th issue release function of 'Brahmin Today' Magazine

Namassadhasae.

'Brahmin Today' is a monthly magazine (bi lingual - Tamil & English)
and is successfully coming every month for over six years now. Their
75th issue release is celebrated on Sunday, 16th May 2010, from 6 pm
to 8 pm, at Hotel Dharmaprakash, Raja Annamalai Road, Near Hotel
Dasaprakash, Purasawalkam, Chennai 600 084. The following link gives
all the required information, about this function.

It is a co-incidence that the first issue of this magazine was
released in the same venue.

I am interested in this magazine as Book Review Co-ordinator and I
earnest request all members/friends in this website, especially
Chennaites, to participate and grace this occasion.

Tamil-English portal of art, knowledge, stories and poems

Thanks & Regards to all.

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[ZESTCaste] Mayawati's three years in power: Reign marred by controversies

 

http://www.ndtv.com/news/india/mayawati-completes-three-years-in-power-25160.php

Mayawati's three years in power: Reign marred by controversies

NDTV Correspondent, Thursday May 13, 2010, Lucknow

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati completes three years in power
today. Have controversies affected her popularity? (Pics) Here's a
report:

After 17 years of fractured coalitions in Uttar Pradesh, on the 13 May
2007, Mayawati was sworn in as a Chief Minister for the fourth time.
(Your comments)

But this time was different. Her much talked about social engineering
which saw the coming together of Dalits and Brahmins for the first
time in history ensured she had a simple majority in the state.

With this majority, Mayawati could finally build the memorials of
Dalit icons, including her own, that she had always wanted.

But that these memorials cost nearly 6,000 crore rupees saw the
Opposition up in arms.

"When we come to power, the bulldozer will raze them (memorials) all
down," Samajwadi Party president Mulayam Singh Yadav had said.

But hundreds of Dalit labourers working on Mayawati's dream projects
supported these manifestations of identity politics.

''Dalits are being given recognition for the first time. Naturally
it's a matter of pride. I feel good about it,'' said Moolchand, a
Dalit labourer.

Their pride was a happily accepted substitute for real improvement on
the ground.

And bouyed by this sentiment, Mayawati put up 80 candidates in the Lok
Sabha elections last year. Completely ignoring her formidable
Opposition, she was confident that she was well on her way to the
Capital.

But the results came as a rude shock as the voters dismissed her in
favour of the Congress.

With the cracks evident in her vote base, Mayawati knew it was time to
go back to the drawing board to ensure that every Dalit vote came back
to her.

And eventually it did when the BSP swept the by-elections. And then 48
hours before her birthday, her party made a clean sweep in the
Legislative Council elections as well.

But that appears to have been her last litmus test. Since then, the
people of Uttar Pradesh have seen her in various avatars.

At a party rally this year, Mayawati was presented a garland made of
1,000 rupee notes in front of a gathering of five lakh people, most of
who can barely afford one square meal.

From a strong anti-Brahmin chant to three fractured coalitions to an
unprecedented majority that saw her sweep to power in 2007, Mayawati
has come a long, long way.

But the last three years of her term have been rocked by several
controversies. With the Assembly elections now only two years away,
the big question on everyone's mind is - Will her charisma stand firm
in the face of these controversies?

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