Latest News Update: Jan 17, 2012

Tuesday, January 17, 2012

[ZESTCaste] UP elections: Congress to promise MBC sub-quota within 27% reservation for OBCs'

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics/nation/up-elections-congress-to-promise-mbc-sub-quota-within-27-reservation-for-obcs/articleshow/11518674.cms

17 Jan, 2012, 04.04AM IST, Bharti Jain,ET Bureau
UP elections: Congress to promise MBC sub-quota within 27% reservation for OBCs'

NEW DELHI: Congress is readying to redress discontent over its plans
to promise a sub-quota for minorities by pledging itself to yet more
reservation, this time for the Most Backward Castes (MBCs) in Uttar
Pradesh. It is set to declare in its election manifesto a sub-quota
for MBCs within the 27% reservation for the Other Backward Classes.

The move follows disquiet among dominant OBCs over its plans to
reserve 9% jobs for Backwards among Muslims. While carving out yet
another slice from the reservation pie will not go well with the main
beneficiaries of the reservation for OBCs, such as Yadavs and Kurmis,
the party sees greater benefit in wooing the more numerous MBCs that
comprise 70% of the OBC population in the state.

Though Congress has given a large representation to Kurmis, it does
not enjoy the support of Yadavs anyway. It hopes its move will help
thwart the Bharatiya Janata Party's attempts to polarise castes, such
as Kushwahas, Nishads, Koeris, Nonias, Rajbhars and Lodhs, in its
favour.

"The grievances of MBCs have to be addressed," Congress general
secretary Digvijaya Singh told ET, "The party, if voted to power, will
study the experience of reservation in the past two decades and ensure
that the not-so-well-off among Backwards get the benefits of quota."

Social scientists argue that this proposal is workable. "The formula
of quota within quota was successfully utilised for expanding the
socio-political base of Congress by Devraj Urs in the late 1960s as
chief minister of Karnataka. The second successful use of this formula
for consolidating hold over state power was made by Nitish Kumar as
chief minister of Bihar. Therefore, it has obvious potential as it
addresses the limits of Mandal, which ignores the presence of dominant
caste syndrome within the OBC category of castes within Hindus and
Muslims," said Anand Kumar, professor of sociology at the Jawaharlal
Nehru University.

Even as the Election Commission put on hold the Centre's move to
reserve 4.5% jobs for Backwards among minorities in the five
poll-bound states, law minister Salman Khurshid created a stir by
promising a 9% sub-quota in state jobs for minorities in Uttar
Pradesh.

Digvijaya Singh, too, defended the minority sub-quota, saying it was
merely aimed at correcting the social imbalances. He reminded that the
promise was also part of the party's manifesto in the 2009 Lok Sabha
elections. Congress-ruled states such as Andhra Pradesh have already
enacted similar laws, Singh said, adding that governments can no
longer ignore demands for proportional representation in government
jobs. "If you want to keep the country together, you will have to
address the causes for the alienation of Muslims," Singh said, "We
cannot forget the fact that we have a Muslim population larger than
that of Pakistan."

Congress, which is meeting representatives of important caste
groupings, is also confronted with a demand for a sub-categorisation
of the quota for Scheduled Castes, the main beneficiaries of which
have been Jatavs. Dalit public intellectual Chandrabhan Prasad said
sub-categorisation of Dalits will not be a good idea. "There is no
empirical evidence to suggest that Jatavs are better off than other
sections of Dalits. Since Jatavs form the largest group among Dalits,
they are more visible. But, mind you, there are more non-Jatavs
elected to Parliament that Jatavs," Chandrabhan said.

This argument is backed by a section of the Congress. "Congress may
have to work on what Nitish Kumar did for the Mahadalits in Bihar,"
said a leader who did not wish to be named, referring to the Bihar
chief minister's initiatives to introduce welfare schemes for the
most-backward sections of the Dalit population in the state.

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[ZESTCaste] Former BSP leader attacks Mayawati

http://ibnlive.in.com/generalnewsfeed/news/former-bsp-leader-attacks-mayawati/951642.html

Former BSP leader attacks Mayawati
PTI | 05:01 AM,Jan 17,2012

New Delhi, Jan 16 (PTI) Alleging that the dalits were the most
oppressed in the Mayawati regime in Uttar Pradesh, former BSP leader
Yogesh Verma today said she does not like other leaders becoming
popular and raising voice for the cause of downtrodden. "It is most
unfortunate that dalits were tortured and exploited the most when a
dalit Chief Minister was seated in Lucknow," Verma said addressing his
supporters through mobile on inauguration of his election campaign
office in Meerut. Verma was allegedly involved in a murder case in
Meerut around three months back and is presently in hiding. After
being expelled from BSP, he has now joined Peace Party lead by
Mohammad Ayyub. He is contesting from Hastinapur constituency in Uttar
Pradesh from where he was elected in 2007 on a BSP ticket. "Mayawati
never tolerates popularity of any other Dalit leader in Uttar Pradesh,
so she misused her power to frame me in false criminal cases," he
alleged.

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[ZESTCaste] NCSC team to inquire into dalit girl rape case

http://ibnlive.in.com/generalnewsfeed/news/ncsc-team-to-inquire-into-dalit-girl-rape-case/951554.html

NCSC team to inquire into dalit girl rape case
PTI | 10:01 PM,Jan 16,2012

Bhubaneswar, Jan 16 (PTI) National Commission for Scheduled Castes
(NCSC) will send a team to Odisha to inquire into the rape of the 19
year-old dalit girl in Pipili, an incident which is rocking the
Odisha. "This is an unfortunate incident. The NCSC will send a team to
Odisha in a day or to inquire into the matter," its chairman P L Punia
told PTI over phone from Delhi. Expressing his concern over the manner
in which the state police handled the incident which barely 20 km from
the state capital, Punia said such type of incidents were repeatedly
taking place in the state. "The state government is not taking
appropriate action in such kind of incidents," he said. Earlier,
Odisha State Scheduled Caste-Scheduled Tribe Youth and Student
Council, in a memorandum to NCSC demanded adequate protection and
monetary relief to the rape victim. "We hope NCSC will give direction
to the state government about providing security and relief to the
victim's family," said council president Haladhar Sethy. Offical
sources here said Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik has assured a group of
JNU students agitating in front of his residence in New Delhi that
'stringent action' will be taken against the persons involved in the
incident. PTI AAM KK

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[ZESTCaste] Court acquits 11 accused of torching Dalit houses

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/Court-acquits-11-accused-of-torching-Dalit-houses/900513/

Court acquits 11 accused of torching Dalit houses
Express News Service Posted online: Tue Jan 17 2012, 04:04 hrs
Panchkula : In a major setback to the CBI, a Panchkula court, on
Monday, acquitted eleven persons, who were accused of torching dozens
of Dalit houses in Balmiki Colony, in Sonipat district on August,
2005.

The eleven persons were acquitted by the CBI special judge, A S
Narang. There were 14 accused in the case, but three had died during
the trial.

Those acquitted by the court included Rajesh Kumar, Dalbir Singh,
Radhey Sham, Rajinder Singh, Pardeep Sangwan, Bhola Ram, Lahna Singh,
Manoj Kumar, Ramesh Kancha, Balbir Singh and Nafee Singh

The CBI had charged fourteen people of rioting and being a part of
unlawful assembly after registering a case in 2005. All the witnesses
in the case had turned hostile and no accused was identified in the
court.

The case dates back to 2005 when Baljit Siwach, a Jat , was murdered
on August 27, 2005. After Baljit's murder, dozens of Dalit houses were
torched in Balmiki Colony on August 31, 2005. Soon after the murder of
Baljit and incidents of arson at Gohana, the Haryana government had
ordered a CBI inquiry.

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[ZESTCaste] Reserved seats on Rahul's radar

http://www.hindustantimes.com/Specials/Coverage/Assembly-Elections-2012/Chunk-HT-UI-AssemblyElections2012-UP-Strategy/Reserved-seats-on-Rahul-s-radar/SP-Article10-798203.aspx

Reserved seats on Rahul's radar
Aurangzeb Naqshbandi, Hindustan Times
New Delhi, January 17, 2012

After shifting the centre of gravity of the Congress party away from
the upper castes, Rahul Gandhi has now launched a special focus
campaign to get the best results in 85 constituencies reserved for
Dalits in Uttar Pradesh. The idea is that such constituencies are
spread across the state and
lifting them up will have a spin-off effect that would help the party
overall. Dalits constitute 21% of the total population in UP and is
considered a strong vote-bank of the ruling BSP.

A special drive led by BL Punia—Congress MP from Barabanki and
one-time close aide of BSP chief Mayawati—and Ashok Tanwar, MP from
Haryana's Sirsa and rising Dalit leader of the party, will involve
more than 100 special observers camping in such constituencies.

"Most of the candidates are first-timers. They need support and help
from the more experienced among us," said Tanwar. "Developing and
empowering Dalit leadership has been priority for Rahulji."

Apart from the reserved constituencies, they have also been assigned
four other seats from where the party has fielded Dalits.

Gandhi also believes that in the routine organisation of election
campaign, reserved constituencies are usually ignored. A good number
of star campaigners will, therefore, address the election meetings in
these seats which will also be given preference in distribution of
publicity materials. Gandhi will himself address a number of meetings
in these constituencies in the next few weeks.

The Congress is also trying to woo non-Jatav voters, preferably Pasi
(second largest scheduled caste after Jatavs), without pronouncing it
openly as that would mean antagonising the Jatavs.

After chalking out the strategy for reserved seats on Saturday, Gandhi
followed it up with a meeting on Monday to fine-tune it for
Muslim-dominated constituencies.

He told senior Muslim Congress leaders to campaign extensively in UP
and highlight the UPA government's achievements and programmes for the
Muslims, who constitute 18% of the total population of the state.

But Gandhi also told them not to restrict their campaign talking
points to the Muslims only and speak about the inclusive agenda of the
Congress and the UPA government.

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[ZESTCaste] Elephant symbols of empowerment are too powerful for India’s Election Commission

http://blogs.independent.co.uk/2012/01/17/elephant-symbols-of-empowerment-are-too-powerful-for-india%E2%80%99s-election-commission/

Elephant symbols of empowerment are too powerful for India's Election Commission
John Elliott from Riding the Elephant blog

By John Elliott from Riding the Elephant blog
The Foreign Desk - International dispatches from Independent
correspondents -
Tuesday, 17 January 2012 at 8:19 am

Mayawati elephants covered 1 300x161 Elephant symbols of empowerment
are too powerful for India's Election CommissionThese giant stone
elephants sitting on their pedestals in a huge park outside Delhi are
a symbol of India's political development. Built here and in Uttar
Pradesh's capital city of Lucknow, along with other massive stone and
bronze monuments, stupas, and domes at a reported cost of Rs4,500
crore ($1bn), they are designed to glorify Kumari Mayawati, the
state's controversial chief minister and be a symbol of empowerment
for her Dalit low caste.

India's Election Commission ordered last week that all the elephants,
and statues of Mayawati, should be covered for the duration of the
state's current assembly elections – polling takes place next month.
The chief election commissioner, S.Y.Qureshi, said this was done to
stop Mayawati's Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) gaining "political mileage"
from the displays – just, he said, as pictures of political leaders
are removed from government offices during polls.

One can see Qureshi's logic because Mayawati is the chief minister
candidate in the elections and the elephant is her party's symbol.
(The fact that this maverick and autocratic politician, who brooks no
opposition, obeyed him is a testament to the uniquely independent
authority that the Election Commission wields in this unruly country).

But was Qureshi's instruction sensible, and was it counter-productive?
A retired top bureaucrat has told me that it was excessive and
unnecessary because the statues were permanent fixtures, not
photographs or banners hung on walls or highways. The expensive drama
involved in covering them also drew attention to Mayawati, and may
have led to sympathy from her supporters – she told them the
authorities were discriminating against Dalits.

This is a key election contest because Rahul Gandhi, the as-yet
unproven heir-presumptive to the leadership of the Nehru-Gandhi
dynasty, and thus to the prime minister's job, is leading his Congress
Party's election campaign. If he does well and raises the number of
Congress seats in the 403-seat assembly from the present 22 to 70-100,
he will have succeeded and could be on his way to being the next prime
minister quite quickly – if he wants the job, which is not known. If
he only manages 40 seats or less, he will have failed. He will still
be heir apparent, but will progress more slowly.

There is even speculation that if Congress achieves the higher figure,
and maybe wins Punjab, the other most significant state now going to
the polls, it might call a snap general election to try to shed
debilitating partners in its current national coalition.

So the elephants are important, covered or uncovered, and they are
also significant as a symbol of Mayawati's success. She is a Dalit –
the "untouchables" in the Indian caste system – and relies on this
caste for mass support in elections. But she has done little during
her four terms as chief minister to develop the state, especially in
rural areas.

Her main aim has been to impress her fellow Dalits by building up her
own extravagant exclusive image and life-style, and by building the
monuments that bring back memories of powerful Mogul rulers' palaces
and forts. With widespread and plausible allegations of massive
corruption, she has licensed impressive bribe-clad highway and other
projects, including a race track for a very successful grand prix
motor race last October.

The statues near Delhi – and the grand prix track and its associated
lucrative real estate developments – are in an 80-acre park in Noida,
a flourishing satellite city that lies within UP. In addition to
Mayawati, the statues are of Bhim Rao Ambedkar, a revered Dalit leader
at the time of India's independence, and Kanshi Ram who founded the
BSP. Ram spotted and coached Mayawati to be not what she has become
since his death in 2006, but a constructive leader of the lowest rated
in India's divisive social system.

She was 56 on Sunday and had a relatively low-profile birthday. That
contrasted with earlier extravagant parties, when Lucknow has been
decorated with thousands of lights and Mayawati has worn expensive
diamond and gold jewellery, with garlands (in 2010) of big-valuation
currency notes, reported to be worth Rs18 lakhs -$40,000, and
multi-tiered cakes weighing over 50kg.

The question is whether such excesses impress the desperately poor –
do they feel empowered by such success of one of their own and say
"look what one of us can achieve", or does it appal them?

Many people throng to the parks on holidays and admire the elephants,
enjoying the well maintained open spaces. But will they vote for her,
or swing back to her main rival, the Samajwadi Party that ran earlier
assembly governments (badly and corruptly)? And will they also give
enough votes to the energetic Rahul Gandhi, whose political future
will be much easier if he does well in UP? Pundits and opinion
pollsters disagree on which way the result will go – we will know in
early March.

For a longer version of this post, with more pictures, go to John
Elliott's Riding the Elephant blog – http://wp.me/pieST-1yj

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[ZESTCaste] Skim the Dalit creamy layer

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/indiahome/indianews/article-2087541/Skim-Dalit-creamy-layer.html?ito=feeds-newsxml

Skim the Dalit creamy layer

By Rajesh Ramachandran

Last updated at 7:46 AM on 17th January 2012

A golf-playing mother in Delhi badly wants her bright young kids to
grow up preparing for the civil service examinations.

Her father was in the service, so is she and she hopes her kids would
keep the family flame live.

And their entry into the service is almost sure. Not because her kids
are endowed with a superior intellect or are extremely hardworking.
Lucknow: Congress general secretaries Rahul Gandhi and Digvijay Singh
at a UPCC meeting in Lucknow on Sunday

Lucknow: Congress general secretaries Rahul Gandhi and Digvijay Singh
at a UPCC meeting in Lucknow on Sunday

But they belong to the elite among the Dalits who have apportioned the
Dalit quota for just themselves stealing the jobs of the needy poor
for perpetuity. The golfer sure is not alone.

Actually she is in illustrious company. The first Dalit President KR
Narayanan's daughter got into the Indian Foreign Service through the
quota route.

She wrote her exams, probably, when her father was a globetrotting
diplomat destined for even higher things in life. What a travesty of
affirmative action!

The ruling party, the Congress, has finally woken up to the misuse of
quotas by the elite among the Dalits and decided to break the category
into Dalits and Mahadalits.

But it is more of a political act without any real application of
mind. It has come simply because Uttar Pradesh chief minister Mayawati
belongs to the Chamar or Jatav caste which is the dominant group
within the Dalits in north India.
Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Mayawati belongs to the Chamar or
Jatav caste which is the dominant group within the Dalits in north
India

Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Mayawati belongs to the Chamar or
Jatav caste which is the dominant group within the Dalits in north
India

The Congress has merely flattered the Nitish Kumar government by
copying even the term he used to split the Dalit quota without any
application of mind.

In Bihar's case, the rat-hunting community of Mussahars, or other
miserably poor farm labourers might get a slice of the quota cake for
their children if the new policy is diligently implemented, but for
the rest of the country the new policy really doesn't make much sense.

Interestingly, Chamars are also listed as a Mahadalit community by the
Mahadalit commission set up by the Bihar government. Elite In India's
mind blowing caste matrix, there have always been elites among every
caste group.

Only rank outsiders have made the mistake of imagining the caste
hierarchy as a strictly pyramidal structure where Brahmins are on top
and the Dalits are at the bottom.

Sure, it now suits the Brahmin to believe that such a structure
existed in the hoary past. But the truth is something else. Just as
many Brahmins lived off alms from the wealthy peasant castes, there
was a class of leaders among the agricultural labourers.

Something akin to the Subedar Major in the British Army, the highest
post a native could aspire for. Subedarsaab, as he was respectfully
referred to by the young commissioned officer, was the real veteran
who took his men to war, all the while letting the young officer
believe that he was in charge.

Similarly, there were headmen among the slaves bonded to feudal lords.
For instance, in some parts of Kerala they were referred to as

Thalapulayan, literally the Head Pulayan. Like the Subedarsaab, the
headman was treated with a modicum of respect, with his children
spared of rape and beatings in a terribly oppressive system.

Dr BR Ambedkar had violently reacted to such a comprador class, while
seeking a separate electorate for the Dalits during his momentous
fight with Gandhi that ended in his defeat and the Poona Pact.

He had then argued that if the electorate remains the same, only the
loyal Head Pulayan would be chosen by the mainstream parties instead
of Dalits choosing their real representatives. Ambedkar was proven
right when he was defeated by the Congress candidate in the first ever
Lok Sabha elections.

Ambedkar Ambedkar's vision of empowerment was of Dalits representing
themselves with leaders emerging from within the community owing
allegiance to no philosophy other than Dalit emancipation. Now,

Ambedkar's defeat is complete with the golf-playing beneficiaries of
his great liberating tool stealing the quotas from the shanties of
manual scavengers and keeping the biggest jobs in the country for
their children forever.

Ambedkar coined the word Dalit against Gandhi's 'harijan' in order to
establish a new order where the oppressed are no longer tied to the
feudal dole-outs of the benevolent master. But feudal lineages of
Dalit lords have sprung up instead of creating a brave new casteless
society.

This is well illustrated from the case of Meira Kumar who contests
from a reserved constituency despite being the daughter of the
legendary Congress leader and former defence minister Jagjivan Ram. Is
it not time to skim the cream and take it out of the Dalit decanter?

The Congress' move to provide a separate share of quota for
Mahadalits, though it appears a step in the right direction, will only
create a new creamy layer among certain extremely backward Dalit
castes.

Targeted quotas in the real sense will happen only if the creamy layer
principle is applied, as in the case of other backward classes (OBCs)
and the most backward classes (MBCs).

The quotas have so far been dominated by the agriculture labour
classes among Dalits like the Mahars of Maharashtra, Malas of Andhra
Pradesh, Pulayas of Kerala, Pallars and Paryans of Tamil Nadu, Holayas
of Karnataka and by Chamars in North India.

These self assured castes never inter-marry or mingle with the manual
scavenging castes like the Valmikis of north India or Thottis of the
south. It is no coincidence that Ambedkar was a Mahar, the first Dalit
chief justice of India a Pulaya or the first Dalit President a Parava.

They have been the traditionally empowered castes for various reasons.
The Mahars have been warriors since the time of Shivaji and had
actually defeated the Peshwa army, fighting for the British in the
Anglo-Maratha wars.

In fact, Ambedkar's father and grandfather were Subedar Majors in the
British army. Similarly, other agricultural worker castes among Dalits
had greater access to information and education compared to the
butcher, the leather worker and scavenger castes among Dalits.

But identifying these Mahadalits and giving them a special sub-quota
now is a futile exercise because in just a few decades this would give
rise to another elite group that would never allow the real
Mahadalits, the scavengers and rathunters, to escape from their hell
holes.

The need now is to ensure that a bureaucrat's child or a minister's
daughter does not avail of this facility. Income need not necessarily
be the only cut-off factor.

But the quotas should definitely end with just one generation in the
case of legislators, parliamentarians, bureaucrats and judges.

The biggest challenge to our democracy arises from the growing tribe
of Gandhis, Scindias, Pawars and Gowdas and now the neo-feudal
families of Dalit elites are joining their ranks.

Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/indiahome/indianews/article-2087541/Skim-Dalit-creamy-layer.html#ixzz1ji0HIZoV

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[ZESTCaste] 11 accused, who set Dalit houses on fire, acquitted

http://www.hindustantimes.com/India-news/Haryana/Torching-of-Dalit-houses-All-11-accused-acquitted-in-Gohana/Article1-798089.aspx

11 accused, who set Dalit houses on fire, acquitted
Bhartesh Singh Thakur, Hindustan Times
Panchkula, January 16, 2012

First Published: 20:50 IST(16/1/2012)

Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) failed to prove its case in
Gohana rioting incedent in which about 50 Dalit houses were set ablaze
in Sonipat district on August 31, 2005.

CBI special judge, Haryana, AS Narang, acquitted 11 accused in the
case on Monday, including son of former
Sonipat MP Krishan Sangwan.There were 14 accused in the case but
Master Karan Singh, Mahipal and Khushi Ram died during the trial. They
were accused of rioting, being a part of unlawful assembly, giving
provocative speeches, and while being armed with sticks and
agricultural implements which could cause death they put houses of
Balmikis on fire.

In September, 2005, the case was handed over to CBI and it registered
it on September 9,
2005.http://www.hindustantimes.com/Images/HTEditImages/Images/17-01-12-metro13.jpg

All the witnesses turned hostile in the court. No one identified any
of the accused in the court. One of the prosecution witnesses head
constable Jagbir Singh simply deposed that he was guarding the
official vehicle of SHO and he had not seen any of the accused present
in the court near Samta Chowk or in Balmiki Basti on August 31, 2005.

Balwan Singh, who was then Naib Tehsildar and had visited Satsang
Bhawan of Gohana where a meeting of Jat leaders were going on, stated
in the court that he could not say whether the accused were part of
the crowd. Mahender Singh Kundu was also declared hostile as he denied
his earlier statement given to CBI. Ram Phal has also not supported
the case of prosecution. As per the judgment, Sub Inspector Sat Pal
had simply registered the FIR and AGL Kaul, who was IO of the case of
the CBI, had not deposed anything against the accused. When the houses
were put on fire, the Dalits had already fled by that time so there
was no witness among them.

The judgment also pointed out that the CBI case was only related to
happenings of August 31, 2005. It read, "I have considered all the
evidence on the record. I am of the considered view that there is no
sufficient evidence to hold any of the accused guilty. Accordingly,
all the accused are hereby acquitted of the charges for which they
have been charged."

After coming out of the court, Pradeep Sangwan told HT, "It was a
politically motivated case. My father was a sitting Sonipat MP at that
time that was why I was framed. I hope this judgment will give a boost
to our political career."

The case:

Baljit Siwach, a Jat and resident of Gharwal village of Gohana tehsil,
was murdered on August 27, 2005. Lara, Shiv Kumar, Bhola and Viru-all
Balmikis were booked in the case. As the police were failing to arrest
the accused, there was massive discontent and hatred among the Jat
community in and around Gohana town.

On August 28, 2005, the body of Baljit was brought and cremated the
same day. A meeting of village elders took place on August 29, 2005 at
Bari Chopal of Gharwal. A group of youngsters were agitated and they
wanted to take revenge on Dalits. On August 30, 2005, Barha Panchayat
(comprising 12 villages) assembled and the main speakers were Bhola
Ram, Zile Singh ( now dead), Dalbir Singh, Master Karan Singh ( now
dead), Nafe Singh and Pardeep Sangwan. In the meeting, everyone was
angry and speaking against Balmikis.

Though elders wanted to adopt democratic means but there were some
elements who wanted to take violent revenge. An announcement was made
that 55 eminent persons would gather the next day at Satsang Bhawan,
Gohana, to adopt future course of action. On August 31, 2005,
provocative speeches were allegedly delivered at the Satsang Bhawan.
Even Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda offered to meet Jat leader.

Zile Singh (now dead) allegedly gave the call to burn down the Balmiki
Basti as a Jat boy was brutally murdered-"Phunk Do Is Basti Ko". Soon
after it, the young people there starting raising slogans. At around
12:30 pm at Samta Chowk a crowd started moving towards the Basti along
with sticks and agriculture weapons. The crowd had swelled to
1500-1600. They entered the Dalits' residential area from different
sides. They used abusive language against Dalits too. They put on
about 50 houses on fire and damaged them. Balmikis had already fled
from the scene so there was no human casualty.

List of accused:

* Dalbir Singh
* Rajesh Kumar
* Radhey Shyam
* Rajender Singh
* Pardeep Sangwan
* Bhola Ram
* Lahna Singh
* Manoj Kumar
* Ramesh Kancha
* Balbir Singh
* Nafe Singh

------------------------------------

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[ZESTCaste] Mayawati has lost her credibility among Dalits: Digvijay Singh

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_mayawati-has-lost-her-credibility-among-dalits-digvijay-singh_1638363

Mayawati has lost her credibility among Dalits: Digvijay Singh
Published: Monday, Jan 16, 2012, 18:33 IST
Place: New Delhi | Agency: ANI

Amid the ongoing strategies adopted by the leaders of various
political outfits to establish a firm reputation in poll-bound Uttar
Pradesh, Congress General Secretary Digvijay Singh on Monday charged
state chief minister and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati of
failing to protect the interest of the Dalits.

Digvijay Singh said Mayawati has lost her credibility among the Dalits
because she has not done anything other than looting the people over
the past five years.

"Some one, who opposes Mayawati is labeled as 'Casteist', anti-Dalit
and others who give her funds and help in splurging money are
considered to be a supporter of the Dalits. This is her definition of
a supporter. Mayawati has lost her credibility among the Dalits
because she has not done anything other than looting the people over
the past five years," said Singh.

"Not one Dalit has benefited in her reign. Moreover in her native
village of Badalpur on one side, she is constructing her farmhouse in
an area of 100 acre with walls as high as 25 feet and Dalits in the
same area are still living in huts," he added.

Mayawati, who has expressed her displeasure over the Election
Commission's order to cover statues of the Bahujan Samaj Party's poll
symbol 'elephant' and those of her own, had earlier on Sunday said
that her party would never forgive the Congress Party and Samajwadi
Party for the aggressive campaign and support lent to cloaking of
statues.

Polls in Uttar Pradesh are to be conducted in seven phases between
February 8 and March 3. The counting of votes would take place on
March 6.

Uttar Pradesh will elect a new 403-member state assembly in March, and
the poll results are expected to broadly indicate trends for 2014
general elections.

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[ZESTCaste] RPI Bahujan Mahasangh joins hands with NCP

http://www.mid-day.com/news/2012/jan/170112-pune-RPI-Bahujan-Mahasangh-joins-hands-with-NCP.htm

RPI Bahujan Mahasangh joins hands with NCP
By: Vivek Sabnis Date: 2012-01-17 Place: Pune

Even though the Republic Party of India's (RPI) Bahujan Mahasangh (BM)
has been protesting against the Lavasa project for the past eight
years, the party has now joined hands with the Nationalist Congress
Party (NCP) for the civic election.

The party has claimed that it will continue its agitation against the
project, which reportedly has NCP's backing. Prakash Ambedkar,
president of RPI BM, who was in talks with NCP chief Sharad Pawar and
Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar, made a formal announcement after
meeting Madhukar Pichad, general secretary, NCP, in Mumbai recently.
"We are keeping Congress away, as they do not like Dalits. We will be
collaborating with the NCP," said Ambedkar.

Kiran Kadam, president, RPI BM, Pune, said, "The alliance with NCP
is only for the PMC poll. We will continue to protest against Lavasa.
The project is not only consuming water meant for the city, but is
also destroying the nature in Maval district."

"So far, we have received around 200 applications. Interviews will be
conducted on January 19 and 20 to shortlist candidates," said P S
Gaikwad, vice president, RPI BM, Pune.

RPI factions and their poll dance
The RPI factions are active in the municipal elections in Pune. While
RPI's Ramdas Athawale faction has joined hands with the BJP and the
Shiv Sena, the Jogendra Kawade faction has decided to go to polls all
alone. Kawade will contest 50 seats each in the Pimpri-Chinchwad
Municipal Corporation and the Pune Municipal Corporation. Kawade
faction had won total 35 seats in civic polls across the state.

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[ZESTCaste] Is Caste Destiny? Occupational Diversification Among Dalits in Rural India

http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1984645

Download the paper here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/Delivery.cfm/SSRN_ID1984645_code1050353.pdf?abstractid=1984645&mirid=1

Is Caste Destiny? Occupational Diversification Among Dalits in Rural India

Ira N. Gang

Rutgers University - Economics Department; Institute for the Study of
Labor (IZA)

Kunal Sen

University of Manchester

Myeong-Su Yun

Tulane University; Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA)

January 13, 2012

Brooks World Poverty Institute Working Paper No. 162

Abstract:
The caste system – a system of elaborately stratified social hierarchy
– distinguishes India from most other societies. Among the most
distinctive factors of the caste system is the close link between
castes and occupations, especially in rural India, with Dalits or
Scheduled Castes (SC) clustered in occupations that were the least
well paid and most degrading in terms of manual labor. Along with the
Scheduled Tribes (STs), the SCs have the highest incidence of poverty
in India, with poverty rates that are much higher than the rest of the
population. Since independence, the Indian government has enacted
affirmative action policies in educational institutions and public
sector employment for SCs and STs. In addition, there has been an
emergence of political parties that are strongly pro-SC in their
orientation in the more populous states of India. We use five rounds
of all-India employment data from the National Sample Survey
quinquennial surveys from 1983 to 2004 to assess whether these
political and social changes have led to a weakening of the
relationship between low caste status and occupational segregation
that has existed historically in India. We find evidence that the
occupational structure of the SC households is converging to that of
the non-scheduled households. However, we do not find evidence of a
similar occupational convergence for ST households.

Number of Pages in PDF File: 34

Keywords: caste, occupational diversification, poverty, India
Working Paper Series
Date posted: January 14, 2012
Suggested Citation

Gang, Ira N., Sen, Kunal and Yun, Myeong-Su, Is Caste Destiny?
Occupational Diversification Among Dalits in Rural India (January 13,
2012). Brooks World Poverty Institute Working Paper No. 162. Available
at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1984645

Export to: Export Citation What's this?

Contact Information
Ira N. Gang (Contact Author)
Rutgers University - Economics Department ( email )
75 Hamilton Street
ECONOMICS, New Jersey Hall, Rutgers University
New Brunswick, NJ 08901-1248
United States
732-932-7363 (Phone)
732-932-7416 (Fax)
HOME PAGE: http://econweb.rutgers.edu/gang/research

Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA) ( email )
P.O. Box 7240
Bonn D-53072
Germany

Kunal Sen
University of Manchester ( email )
PO Box 88
Manchester M60 1QD
United Kingdom

Myeong-Su Yun
Tulane University ( email )
New Orleans, LA 70118
United States
504-862-8356 (Phone)
504-865-5869 (Fax)
HOME PAGE: http://www.tulane.edu/~msyun/

Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA)
P.O. Box 7240
Bonn D-53072
Germany

------------------------------------

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Tuesday, January 17, 2012

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