Monday, March 8, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Update on brave Gujarati girl (Mar 08, 2010)

 

Dear donors and friends,

I am happy to inform that we were able to collect more than a lakh to help the brave Gujarati girl. You all know the story. She deserves our help for her intelligence, courage, and above all the will to survive and excel despite all odds against her.

 

First of all thanks to Prof Shiva Shankar who mooted this idea of helping her through donations when I brought her predicament to our forum's attention. Thanks to each one of the donors. We all at FFEI are immensely indebted to you for your generosity. Please check the list of donors and let me know if any discrepancies.

 

After hearing from the donors, we decided the following:

1.     Clear the remaining auto loan of Rs. 75,000

2.     Give the rest to her for her studies or in the form of fixed deposit  certificate. Yet to decide.

 

Following is the update on the girl:

1.     I am waiting for some more information on her

2.     Thanks to Brothers Sam Paul, and Gedion, and Ms Vinaya. We were able to get her a job as a teacher in an English medium school near her village. But, she refused it stating that she is not convenient with teaching in English medium school.

3.     I have already initiated transferring money to India. Currently the exchange rate is about Rs. 45.75.USD. I took 45 as conversion rate and the total came to about Rs.1,40,000.

Please write to me if any questions.

Thanks

Ben

 

Donations to Gujarati girl

 

 

Donor

USD

Rupees

Ms Raj Kaul, US

                  96.80

 

Ms Shilpa Raina, US

                  96.80

 

Ms Santosh Raina, US

                  96.80

 

Mr Sanjay Chauhan, US

                  29.80

 

Dr Satinath Chowdhary, US

                  96.80

 

Mr Mohammad Imran, US

                  96.80

 

Dr Uma N Iyer, US

                  51.00

 

Mr Gagan D Mall, US

                100.00

 

Anonymous rape survivor

                300.00

 

Mr Srikanth Voorakaranam, US

                750.00

 

Ms Sugam Tiku, US

                100.00

 

Ms Usha Shiralkar, US

                250.00

 

Prof Alladi Uma, Hyd

 

    5,000.00

Prof M Sridhar, Hyd

 

    5,000.00

Prof Alladi Sitaram, Hyd

 

    5,000.00

Dr Ranghavan Rangarajan, Gujarat

 

    1,000.00

Dr Ranghavan Rangarajan, Gujarat

 

    5,000.00

Prof Shiva Shankar, Chennai

 

  10,000.00

Ambedkar International Mission Inc, US

                250.00

 

Dr Venkata Pingali, US

                  60.00

 

Donations total 

           2,374.80

 31,000.00

 

 

 

Exchange Rate Rs/USD (Appx.)

                  45.00

 

 

 

 

USD converted into rupees

         106,866.00

 

Add Rupee donations

           31,000.00

 

 

 

 

Total donations

      137,866.00

 

  

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An educated man without character and humility was more dangerous than a beast. If his education was detrimental to the welfare of poor, he was a curse to society.
-Babasaheb Dr B R Ambedkar

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[ZESTCaste] Fwd: Demanding justice in unjust language

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: CHITTIBABU PADAVALA <afchittibabu@gmail.com>
Date: 9 March 2010 06:58
Subject: Demanding justice in unjust language
To: bahujanstudentnetwork@googlegroups.com


Dear Friends,

This analogy is striking and oft used in the media. For example
this comparison is used in Telugu media, by AP leaders, including Dalit
leaders. But, this needs to be used sensitively and carefully. It is quite
conformist madness to think that all those in jails are criminals or what
they have been convicted of are actually crimes or that only criminals are
jailed or even that all criminals are jailed. Rarely do such things happen.
Even when they jailed one is a criminal depriving them of decent life serves
no good. It is better for us not to use - as a matter of priniciple - the
word criminal when we refer to those who serve the jail term because such a
thing uncritically accepts the police+judiciary's version. Let's use only
one of the alternatives Laxman provided: Inmates.

Moreover, it is not a decent strategy to compare with other
oppressed category - jail inmates. The use of this analogy in Telugu media
quickly became insensitive within no time that jail mates could be deprived
of basic decent standards of living given the lack of access to them by
outside society, stigma associated with being jailed, complete and unchecked
power jail authorities enjoy over them, inmates' lack of access to outside
world, inattention of media, risks involved in protesting within the jail
and many more such things the conditions in jails are inhuman and degrading.
To top it all, most jails involve hierarchical structures within jails in
which some inmates are delegated illegal powers by the jail authorities
leaving them no possibility of introspection, self-correction. It is almost
always the case that those who are jailed hardened by the experience and
tend to get rid of any guilt than otherwise.

There is another point too. Dalits are more likely to be jailed. They are
more likely to get severe punishment relative to their offences. And, they
are most likely to be ill-treated and abused within the jail due to lack of
support systems from outside and sympathy within. Many of our people are in
jails very often not because they have been convicted of something but
simply because the jail authorities ignore to take them to the courts to
appear before it or attend the hearings. It happens sometimes years
together.

All these things are highlighted by many human rights organizations and
familiar things to those activists who are frequently jailed for being
social activists and join the protests and agitations. There are cases of
inmates being killed by jail police, goondas within cells and there are no
cases of murderers ever getting punished. Very often the inmates suffering
from ill-nesses are treated inhumanly and they die without attracting any
punishment to those neglected them criminally.

When the conditions in jails are so bad, it is insensitive to argue as if
their conditions are in any way better than the lot of the Dalit students.
It is much humane and radical to argue that so and so is the prescribed
standard of living for so and so age group according to a respectable
institution's estimates and the actual allocations fall short of such
prescription.

This temptation to make use of the prejudices of society and state our
own justifiable causes is something we fight back by all means. There is no
point in now talking about the honorable intentions of those who made
such comparisons. Being in and with the social movements involves being able
to express our demands as decently as our intentions are.

If a respectable gentleman is unfairly treated by others and he expresses
his legitimate anger by saying that he was being treated like an untouchable
rightly offends us. Why? That obvious answer is the reason for opposing this
unfair comparison of the plight of the under-provided dalit students with
the inmates of jails.

It is quite possible that our Parliamentary Committees are full of people
who could understand only such crude forms of articulation as my friend Dr.
Laxman thinks. But we don't have to appeal to their prejudices. May be it is
more effective to show what percentage of an MPs monthly petrol bill is
equal to the monthly allocation for a dalit student, or some such telling
detail.

Chittibabu Padavala

On 8 March 2010 17:07, C Lakshmanan <laxman@mids.ac.in> wrote:

> *Dear Friends,*
>
> *I draw your attention to analogy that once I was put forth to government
> officials in Tamil Nadu (TN). In government run hostels in TN budget per
> person per day Rs 15/- (Rupees Fifteen only) to a student of 6th to 12thStd. In case College student from Graduate to Doctorate - Rs. 20 per person
> per day. However, budget for a criminals/ inmates in the Jails is Rs. 45 to
> 100 per day, it may varies Class and nature of Crime.*
>
> *It would be opt analogy to the Parliamentary Committee to understand.*
>
> **
>
> *Warmly,*
>
> *Lakshmanan*
>

>
>
> ---------- Forwarded message ----------
> From: uaday singh <usingh2280@yahoo.co.in>
> Date: Mon, Mar 8, 2010 at 3:29 PM
> Subject: Urgent
> To: "Venkatesh(ISM) Naik" <venkilale@gmail.com>, asheeshkr@gmail.com,
> Hitendra.petro@gmail.com, harryism@gmail.com, our-media@googlegroups.com,
> zestcaste@yahoogroups.com
>
>
> Dear Students,
> Parlimentart commitee is preparing a report on the Scholarships
> for SC/ST/OBC(notification attached). Plz writ individual mails to the
> commitee and write a joint letter to the commitee and send by post. In your
> mails you may write difficulties in getting scholarships, income criteria,
> mess bill etc.
> Treat it as urgent.
>
> Dr. Uaday Singh
> Assistant Professor
> Deptt. of Mathematics
> BHU,
> <http://www.bandoo.com/wp/ie.php?plg=ie&ad2=0&subs=yahoo&elm=sign>


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[ZESTCaste] Text of the announcement seeking suggestions on Scholarship schemes for SCs/OBCs [1 Attachment]

 
[Attachment(s) from CHITTIBABU PADAVALA included below]

 
PARLIAMENT OF INDIA

LOK SABHA SECRETARIAT

NEW DELHI

DEPARTMENTALLY RELATED STANDING COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL JUSTICE AND EMPOWERMENT INVITE SUGGESTIONS/COMMENTS ON THE SUBJECT "SCHOLARSHIP SCHEMES FOR SCs/OBCs".

The Standing Committee on Social Justice and Empowerment headed by Shri Dara Singh Chauhan, Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha have selected the subject "Scholarship Schemes for SCs/OBCs" for detailed examination and report during the year 2009-10.

2. The objective of these schemes is to provide scholarships and financial assistance to the Scheduled Castes and Other Backward Classes students studying at Pre-matric, Post-matric or Post-secondary level and also for higher studies/fellowships to enable them to complete their education. These schemes are being implemented by the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment and the scholarships are awarded by the Government of the States/UTs to which the applicant actually belongs.

3. The Committee invites written memoranda containing suggestions/views/critical comments of individuals/institutions/organizations interested in the subject matter.

4. All those who are interested in submitting written memoranda/suggestions/comments may send two copies thereof either in English or in Hindi to

DIRECTOR, LOK SABHA SECRETARIAT, ROOM NO. 164, PARLIAMENT HOUSE ANNEXE, NEW DELHI-110001, FAX NO. 23016166, e-mail csje-lss@sansad.nic.in within 15 days from the date of publication of this advertisement.

5. The memoranda/suggestions submitted to the Committee would form part of the records of the Committee and would be treated as strictly confidential and not circulated to anyone, as such an act would constitute a breach of privilege of the Committee.

New Delhi:

Dated:

http://164.100.47.132/LssNew/Committees/SC_OBC_scholarship.pdf

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Attachment(s) from CHITTIBABU PADAVALA

1 of 1 File(s)

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[ZESTCaste] Mayawati for quota within quota

http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=Mayawati+for+quota+within+quota&artid=5230UH50jjE=&SectionID=b7ziAYMenjw=&MainSectionID=b7ziAYMenjw=&SEO=Bahujan+Samajwadi+Party+supremo+and+Uttar+Pradesh&SectionName=pWehHe7IsSU=

Mayawati for quota within quota

Anand Raj Singh

First Published : 08 Mar 2010 02:45:00 AM ISTLast Updated : 08 Mar
2010 08:54:01 AM IST

LUCKNOW: Bahujan Samajwadi Party supremo and Uttar Pradesh Chief
Minister Mayawati announced on Sunday that she too supported the
"quota within quota" demand by certain parties including the
Samajwadi, the RJD and the Janata Dal.


Senior BSP leader Satish Chandra Mishra told media persons on Sunday
evening that Mayawati has written a letter to Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh seeking "quota within quota" of 33 percent for Scheduled Castes
and Tribes, religious minorities and the upper castes poor. Mayawati
has also clarified that the BSP was opposed to the SC/ST quota to be
part of the proposed 33 per cent.The BSP, unlike other opponents of
the Women's Quota Bill who are not partners in the Congress- led UPA,
is a supportor of the alliance from outside.

Mishra said that unless the women's quota bill was amended to
accommodate "quota within quota" demand of the party, the BSP would
oppose the Bill in Parliament.


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[ZESTCaste] A Dalit woman’s lone battle

http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/2010/03/3485

A Dalit woman's lone battle
Chitralekha epitomises the face of many poor, Dalit women fighting for
their Right to Life and Livelihood in Kannur, Kerala. All this gutsy
woman wanted was to drive her auto rickshaw peacefully but ended up in
a long-drawn battle with CITU
Abhish K Bose Delhi

"I am their target and they will stop harassing me only after I am
finished," says Chitralekha- a poor, Dalit woman- who continues to
suffer at the hands of Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) activists,
the trade union arm of CPM.

What sparked a raging storm in Chitralekha's life was her decision to
drive an auto rickshaw in a Hindu-dominated region of Payyannur in
Kannur way back in March 2004. Since then, it has been an uphill task
for Chitralekha to make ends meet. Interestingly, her husband, an auto
rickshaw driver is also ostracised for marrying a Dalit woman.

Chitralekha's says that CITU activists regularly corner her and once
even burnt down her auto rickshaw blaming her for 'immoral activities
done in a state of drunkardness. There were attempts on her life, when
one CITU activist tried to mow her down under his auto rickshaw.
Luckily, only her foot got hurt.

As revealed by a fact finding team led by human rights activists and
academicians like Gail Omvedt and Nivedita Menon, opinions from both
sides were heard with regard to a violent incident on January 20,
2010. Chitralekha was abused and beaten first by CITU men and then by
the police for alleged 'wanton behaviour after getting drunk,' when
she drove to hospital to get medicines for her son. Hospital records
prove the level of injuries inflicted on her that day, including a
bleeding vagina.

However, CITU denied these allegations. "She is an argumentative lady
devoid of civilised behavior. Nobody will believe her stories," K
Ragavan, President of CITU Payyannur Area Committee told Hardnews.

In its final evaluation, the report acknowledges many more
Chitralekhas in Kannur, who are waging similar battles against the
dominating and patriarchal social order established by CPI (M) and its
other affiliate organisations.


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[ZESTCaste] BSP won’t support in present form, seeks quotas

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/BSP-won-t-support-in-present-form--seeks-quotas/588100

BSP won't support in present form, seeks quotas
Express News Service Posted online: Monday , Mar 08, 2010 at 0231 hrs
Lucknow : THE BSP on Sunday said it would not support the Women's
Reservation Bill if it was tabled in the House in its present format.
"The floor management of the BSP would be definitely there in the
House. We will take a decision after tabling of the Bill," said BSP's
national general secretary and Rajya Sabha member Satish Chandra
Mishra, clarifying that his party wanted "separate quota without
disturbing the original quota for the SC/ST".

This came even as UP Chief Minister Mayawati sent a letter to Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh, demanding separate quotas for Dalit,
religious minorities, backwards and the poor from the upper castes in
the Bill. In addition, the existing reservation for Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes in Parliament and Assemblies must not be
disturbed, she added.

In her letter, the BSP supremo said she was in favour of giving
reservation for women for their full participation in politics, but

the proposed 33 per cent quota within the existing reservation for the
SC/ST was wrong.

"Besides protecting the existing quota, my party demands separate
reservation for women of the SC/ST communities within the proposed 33
per cent reservation for the women," wrote Maya, who was earlier
believed to be averse to be siding with the SP which is opposing the
Bill.

Maintaining it was necessary to reserve seats for women of backward
communities, religious minorities and the poor from the upper castes,
she requested the PM to ensure the presentation of an amended Bill in
Parliament.


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[ZESTCaste] India’s Many Tongues

http://the-diplomat.com/2010/03/08/india%E2%80%99s-many-tongues/


India's Many Tongues
March 08, 2010


Can a billion people be shepherded toward a single language? And
should India's government try? Shreyasi Singh investigates.
By Shreyasi Singh


You'd think the citizens of a country with a population of 1.17
billion people, who between them speak more than 1,600 languages and
dialects, would understood that language is about communication, not
identity. Yet, time and again in India, fissures over regional
identities reveal in sometimes ugly ways how far the country is from
achieving this ideal.

In November last year, newly-elected Maharashtra state legislator Abu
Azmi was assaulted by members of the right-wing Maharashtra Navnirman
Sena (MNS) for insisting on taking his oath in Hindi. MNS chief Raj
Thackeray, the now-estranged nephew of Shiv Sena supremo Bal
Thackeray, had earlier written to all 288 state legislators of
Maharashtra, of which Mumbai is the capital, urging them to take their
oath in Marathi. Azmi was slapped, pushed and punched by MNS
politicians when he rose to take his oath in Hindi—hooliganism in the
country's high offices that was broadcast live on TV for the nation to
see.

The incident followed the controversy a few weeks earlier that erupted
after a request by the first-time Member of Parliament from southern
Tamil Nadu state, Union Minister of Chemicals and Fertilisers M. K.
Azhagiri, to speak in his mother tongue in the Lok Sabha (the Indian
Parliament's elected house) was turned down. Tamil speakers were
outraged, arguing the speech could easily have been translated into
Hindi and English for the rest of the House. They also claimed the
decision violated their rights and was an insult to Tamil, which they
see as much a national language as Hindi.

The Tamil-Hindi tussle has a long history. Over the decades, many
non-Hindi speaking states have opposed the imposition of Hindi
nationwide. However, southern Tamil Nadu's resistance has always been
the most sustained and most vociferous, while anti-Hindi campaigns in
Tamil Nadu saw mass mobilisation both before and after India's
independence was secured in 1947.

Although seemingly omnipresent, in part due to its cultural reach
through Bollywood (the Hindi film industry), Hindi is not actually a
national language. According to the 2001 census, Hindi and its various
dialects are spoken by about 422 million people or just over 41
percent of the national population.

India has no legally-defined national language, and although Article
343 of the Constitution declares Hindi and English to be the official
languages of the union of India, to be used for administrative,
judicial and legislative business in Parliament and other central
bodies, there are 18 official languages that states can use to conduct
their intra-state affairs.

The situation is complicated further by the special provisions made
for the development of Hindi under Article 351 of the Constitution,
which states: 'It shall be the duty of the Union to promote the spread
of the Hindi language, to develop it so that it may serve as a medium
of expression for all the elements of the composite culture of India
and to secure its enrichment by assimilating without interfering with
its genius, the forms, style and expressions used in Hindustani and in
the other languages of India specified in the Eighth Schedule.'

Some experts on India's Constitution believe the nation's founding
fathers did, in fact, intend that Hindi would become the lingua franca
of the country—the 'link' speech—but that language-based regional
identities didn't allow this to happen.

Kapil Sibal, India's Union Minister for Human Resource Development,
has indicated he believes in such primacy for Hindi, arguing that
fluency in the language will help students from across the country
integrate. 'Our education system should change from MOTS (More of the
Same) to HOTS (High Order Thinking Skills),' he said in August. 'We
should create knowledge which will be used by other people. Now we are
a recipient of knowledge and in the future we should produce the
knowledge.'

Sibal has recommended that Hindi be taught in all schools across
India, along with English and a regional language of choice.

'Now the lingua franca is English for professionals. When we become
producers of knowledge then we can set our language as the lingua
franca,' he said.

Unsurprisingly, his statements were derided by many, with some arguing
that it was short-sighted of the minister to be promoting Hindi as a
'common' language after the issue was supposedly settled for good
following the 1967 amendment of the Official Languages Act 1963.

Others, including Dalit author and activist Kancha Ilaiah, have
instead suggested a two language formula to bridge the country's
language divide and help prepare it for future economic growth.

'We should become a nation of 2 languages. 50 percent of our syllabus
across all schools in the country should be taught in English and the
remaining 50 percent in another language,' Ilaiah says, outlining an
alternative to Sibal's more ambitious three-language proposal. 'This
way, we will all be able to speak in English and maintain our base in
our myriad regional languages.'

He says that English has already become the language of those running
India, and that it's simply unfair not to ensure it is accessible to
every citizen, regardless of their economic status.

'English today is the richest language in the world in terms of
vocabulary and scientific terms, and the language of a very advanced
knowledge source base,' he says.

'The right to aspire to becoming a teacher, a bureaucrat or to go
abroad is linked to English. The right to aspire is a fundamental
right. We have no alternative but to adopt English,' Ilaiah says,
dismissing worries that doing so would damage the cultural fabric of
the country and lead to Westernisation. There's no 'historical
evidence' to suggest language changes culture, he adds.

Rajendra Yadav, a leading light of Hindi fiction, agrees the
functionality of English—and its role in economic empowerment—can't,
of course, be disputed. But, he says it would also be wrong to
under-emphasize the utility of Hindi. 'Hindi is undoubtedly an
important link language. There can be no debate on that,' he says.
'From Kanyakumari (the southernmost tip of India) to Kashmir, it's the
only common language that can still be somewhat understood everywhere.
Even English can't be.'

But he argues that even if this debate is to take properly, it need
not be seen in confrontational terms, as an 'either or' choice. 'I
don't think there's a regional language versus national language
debate necessary,' he says. 'It's positioned this way. [But] there's
no need for it. Where is there a contradiction in using both
provincial language and national language with ease?'


So, is this all just a utopian fantasy in a nation that has
demonstrated that language is a powerful tool for stoking jingoistic
regional fervour? As The Economist noted in an article last month
about superstar actor Shah Rukh Khan and his tussle with the
right-wing Shiv Sena, liberal, secular India has suffered the likes of
Bal Thackeray and his band of thugs in part because of 'an abiding
sensitivity towards language-based agitations after a spate in the
1950s posed the greatest threat to India's survival.'

In fact, some trace the linguistic difficulties India now faces back
to the nation's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, claiming he is
in part responsible for heralding the beginning of the end of the
possibility for a national language in the country.

Earlier this year, at the annual Jaipur Literary Festival, an
eagerly-awaited conclave of writers from across the world,
diplomat-author Pavan Varma said independent India started on the
wrong cultural foot when Nehru delivered his memorable 'tryst with
destiny' speech in English.

Journalist Swapan Dasgupta was dismissive of Varma's 'bewildering
interventions' in a recent blog entry on the subject, writing:
'According to him (Varma), Nehru's speech was indicative of a perverse
mindset and testimony to how the roots of our own languages were
weakened in 200 years of colonial rule. Nehru, it would, seem, set the
tone for the subsequent marginalization of the mother tongues in
India.'

He says that it is nonsense to suggest the spread of English will mean
India becomes another cultural outpost of the Anglosphere, arguing,
'India's English is the language of abstraction, ideas and business.'

Yet it is difficult to find a suitable and comforting model for a
country the size of India—not even next door neighbour China really
fits the bill. Although China has a population of over 1.32 billion
people hailing from more than 50 ethnic groups, Mandarin speaking Han
Chinese constitute a huge percentage of the national population, and
the country only has one official language.

Naysayers say theres no way any single language in India can follow in
these footsteps, not even Hindi. Indeed, two-language advocate Ilaiah
even argues that the space available for Hindi, especially in its
written, literary form, is actually diminishing.

Yet Yadav points to the Hindi daily Dainik Bhaskar, which he says is
'the fastest growing newspaper in the world,' as a sign of Hindi's
vitality. 'It has nearly 40 editions with a total circulation of over
15 million copies across its editions. At the grassroots level,
language newspapers and language literature is really growing,' he
says.

Clearly, the last word on this subject is yet to be had, whatever
language it is spoken in.


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[ZESTCaste] Dalit weds Shrestha girl, faces ostracism

http://www.thehimalayantimes.com/fullNews.php?headline=Dalit+weds+Shrestha+girl%2C+faces+ostracism+&NewsID=231731

Dalit weds Shrestha girl, faces ostracism
Last Updated : 2010-03-07 1:04 PM
The Himalayan Times - Saved Articles(s)


Kesav Adhikari

DHADING: People marrying outside their caste are being ostracised by
their family and wider society although the government has introduced
a bounty for encouraging it.

One of the most glaring examples of this social malady is prevalent in
parts of Dhading district. Consider this: a Dalit family in Damgade
Sangkosh-3 of the district has been deprived of fetching drinking
water from the public tap in the village as a punishment for marrying
an upper caste.

It all happened that Krishna Ramtel of Damgade Sangkosh-3, a Dalit,
married an upper caste Shrestha. But the bride family wanted to punish
him.

One of the strategies they adopted to

punish him and his family members were restricting them from fetching
water from the public tap.

Ramtel had married Parbati Shrestha last December. The couple has been
living in Kathmandu, though.

Shrestha's family

severed the pipeline supplying water to most Dalit households, according to the

victims'.

Shrestha's family, however, refuted the allegations and maintained
that their neighbours have been trying to defame them.

According to the victims, after the drinking water supply was
obstructed, they are compelled to fetch water from another village.
The victims have lodged a complaint with the local rights activists
and police administration.

They also blamed authorities for not cooperating with them, however.

Meanwhile, Shyam Bahadur Mangrati, chairman, Dalit Service Union, said
that depriving Dalits from drinking water over marital dispute was
unlawful and gross violation of human rights.

"We shall make all possible efforts to dispense justice to the
victims," he added.

The government in this fiscal has announced financial incentives for
inter-caste marriages, though.


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[ZESTCaste] Wave of enlightenment: Khabar Lahariya

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/lucknow/Wave-of-enlightenment-Khabar-Lahariya/articleshow/5655726.cms

Wave of enlightenment: Khabar Lahariya
Manjari Mishra, TNN, Mar 8, 2010, 04.10am IST

LUCKNOW: Like any average homemaker in Chitrakoot, she can cook,
clean, wash and sew. She can also cycle through a 15 km stretch of
thick forest to meet victims of group clash, share pleasantries with
friendly neighbourhood dacoits, village pradhan or the police chief..
all in a day's work. Meet Meera Jatav, the 37-year-old
editor-in-chief, lay out artist, marketing manager and a door to door
hawker of Khabar Lahariya -- the first newspaper in Bundelkhand
brought out in the local dialect.

The eight-page paper with editions from Chitrakoot and Banda, priced
at Rs 2, has been able to carve out a niche for itself over the past
eight years of its launch by Meera and her colleagues -- a band of
Dalit and Muslim women. And now, they are getting ready with an
ambitious expansion plan. "In the first phase, we propose to launch
editions from UP districts beginning with Kaushambi and also plan to
take it to a few districts in Bihar," says Meera. With her senior
colleague Shanti assisting her in the venture, it should not be much
of a problem, she is sure.

The duo stepped into the profession in 2002 as apprentices, with staff
strength of eight which has now gone up to 21. Each woman has come up
hard way. For instance, like Meera, Shanti also learnt to read and
write quite late. But now, this grandmother has turned quite tech
savvy and handles emails and internet, Meera points out.

"I was never sent to the school and married off at the age of 12,"
Meera recounts. She had to beg, plead and cajole her in-laws to allow
her to attend a women's literacy centre. After eight months training,
she enrolled in class sixth, and gradually went on to complete her
graduation. There were short intervals like pregnancy and child birth.
But her husband, she says, has proved to be extremely supporting.
Shanti has a near similar tale to narrate.

But all the trial and tribulation has been worth it, she says with
satisfaction, adding, "we are known to everyone and from local baddie
to the most dreaded bandit, no one takes us lightly. In fact, Meera
claims to know quite a few of "decent dacoits". "I have readers in the
class.. They buy my newspapers and even discuss issues at times, you
see not all dacoits are bad. Some are actually concerned about public
good. And yes, they also respect people who are honestly doing their
job," she declares.

With a UNESCO award for promoting literacy and awareness last year
under their belt, and a recent fellowship from the Centre for Social
Development, even the advertisements, she says, have started coming
their way despite their strict policy. "We do not, as a rule, take any
ad promoting or selling firearms," Shanti says. This could mean quite
a dent to the coffers in the belt known only for `bandook' (gun) and
bandits, "but then rules are rules."

What they lose out in ads is more than covered by their ingenuous
marketing skills. In the morning, the women reporters can be seen
stalking the markets, village fairs, offices and even train
compartments, with their bundles. They coax, banter, wheedle and even
crack jokes and going by the spiralling figures of circulation, the
marketing strategy is paying handsome dividends.

The sale has gone up to 5,000 weekly prints in 300 villages, though
readership figures are well over 20,000 (an in-house survey revealed
with one copy being scanned by at least five persons).

The job has its own highs, claims Meera. Their expose on the scams and
scandals in the district, tehsil or block levels have made the
Lahariya team a force to reckon with. "The criminals and mafia dislike
yet fear us... the pen in our hands is more potent than their `aslah'
(weapons), after all `to aakhir mein jeet hamari hi hoti hai (in the
end, it's we who win)," she says with a laugh. Fearless journalism,
typical Bundela style.

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