Tuesday, May 17, 2011

[ZESTCaste] Mayawati issues full-page Buddha Purnima ads in 150 dailies

 

http://www.sify.com/news/mayawati-issues-full-page-buddha-purnima-ads-in-150-dailies-news-national-lfrrkrhdiid.html

IANS
Mayawati issues full-page Buddha Purnima ads in 150 dailies
2011-05-17 17:10:00

Lucknow, May 17 (IANS) On the occasion of Buddha Purnima Tuesday, the
Uttar Pradesh government has splashed in media Chief Minister
Mayawati's achievements in developing Buddhist pilgrimage sites and
propagating the message of Lord Buddha.

The Uttar Pradesh government has released a full-page advertisement,
bearing the ruling Bahujan Samaj Party's characteristic blue hue, in
150 newspapers across the length and breadth of the country, detailing
whatever Mayawati has done during her tenure to spread the message of
Buddha.

'Uttar Pradesh: the cradle of Buddhism, A glimpse of initiatives taken
by Hon'ble Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Ms. Mayawati Ji, during the
span of her regime so far to propagate the humanistic message of
Tathagat Gautam Buddha and develop and beautify the 'Buddhist circuit
and other important Buddhist historical places in the state', goes the
headline with the advertisement, which is ostensibly meant to greet
people on the occasion.

The message makes it a point to convey how Buddha had spent a major
part of his life in Uttar Pradesh and the list of schemes, programmes
named after him by the present chief minister. Yet another column
lists out the new districts and tourist spots created by Mayawati to
commemorate Lord Buddha.

Buddha Purnima is one of the eight occasions when the Mayawati
government released such advertisements in some 150 dailies across the
country.

Besides this, almost similar advertisements about her government's
achievements are also issued on the same scale on Mayawati's own
birthday on Jan 15, BSP founder and her mentor Kanshi Ram's birth
anniversary on March 15, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar's birth
anniversary on April 14, Kanshi Ram's death anniversary on Oct 9,
Ambedkar's death anniversary on Dec 6, and on May 13 to mark the
installation of Mayawati government on its own strength in 2007.

This eight-day blitzkrieg has cost the state exchequer about Rs.64
crore over the past four years. Nearly the same amount had also been
spent on publicity through giant-sized hoardings, with long details of
her achievements.

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[ZESTCaste] Dalits & Congress

http://www.frontline.in/stories/20110603281107500.htm

BOOKS

Dalits & Congress

VENKITESH RAMAKRISHNAN

On the shift in the process of Dalit empowerment and the Congress'
response to the challenge to its hegemony.


THE question of uplifting and empowering the weaker sections of Indian
society has generated multidimensional discussions right through the
evolution of the nation and given rise to a variety of proposals that
have delineated diverse paths to their socio-political emancipation.
Starting with the debates leading to the country's Independence, such
as the Round Table Conference, to the post-Independence Constituent
Assembly debates that helped frame the Indian Constitution to
questions in independent India about positive discrimination and
affirmative action, this process has moved on, albeit in fits and
starts.

A major point of discussion vis-a-vis Dalits, the most oppressed
section of Indian society, during the Round Table and later during the
Constituent Assembly debates related to the issue of the kind of
franchise that they would have in independent India.

The debates involved contentious streams, including the one put forth
by Dr B.R. Ambedkar, who was the Chairman of the drafting committee of
the Indian Constitution, seeking separate representation to Dalits on
the basis of the idea of positive discrimination. His arguments in
favour of this stressed on the low caste identity of Dalits as
distinct from caste Hindus. Mahatma Gandhi, on the contrary, rooted
unequivocally in favour of universal adult franchise to all in one go.

Gandhi's arguments emphasised the idea that only universal adult
suffrage would give Dalits and other backward sections of society a
powerful democratic and political instrument that would help them
obtain the dignity they deserved in society, as also their share in
political power. India's political and administrative history in the
following years consistently underscored a mix and match of Gandhi's
"all one" vision and Ambedkar's idea of positive discrimination.

A number of movements and initiatives have advanced Dalit empowerment
in different parts of the country in the six decades of Independence
and almost all of them have sought to use suffrage as an important
democratic and political instrument. For approximately three decades
since Independence, the political hegemony in this process remained
with the Congress, which was also the ruling party during this period.
However, the process itself gained greater momentum since the
mid-1980s, and along with it acquired significant changes in terms of
qualitative dimensions. This was most marked in two States in the
Hindi heartland, Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. This acceleration witnessed
a greater assertion by the Dalit and Other Backward Classes (OBC)
communities in the social and political processes, giving rise to
distinctive organisational entities that championed the cause of Dalit
and OBC assertive politics.

The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), built up under the leadership of Kanshi
Ram and Mayawati, emerged as the biggest player in the genre of Dalit
assertive politics by emerging as a strong force in the country's most
populous State, Uttar Pradesh. Other forces such as the Samajwadi
Party (S.P.) in Uttar Pradesh and the Lok Janshakthi Party (LJP) and
the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) in Bihar too emerged with varying
degrees of reach among Dalit and OBC communities. With this collapsed
the Congress' political hegemony over the process of Dalit
empowerment.

Developmental State and the Dalit Question addresses this qualitative
shift in the process of Dalit empowerment and how the Congress itself
responded to this challenge to its political hegemony, particularly in
Madhya Pradesh, yet another Hindi heartland State. In fact, the
sub-title of the book, "In Madhya Pradesh; Congress Response", makes
this focus amply clear. While other Hindi heartland States witnessed
the rise to power of parties practising Dalit-OBC assertive politics
since the early 1990s itself, the Congress was able to stave off their
challenge in Madhya Pradesh. In 2003, the party did lose power but it
gave way only to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the second largest
mainstream party in the country, and not to any of the caste assertive
political challengers.

But despite this focus, the volume is not a mere political narrative.
Thematically, it combines a historical-ideological discussion of Dalit
empowerment issues; how it reflected in the arena of governance,
especially through programmes aimed at social inclusion and economic
empowerment; how the limitations of these programmes reflected at the
societal level leading to the rapid growth of Dalit assertive
organisations; the political, ideological and practical limitations of
insular caste assertive politics; and finally a review (perhaps better
termed as an umpteenth relook) of the positive
discrimination-affirmative action concepts along with the delineation
of the possible contours of Dalit empowerment initiatives for the
future, particularly in the context of globalisation and the recently
oft-repeated bon mot of "private-public" participation.

Sudha Pai's academic interests and track record do help in taking this
related and yet complex discourse forward. Her earlier works such as
Dalit Assertion and the Unfinished Revolution: The BSP in Uttar
Pradesh (2002); Interrogating Social Capital: The Indian Experience
(2005; edited with D. Bhattacharyya, Bishnu Mohapatra and Niraja
Jayal); and Political Process in Uttar Pradesh: Identity, Economic
Reforms and Governance (edited; 2007) had addressed issues relating to
the politics of caste and communal assertion, questions of development
in Third World societies, globalisation and governance. The discourse
is taken forward through 10 chapters divided into four broad sections
in Developmental State and the Dalit Question.

At the level of discussions relating to real politic, the book
highlights how the Congress in Madhya Pradesh, under the leadership of
Chief Minister Digvijay Singh, responded to and withstood the
political and organisational challenges thrown by the votaries of
Dalit assertive politics, particularly the BSP, in the 10 years
between 1993 and 2003. The political and administrative mechanisms
that Digvijay Singh and his government employed, such as formulating a
land reforms agenda and the efforts to implement it, are dealt with in
some detail. Sudha Pai certainly finds great merit in this exercise,
though Digvijay Singh and the Congress were not able to make much
political capital out of the land reforms initiatives that had come up
in the latter part of his second term as Chief Minister.

BHOPAL DOCUMENT

Central to this appreciation is the Bhopal Document prepared in
January 2002 at a conference held in the State capital under the aegis
of the Digvijay Singh government. Sudha Pai suggests that this
conference was a historic one that led to the formulation of a new
model of development with several significant qualitative nuances. To
start with, the author is of the view that it attempted to mobilise
Dalits and tribal people and raise their standards of living by
helping them chart new paths in economic empowerment through their own
initiatives aided and helped by the state. It is suggested that this
new Dalit agenda constituted an alternative strategy at gaining Dalit
and tribal support through state-sponsored economic upliftment
programmes that sought to address the increasing privatisation and
liberalisation of the economy through private-public participation.

SHIV KUMAR PUSHPAKAR

DIGVIJAY SINGH, FORMER Congress Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh,
addressing the National Conference of Dalits at Jantar Mantar in New
Delhi in December 2006.

At a more involved level, the argument questions the limitations of a
model of state-led development, which seeks to use political power by
the enlightened elite to bring in changes from above for weaker
sections of society. Furthermore, there is the contention that the
Bhopal Document looked forward from concepts such as Positive
Discrimination and Affirmation Action.

Sudha Pai writes: "The BD (Bhopal Document) has significance for the
Indian democracy beyond its immediate political impact. Unlike
documents in the past it is not merely a list of new policies for
Dalits/tribals to be provided by the state. It introspects upon larger
issues such as the relationship between caste and Indian democracy,
and whether without removing this hierarchical and oppressive
institution India can become a substantive and not merely a procedural
democracy.

"Yet at the same time it recognises that in the course of progress
towards this goal, a balance is required between the need for
maintaining the universal values of democracy and the specific
discourse of caste. Too much stress on caste question can lead to
differences with groups who could be allies in the democratisation of
civil society."

According to the author, two important components of the programme
that were developed on the basis of the Bhopal declaration are land
distribution and supplier diversity (SD). Though SD was essentially
advanced as an administrative initiative during the last financial
year (2002-03) of Digvijay Singh's second term, Sudha Pai observes
that it has greater political and ideological value in the way it was
conceived and implemented. SD stressed the need for the introduction
of policies of "diversity" that facilitated suppliership and
dealership in the field of business and industry for Dalits in
government and private sectors. This apparently had the potential to
develop, over time, sections of Dalit and backward communities who
have relatively better entrepreneurial abilities. This in turn, it is
argued, will help bring down and ultimately remove the marginalisation
of these disadvantaged sections from the economic mainstream.

In Sudha Pai's view, this new development initiative is all the more
significant in the context of globalisation and the increasing role of
the private sector in the socio-economic life of the country. The
author is also of the view that sections of the bureaucracy (in the
Digvijay Singh regime) were conscientious carriers of the Dalit
empowerment agenda. She argues that land distribution to Dalits and
the tribal people as well as help from the government to make them
retain their hold over the allotted land is required to make SD really
effective on the ground.

Obviously, only such a concrete combination between idea and
implementation can impart the status of a real path-breaker to this
new concept in Dalit empowerment. Notably, the programmes that have
come up after the Bhopal Declaration have not been followed up
systematically either in Madhya Pradesh or in other parts of the
country.

Given the manner in which political forces, including avid advocates
of Dalit assertive politics, are grappling with governance and the
challenge of adapting Dalit empowerment to changing times, the Bhopal
declaration and Sudha Pai's delineation and analysis of the same could
well be the trigger for a comprehensive debate, which could throw up
more concrete ideas in this direction, adding, deleting or altering
some of the tenets of the Bhopal Declaration.


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[ZESTCaste] Dalit girl murder: BSP MLA, two others get life terms

 

http://www.deccanchronicle.com/channels/nation/north/dalit-girl-murder-bsp-mla-two-others-get-life-terms-286

Dalit girl murder: BSP MLA, two others get life terms
May 17, 2011 PTI Faizabad

BSP MLA and former Uttar Pradesh Minister Anand Sen and two others
were today sentenced to life imprisonment by a special court for
murdering a dalit girl student four years ago.

Pronouncing the verdict, Judge Matambar Singh also slapped a fine of
Rs 20,000 each on the MLA and his driver Vijay Sen and Rs 15,000 on
Seema Azad, an associate of the legislator.

The dalit girl Shashi, a law student in Faizabad, went missing in October 2007.

Her father Yogender Prasad alleged that the then BSP minister Anand
Sen had abducted and killed his daughter.

Anand Sen was also accused of having an affair with Shashi who was
allegedly pressuring him to marry her.

The body of the Shashi had not been recovered and the court delivered
the verdict based on testimonies of the witnesses, a prosecution
counsel said.

The court had earlier sought from police the crucial details on
preservation of samples at police stations after noting that blood and
other medical samples of the accused and the victim in this case had
decayed much before they were sent to the forensic laboratory for
test.

The samples were found to have been sent after a lapse of one and half month.

According to the prosecution, the victim had come from Uttar Pradesh
to Delhi to meet her husband who was working at Prahladpur here.

On her way to her husband's residence at Prahladpur from the bus
stand, she was caught hold of by two men who took her to a vacant plot
and raped her.

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[ZESTCaste] Saif as a Dalit? Not safe...!

http://daily.bhaskar.com/article/ENT-saif-as-a-dalit-not-safe-2101323.html?PRV=

Saif as a Dalit? Not safe...!
Source: DailyBhaskar.in | Last Updated 17:14(13/05/11)

A Dalit group in Kanpur is upset with Prakash Jha for casting royal
Saif Ali Khan as a Dalit in his next film 'Aarakshan'. The movie that
deals with reservation issue has Chhote Nawab playing Deepak Kumar, a
member of the backward caste.

A certain Dalit Suraksha Samiti has sent Jha a letter of protest at
his Patna office, claiming that getting someone like Saif Ali Khan– a
blue blood– to play a Dalit, is an insult to their community. The
letter also threatens Jha of 'serious repercussions' if he doesn't
explain why he has caste Saif for the role. Jha says, "Yes, we have
received a letter. My people are looking into it. We have not filed
any complaint yet. It does not seem to be a registered organization."

Jha, who has always tried to bring to fore the plight of political and
developmental initiatives in Bihar through his films, says that he
cannot fathom the organization's problem. "Dalit groups should be
happy that we are making a film about reservation. I can't understand
why anybody should be offended if Saif, being from a royal family, is
cast as a Dalit. As directors, we cast actors who we think are
suitable for the role. I thought Saif would be right for the part so I
cast him." he says.


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[ZESTCaste] Rahul accuses Maya govt of mass murder, rape

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/8380066.cms

Rahul accuses Maya govt of mass murder, rape
TNN | May 17, 2011, 04.06am IST

NEW DELHI: Rahul Gandhi accused the Mayawati government of mass murder
and rape in villages barely 15 km from the Capital in a stunning
charge that raised his confrontation with BSP over the crackdown on
agitating farmers to a new level.

Following up on his visit to Bhatta Parsaul in Noida on Wednesday,
Rahul said there was 17-feet high heap of ashes with dead bodies
inside, hinting that rampaging cops killed and burnt farmers in big
numbers contrary to the official toll of two. "Everybody in the
village knows it. Women were raped, people thrashed, houses
destroyed," he said.

Mayawati administration dismissed the claims as rumour mongering and
alleged that Opposition parties provided illegal arms to anti-social
elements to create disturbance in the village. "These elements were
responsible for attacks on police and district officers which two
policemen dead and the DM critically injured," a BSP statement said.

Sources said the government was collecting the ashes, which Rahul
claimed contained human remains, and was sending them to Lucknow for
forensic tests to check the veracity of his claims.

Rahul said Bhatta and Parsaul apart, the story was the same in
villages down the Agra highway where state oppression had resulted in
murder and rape. "There are severe atrocities in Noida. People were
killed, raped. So I am quite concerned. Situation is still pretty bad
there," he said. The party also released pictures taken in the village
during Rahul's visit to back accusations of "police oppression".

The sensational claim came after Rahul accompanied a group of farmers
from the two villages to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Monday
evening to complain about police action. "They had a good
conversation. The PM heard them quietly, so they are happy," he said.

Importantly, he added that the Centre was committed to Land
Acquisition Amendment Bill and hoped it would be passed in the coming
session of Parliament. The statement amounts to assigning a tough task
to the Manmohan Singh government as Mamata Banerjee, who has held up
passage of the Land Acquisition Amendment Bill, has not softened her
opposition to its present form.

The shocking accusation of mass murder -- sure to rile the CM who
ridiculed Rahul's visit to Noida as a desperate move of "a sidelined
Congress prince" – will further stoke the 'Congress vs BSP' battle.
The AICC heir apparent's pouncing on farmers' cause with his surprise
visit and now the accusation of mass graves near the Capital indicates
a crying bid to replicate Nandigram in UP.

The Nandigram-Singur protests against land acquisition and resultant
police action upturned the political equations in Bengal in favour of
Trinamool Congress. The Noida issue's proximity to Mamata's landslide
is noticeable.

With barely one year left for Assembly polls, the Congress aggression
against Mayawati matches its ambition to jump from the fringes of
state politics to the centrestage. Congress thinks the CM is
vulnerable because the agitation over land acquisition has the
potential to strike a chord across regions of the predominantly rural
province.

Congress is set to sound its poll bugle this week with a two-day
conference in Varanasi. Mayawati alleged as much when she ridiculed
Rahul's Noida visit as motivated by election considerations.

However, the Congress leader decided to carry on with his bid to paint
the BSP regime as "anti-farmer". He said on Monday, "What I am
concerned is how we are treating our own people. Most people are ready
to give land for roads etc. Most people are ready for sacrifice. But
the issue is do we treat them fairly or brutalise them. After all,
they are Indians and we have to look after them."


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[ZESTCaste] Jai Bheem! Saif pleases Dalit community by turning into pro reservation

http://daily.bhaskar.com/article/ENT-jai-bheem-saif-pleases-dalit-community-by-turning-into-pro-reservation-2108917.html

Jai Bheem! Saif pleases Dalit community by turning into pro reservation
Source: Esha Razdan | Last Updated 22:19(16/05/11)

Saif Ali Khan claims a transformation over his take on Mandal
Commission. Initially anti, Chote Nawab has now turned pro
reservation. However, an overnight change in the perception clearly
hints at Saif pleasing the Dalits. The community had recently raised
voice against him portraying a Dalit in 'Aarakshan' despite being from
an elite class.

"Honestly, 'Aarakshan' has changed my perception about the entire
issue. Earlier, I would think in terms level of merit and so against
reservation. But, now I really feel that unprivileged should be
benefitted from such methods. Anyway, what happens in India doesn't
happen anywhere. So, there is nothing wrong if needy can be uplifted
from these methods," says Saif.

Saif also had a take on Indian political system and says, "I can't
bare politics. Although, I'm well-versed with the current political
scenario but I don't take it seriously."

Well, can't say about Indian politics but the one related to Dalits
and your movie clearly shows that you are playing your cards really
well.


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[ZESTCaste] Wedding procession under police protection

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/jaipur/TNN16dalitdocedited/-Mrinaliniwords/articleshow/8376773.cms

Wedding procession under police protection
TNN | May 17, 2011, 12.24am IST

AJMER: A Dalit groom's wedding procession under police protection
proceeded to the remote village of Kaliyahardiya on Sunday due to
threats made by Jats of the same village. The Jats had threatened the
family that the groom should not move on the road on horseback.

The Kaliyahardiya village in Lamba Harisingh panchayat near Tonk
district was tense since last two days when Jat panchayat passed a
farman' (order) against the Dalit groom. Heavy police protection was
provided to the family on Sunday night and the wedding was solemnised
peacefully.

According to police, Ram Charan of Kaliyahardiya had complained two
days ago that his 18-year-old daughter's marriage was fixed with a boy
of Ramdevji village of Arai block of Ajmer. Ram Charan's report stated
that after reaching the panchayat bhavan the wedding procession was to
move towards the bride's house. But the Jats of the village threatened
Ram Charan that the groom should not go on the road on horseback."

"On investigating the matter it was found that some people from the
village were planning to attack the Dalit wedding procession. Hence,
we took precautionary measures," said Lalaram, police in-charge.

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[ZESTCaste] Nepal: Dalit thrashed

http://www.thehimalayantimes.com/fullNews.php?headline=Dalit+thrashed+&NewsID=288220

Dalit thrashed

Added At: 2011-05-16 11:39 PM

Last Updated At: 2011-05-16 11:39 PM


HIMALAYAN NEWS SERVICE

KHANDBARI: A group under Man Bahadur Limbu beat up Dalit Tilak Kumar
Gadal (55) of Dhupu VDC-4, Sankhuwasabha, for touching dishes prepared
for a wedding at Syabun in the district on Sunday night, Dalit
Coordination Committee Dhupu secretary Baburam BK informed. Tilak is
undergoing treatment at the Khandbari-based District Hospital. The
victim's family has registered a case with the police station
demanding action against the guilty, DSP Shekhar Koirala said. Police
said a search for the assailants is on. The committee has also urged
stern action against the guilty.


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[ZESTCaste] 20 injured in clash between 2 Dalit communities

 

http://news.in.msn.com/national/article.aspx?cp-documentid=5163228

17/05/2011
20 injured in clash between 2 Dalit communities

Srivilliputhur(TN) May 16 (PTI) Twenty persons were injured and some
houses damaged in a clash between two dalit communities at a village
over victory celebrations for a candidate in the April 13 assembly
polls, police said.
Trouble started at nearby Pudupatti village yesterday when supporters
of one group picked up an argument and beat up a worker of the rival
group, making arrangements for victory celebrations.
They also allegedly attacked his colleagues with petrol bombs, stones
and bottles. Supporters of both groups also reportedly ransacked and
damaged houses and took away cash.
Sixteen persons were today arrested in connection with the clash, police said.
A strong police contingent has been posted in the village.

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[ZESTCaste] Ramulu, fearless dada of civil rights

http://www.deccanchronicle.com/channels/cities/hyderabad/ramulu-fearless-dada-civil-rights-125

Ramulu, fearless dada of civil rights

May 17, 2011
By Kancha Ilaiah

May 16: With the untimely death on May 14 of Burra Ramulu, 57, who was
well known to people of Warangal district and Telangana, the area lost
a different breed of civil and human rights activist. Not just an
activist, in a district of ruffian police and rabid Maoist battles, he
was the dada of civil rights.

Born in an illiterate toddy tapper's family, members of which perhaps
had been in the profession even during the days of Kakatiya rule from
the same fort, Ramulu resembled Lenin, with a similar beard on a
rugged but smiling face. He could have easily passed off as a street
dada of West Fort Warangal. He grew up in the West Fort village in a
tiled house that represented the Kakatiya primitive architecture. From
a government school of the Fort village he moved on to higher
education combining street fights and book reading. From his student
days itself he was resolving difficult disputes in the Fort villages,
always trying to be on the side of justice.

Even after becoming known as a civil liberties leader, one who would
walk and talk about the rights of the poor in the villages, tribal
areas and among slum dwellers of Warangal city, he did not give up
resolving disputes. He would even threaten if somebody did not obey
the just resolution he and the village headmen had worked out. He
would say in his rustic language, "Has your bottom fattened? Go and do
accordingly". But he was never corrupt.

While the Maoist revolution was needed for changing agrarian Warangal,
it was cooked in a neo-Brahmin colony called Kumara Pally. That was
one reason why it never succeeded. Like many of us he was drawn into
it in his student days. He organised KU students and became the
president of its student union as a representative of the Pulla Reddy
group while Puli Anjaiah, another Gouda boy from Nalgonda district,
became its general secretary as representative of the Kondapally
Seetharamaiah group. Anjaiah later went underground and became the
secretary of the People's War Group's ( PWG ) state committee and was
finally shot dead by the police. In the 1980s and 90s Warangal was the
place for killing and counter killing.

The PWG killed a number of landlords and police officials and in turn
the police killed two civil liberties' leaders, Ramanadham and
Prabhakar Reddy, apart from hundreds of PWG cadres. There were several
occasions, when Ramulu himself was about to be killed by the Warangal
police. While other civil liberty and literary leaders like Varavara
Rao, Balagopal and Jeevan Kumar left Warangal and settled down in
Hyderabad, the rugged Ramulu, like the civil liberties' dada that he
was, remained behind.

Ramulu could not leave his teaching (economics) job in Kakatiya, as he
could not sustain his illiterate wife and two daughters otherwise. Nor
was he willing to give up his civil rights dadagiri in the villages
and police stations. If a police officer shouted he would shout back;
If a street goonda threatened an innocent rickshaw puller Ramulu would
in turn threaten him with dire consequences. He never beat anybody,
but he was feared. Ramulu was never known for Telugu or English
intellectualism. His economics was common sense economics and his
activism was based on common sense justice.

He would never enter into theoretical debates. When there were heated
debates on caste and the question of leadership in the organisation,
he would silently agree with the upper caste nuanced negotiation and
would go with the view that "all that matters was class
consciousness".
Dalit/OBC issues never bothered him much, except in a marginal way.


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