Monday, November 21, 2011

[ZESTCaste] The Case of the Dalits in Nepal

http://my.news.yahoo.com/opinion-case-dalits-nepal-093005130.html

Opinion: The Case of the Dalits in Nepal
Asia News NetworkBy The Editorual Desk in Kathmandu/The Kathmandu Post
| ANN – Sat, Nov 19, 2011

Kathmandu (The Kathmandu Post/ANN) - Since Nepal opened up its borders
in the 1950s to the outside world and greater global trends,
traditional modes of societal function have undergone a rapid
transformation. Historically a rigid social hierarchy, Nepali society
is struggling to come to terms with modern values propagated by a
belief in democracy and the realities of globalisation. The news of a
Dalit man smeared with soot in Ghandruk is telling of the need for the
values of democracy - equality and justice, among others-to be
internalised by society. In the post-conflict context, ethnicity,
culture and language have taken on paramount importance in all aspects
of life, but the Dalit community, for a variety of reasons, hasn¿t
been able to gain the kind of momentum its Janajati counterparts have.
The Dalit community, unified only through their rejection by the state
and all factions of Nepali society, is notably different to other
Janajati, Adivasi definitions. The news of Karna Bahadur Nepali, who
was smeared with soot by Gurung locals for wanting to take part in a
feast, is a case in point.

It would be false to say the Dalit movement hasn¿t progressed since
the institutionalisation of caste-based definitions in the Muluki Ain
of 1854 by Jung Bahadur Rana. In 1965, caste discrimination was
officially outlawed. But hundreds of years of the practice of
untouchability couldn¿t so easily be ousted with a mere change in law.
However, with the changed laws and the second movement for democracy
in 1990, awareness among the Dalit community began to grow, resulting
in increased levels of education. This progress was made against all
odds: they are geographically, culturally and linguistically scattered
throughout the country. This is the primary reason why the movement
for Dalit rights hasn¿t been able to accomplish what other movements
have - like the Janajati and Adivasi movements. While Janajti groups
may have been discriminated against by higher caste Barhamins and
Chhetris, Dalits face discrimination from both groups.

The incident in Ghandruk is symbolic of the complex caste and ethnic
dynamics. If the Janajati movement is defined by the demand for
equality and justice for marginalised groups in the country, the very
fact that some members of this group are themselves practicing
discrimination against Dalits not only undermines the Janajati
movement, but is telling of how entrenched casteism is in our society.
Furthermore, another

reason for why the Dalit agenda hasn¿t seen drastic positive results
is because discrimination is practiced among Dalits themselves. The
lack of unity among this most downtrodden group is thus weakening the
Dalit movement for equality. Unlike other caste and ethnic groups, the
Dalits don¿t share a common cultural and social identity and often
have more in common culturally with their high-caste counterparts,
making a unified voice particularly difficult. But for the movement to
see more success, these differences will have to be put aside and the
Dalits of Nepal must stand united for the common cause of equality.


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[ZESTCaste] Maya's bold gamble

http://www.dailypioneer.com/pioneer-news/top-story/21647-mayas-bold-gamble.html

Maya's bold gamble

Saturday, 19 November 2011 21:24
pioneer

Mayawati's proposal to divide Uttar Pradesh into four parts might have
political connotations, but one can hardly question the need to
downsize the country's most populous State. Utpal Kumar, however,
feels the UPA Government should tread cautiously on setting up of a
second State Reorganisation Commission

Uttar Pradesh, as we know it today, has always been a piece of land
that enlarged or shrank, got reorganised or renamed at the whims of
its rulers. From time immemorial till the advent of the gora Company,
the region continued to stir up the imagination of the powers that be.
Worse, however, happened after Independence when Awadh — as the region
was traditionally called then — simply vanished as a name and a place
from the map of India. The new, native rulers of Delhi decided to call
it Uttar Pradesh — a lame imitation of what the British termed the
United Provinces. And, the State which emerged was a sorry replication
of India with its diversity, but bereft of any connecting links.
Perhaps it satisfied the ego of the then Prime Minister, known for his
democratic pretensions; he incidentally belonged to the same State
(till date Uttar Pradesh has given eight out of 14 Prime Ministers).

The fascination of the ruling class with this part of the country,
however, didn't stop there. In 2000, the uttar (north) of Uttar
Pradesh flew away to form the hill State of Uttarakhand. Yet, the
State remained unwieldy, underdeveloped and overpopulated, waiting to
be restructured again. This time for effective governance, perhaps.

So when Chief Minister Mayawati suggested the division of Uttar
Pradesh into four smaller States — Purvanchal (eastern UP),
Bundelkhand, Awadh Pradesh (central UP) and Paschim Pradesh (western
UP) — and declared that the proposal would be sent to the Centre for
its consent, there seemed a consensus that the federal unit was
waiting for long to be downsized. Also, it was hardly surprising as
the creation of a State in India had no economic or administrative
rationale, and was merely the outcome of historical accidents or
colonial legacies. Post-Independence, linguistic considerations have
unnecessarily been brought in.

A political move

Timing, however, makes one apprehensive of the move. In the backdrop
of the Assembly elections next year, experts believe Mayawati's main
objective is to woo the electorate in these specific regions. They say
it's a political gimmick aimed at diverting people's attention from
issues of corruption and law and order. After all, the division of
Uttar Pradesh doesn't seem imminent as both Houses of Parliament have
to ratify the resolution once it is adopted by the State Assembly.
Since the Winter Sessions of Parliament and Assembly begin almost
simultaneously, it is highly improbable that the resolution will be
introduced in Parliament before the Budget Session. This makes the
division unfeasible, at least till the elections.

It seems Mayawati wanted to seize the initiative on the issue, besides
putting her opponents in a state of tizzy. One wonders how the
Samajwadi Party, after viciously opposing the BSP move, will be able
to convince its supporters (quite sizeable in number) in Bundelkhand
who have for long been clamouring for a separate political entity.
Also, it is possible that in Mayawati's calculations, the BSP stands a
better prospect in contesting from four States where, given the even
distribution of the Dalit support base (20 per cent and above) across
all of them, the party is bound to win from one or the other compared
to the inevitable defeat in undivided Uttar Pradesh. Maybe she thought
it was wise to rule a small State or two than to lose everything at
one go.

As for her rivals, the Samajwadi Party is fuming over Mayawati's
latest move. This is understandable as Mulayam Singh Yadav's fellow
caste men are most dominant in Paschim Pradesh, with Ajit Singh's
Rashtriya Lok Dal tailing a close second. Now, in a single stroke,
Mayawati has confined her two rivals to fight with each other in a
State where the BSP has little stake, leaving the party at ease in the
other three zones.

For now, however, Mayawati's concerns are immediate — she just wants
to win the Assembly elections. The BSP chief has, therefore, decided
to work on demands that have arisen from different parts of the State
from time to time. For instance, both the people of the prosperous
western part of the State as well as the desperately poor Bundelkhand
have for years desired breaking away from the behemoth called Uttar
Pradesh. If the proponents of Paschim Pradesh feel they could plough
the wealth they generate into their own region without having to
subsidise the more backward eastern and southern parts, those in
Bundelkhand believe that Statehood might rescue the region from the
neglect and indifference it has suffered under successive regimes. As
a pre-election gambit, the plan serves the purpose of sending out a
message to Jats of western Uttar Pradesh — mostly the supporters of
Ajit Singh who tend to be inimical to Yadavs and Dalits — that it's
their supposed enemy party that is trying to fulfill their aspiration
for Statehood. In Bundelkhand, the story is different. This is a BSP
stronghold where Rahul Gandhi has spent a great deal of time. The move
attempts to negate the Congress impact whatsoever.

Small is beautiful, but...

India today consists of 28 States. But what is puzzling is the
contrast between one federal unit and the other. While Uttar Pradesh
has over 200 million people, more than Brazil, Russia or Pakistan,
there are States like Sikkim with just 0.6 million people, Mizoram 1.1
million and Arunachal Pradesh 1.3 million. Clearly, Statehood in the
country is determined by political expediency.

"The creation of most States in the Northeast had no justification
except the politics of tribal-ethnic identity. These States were
financially unviable as almost 80 per cent of their budgetary outlays
depended on transfers from the Centre while only 20 per cent of the
revenue was locally generated," says MP Singh, an authority on
federalism. Prof BB Kumar, the author of Small States Syndrome in
India, agrees with him. Citing his three-decade-long experience in the
Northeast, he says, "Such States have failed to develop themselves
despite getting most favourable per capita plan and non-plan grants.
And, it's hardly surprising as more than 80 per cent of the budget is
eaten up by the salary and perks of the employees. Nagaland, for
example, had five seats in the Assam Assembly and about a dozen
ministers just after Independence. Now it has a 60-member State
Assembly and more than half the MLAs are ministers. The Northeast,
with about three per cent population of the country, has more than 450
MLAs and 200 ministers."

The logic is simple: If a State is too small, it could make the Centre
financially bleed for its survival. And if it's too big, it makes the
administration a tedious affair. So, ideally, a State should be
smaller, but not so small as to become a liability on the Centre, as
has been the case with the Northeastern States.

On the positive side, smaller States are homogeneous. That makes them
easier to administer, besides ensuring that Governments are closer to
people.

And even when there is corruption, the leakage is mostly spent within
a smaller area and, therefore, consequent multiplier benefits tend to
be local. No wonder, smaller States in general perform better than
larger ones. Just look at Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Goa and
Kerala. Interestingly, when a State is bifurcated, not only does the
relatively smaller State improve its performance, so does the
relatively larger one. Earlier, think of Gujarat/Maharashtra and
Punjab/Haryana. In recent times, think of Uttarakhand/Uttar Pradesh,
Bihar/Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh/Chhattisgarh.

There is an added advantage of a new State: It ensures the development
of infrastructure becomes more broad-based. This means four States in
today's Uttar Pradesh would have four capitals, with attention
lavished on each. So, the region will have more to look after than
just Lucknow, which currently holds on to a disproportionate
allocation of the State's munificence.

Looking for sustainable state

All these aspects are fine, but the entire exercise becomes
meaningless if the Government ignores the viability angle of
Statehood. Will the new federal unit survive on its own? Or, will it
only bleed the Central coffer?

Of the four proposed States, Bundelkhand is a basket case. It is the
region where the Congress' loan waiver scheme did not work well. But
this was bound to happen as the scheme — meant for farmers with
landholdings of up to five acres — did not take into account the
differences in the quality of the land in different regions. In
western Uttar Pradesh a farmer with five acres is relatively
prosperous, but in Bundelkhand a farmer with that much land might just
starve. But then that's what happens when planning is done from the
top without any input from the bottom.

Presently, half of Bundelkhand is in Uttar Pradesh (Jhansi, Banda,
Jalaun, Chitrakoot, Mahoba, Hamirpur and Lalitpur districts), and the
remaining in Madhya Pradesh (Datia, Tikamgarh, Chhatarpur, Panna,
Sagar and Damoh districts). This dichotomy has existed since
Independence and during the past six decades, the socio-political
orientations of the two parts have only got distinct. The only meeting
ground today between the two halves is poverty, backwardness and
drought. So, raising the identity issue to demand a separate State is
erroneous. If anything, what unites them all is poverty.

Bundelkhand is as much the victim of nature as it is of political
indifference. A predominantly farm-based region, it is way too
dependent on monsoon. And the region has not received sufficient
rainfall during the last five years. Incidentally, official records
show that Bundelkhand had only 12 years of drought in the 19th and
20th centuries. But the arid spell has already lasted five years this
century.

Bundelkhand is a classic case of political indifference. Though the
Dalit population in the region is higher than the State average,
Mayawati finds more time for parks than water-starved fields. The
supplementary Budget of Rs 1,500 crore recently passed by the Assembly
sets aside Rs 500 crore for the Dalit Chief Minister's pet projects
while drought-hit Bundelkhand gets a meagre Rs 10 crore!

So, Bundelkhand would remain under the shadow of its three sister
States, particularly the prosperous Paschim Pradesh. And it would need
the Central assistance to sustain the heavy cost of administration.
Maybe that's the price the Union Government has to pay to uplift the
region.

Opening a Pandora's box

There's, however, a bigger problem inadvertently created by Mayawati's
move. Grappling with the Telangana stir, the Congress-led UPA
Government is totally stumped by the recent development in Uttar
Pradesh. If it accepts the suggestion, then it will be difficult for
the party to deny the same rights to the people of Telangana. And if
it rejects the move, it may face a rejection in Uttar Pradesh.

The Congress may, therefore, choose the easier option that will prove
disastrous in future — of establishing a second State Reorganisation
Commission on the lines of the one formed by Jawaharlal Nehru in 1953.
This may give the party some breathing space, especially on the issue
of Telangana. But it wouldn't prevent Mayawati from running away with
political kudos during the electoral campaign. Worse, the setting up
of the commission would open a flurry of regional demands, most of
them frivolous.

The Congress is in a dilemma. But Mayawati can bask in the glory of
stumping the entire opposition with one googly. At least for the time
being.


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[ZESTCaste] Mayawati trashes MNREGA scam charges, calls Rahul's concern for weavers politically motivated

 

http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-11-19/india/30419167_1_mnrega-weavers-jairam-ramesh

Mayawati trashes MNREGA scam charges, calls Rahul's concern for
weavers politically motivated
Ashish Tripathi, TNN Nov 19, 2011, 02.36PM IST

(Rebutting allegations of corruption in implementation of MNREGA in
UP, Mayawati said that the accusations are politically motivated and
misleading.)

LUCKNOW: Rebutting union rural development minister's allegation of
corruption in implementation of MNREGA in UP, chief minister Mayawati
on Saturday said that the accusations are politically motivated and
misleading.

As per the evaluation of MNERAGA cell of the union government, UP has
been among the best performing states in last four but all of sudden
the corruption charges have cropped up, she said, which shows that
there is more politics than genuine concern for MNREGA in Jairam's
allegations.

UP cabinet secretary Shashank Shekhar Singh, while briefing media
persons on behalf of the chief minister, also said that soon after
coming to power in 2007, the BSP government had recommended CBI probe
into the multi-crore food grain scam under Swarn Jayanti Rojgar Yojna,
which the central government rejected but later CBI was handed over
the probe after high court's intervention.

Similarly, he said, chief minister has asked for a 36,000 package for
east UP which had proposals for the benefit of weavers but the union
government did nothing. Now, he said, when elections are round the
corner, Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi after his recent visit
to east UP had written to the textile minister to provide relief to
the east UP weavers. Acting as per Rahul's directions, he said, union
textile minister Anand Sharma is visiting Varanasi on Saturday. This,
he added, chief minister believes is nothing but political move taken
in view of upcoming UP assembly elections due in March-April 2012.

On the MNREGA scam, Singh said that the two letters of the union rural
development minister Jairam Ramesh has based his allegations on the
report of state level monitors. He said that these monitors were
deputed by the state government and action has been taken in 117 cases
of corruption reported by the monitors. Similarly, he said out of 22
reports of the national monitors, state government has taken action in
17 and action for remaining is underway. He said that the action taken
report in all the cases has already been sent to the central
government. Under such conditions, he said, chief minister believes
singling out UP can only be described as politically motivated as
elections are round the corner.

Singh said that the chief minister also initiated several schemes for
handloom workers and weavers of east UP from the limited resources of
UP when Centre did not listen to the demand of special package. Now,
he added, when elections are round the corner, chief minister says
that if a package is being released by the central government and
union textile minister is visiting weavers, it could only be described
as an election stunt.

Jairam Ramesh in his first letter on October 24 had levelled
allegations of large scale corruption in implementation of MNREGA. He
had named seven districts where the irregularities were maximum. In
response, Mayawati had rejected all allegations and had written
directly to the Prime Minister, while overlooking Ramesh, describing
minister's letter as politically motivated.

The second letter by Ramesh was written on November 14, the day
Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi launched his poll campaign in
UP. The letter accused Mayawati of protecting those involved in
alleged irregularities in implementation of MNREGA in some districts
-- Balrampur, Gonda, Mahoba, Sonbhadra, Kushinagar, Mirzapur and Sant
Kabir Nagar districts. Now in a strongly worded response, Mayawati has
described allegations as misleading.

Meanwhile, union textile minister who is visiting east UP is expected
to announce a package for handloom sector in a bid to boost credit
availability, subsidize freight and yarn prices. The package for the
handloom sector follows a letter from Rahul on November 14 where he
had said that the Rs 3,000-crore package announced in last budget has
not been implemented.

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[ZESTCaste] Rahul Gandhi vs Mayawati in UP for Congress

 

Rahul Gandhi vs Mayawati in UP for Congress

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=c6byLlu4Ouo

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[ZESTCaste] 15 lakh jobs for SC/ST, backward and Muslims in A.P.

http://www.milligazette.com/news/2722-15-lakh-jobs-for-sc-st-backward-and-muslims-in-a-p

15 lakh jobs for SC/ST, backward and Muslims in A.P.
The Milli Gazette
Published Online: Nov 14, 2011
Print Issue: 16-30 November 2011

Hyderabad: Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Kiran Kumar Reddy has
reiterated his resolve to create 15 lakh jobs under 'Rajiv Yuva
Karnalo' in three years, 50% of which will be for people belonging to
scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, backward classes and minorities
i.e. Muslims. He also issued instructions to prepare a strategy
through which orders could be issued for one lakh appointments in a
single day by prime minister Manmohan Singh. According to a release by
chief minister's office, he alongwith 20 cabinet ministers, official
whip and senior officers reviewed the progress made under Rajiv Yuva
Karnalo scheme. He said that Confederation of Indian Industry made an
estimate of the requirement of 70 to 80 lakh employees upto 2015 in
Andhra Pradesh in which the number of unskilled employees will be 30
to 35 lakh. He also said that the central government will provide Rs.
120 crores for the training and promotion of skills of the youth
affected by extremism and violence of the left front in Adilabad and
Khamam districts of the state.

This article appeared in The Milli Gazette print issue of 16-30
November 2011 on page no. 20


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[ZESTCaste] FIR filed against SC/ST panel head

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/fir-filed-against-scst-panel-head/204352-60-115.html

Karnataka | Posted on Nov 21, 2011 at 12:10pm IST
FIR filed against SC/ST panel head
indianexpress Express News Service , The New Indian Express

HAVERI: Lokayukta police on Saturday registered an FIR against
Karnataka State SC/ST Commission chairman and BJP MLA Nehru Olekar and
others for allegedly misusing their powers while allotting Haveri
Urban Development Authority site leases and submitted the FIR report
to court.

Davangere Lokayukta SP S F Kambar booked a case against MLA Nehru
Olekar, Haveri Urban Development Authority chairman Girish Tuppad and
others. The district Lokayukta Special Court on November 15, referred
the case to them for investigation under section 156 clause (3) of
CrPc.

Speaking to Express, he said, "I got a registered post from the
Lokayukta Special Court on Saturday and I registered the FIR with
Haveri Lokayukta police. Police charged the accused with IPC sections
409, 420, 465 and the Prevention of Corruption Act sec 13 and 1 (D)."


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[ZESTCaste] How we love to hate Mayawati

 

http://www.livemint.com/2011/11/21000147/How-we-love-to-hate-Mayawati.html

Posted: Mon, Nov 21 2011. 1:15 AM IST

How we love to hate Mayawati
Criticism against Mayawati has drowned out even her commercially
friendly qualities
Anil Padmanabhan

Last week, I was in a meeting with a group of visiting financial
investors, where a Mumbai-based investment banker, pitching India and
Indian companies to the visitors, launched a broadside against Uttar
Pradesh chief minister and Bahujan Samaj Party​ (BSP) chief Mayawati.

Self-righteously, he held her up as an example of everything wrong
with India. He argued that she was obsessed with caste politics, faces
a raft of graft charges, and concluded that in his mind, people like
her were the reason why the country in general and Uttar Pradesh in
particular was unable to tap into its obvious potential for growth.
One example he held up for scrutiny of the potential foreign investors
was the "waste" of Rs. 650 crore in erecting statues of Mayawati and
her mentor, Kanshi Ram.

Unfair criticism: Uttar Pradesh chief minister Mayawati during the
inauguration of the Rashtriya Dalit Smarak Park in Noida. (HT)

Unfair criticism: Uttar Pradesh chief minister Mayawati during the
inauguration of the Rashtriya Dalit Smarak Park in Noida. (HT)

That sounds familiar, doesn't it? The banker, after all, was merely
connecting all the dots of a picture of Mayawati and her state popular
among many people, especially the chatterati in the metros. Was he
being fair? This writer thinks not. Mayawati is far from perfect (no
politician is), but criticism such as the banker's reflects a
blinkered perception about another facet of this complex country.

Broadly, the popular criticism of Mayawati can be narrowed down to her
feisty personality; obstinate refusal to cultivate a persona
acceptable in elite circles, like Nitish Kumar in Bihar and Naveen
Patnaik in Orissa have; being not very articulate in English, and
belonging to the socially oppressed Dalit class, although no one will
ever articulate this. All these have been amplified so
disproportionately that they drown out even her commercially friendly
qualities that our investment banker friend would have found
remunerative to hawk to his associates.

Take, for example, what she has done commercially for Noida (a
colleague just returned from a home visit to Lucknow and insisted that
there is a transformation on even in that city that has long been in a
state of gradual and genteel decay). Beginning with the just-concluded
F1 race—the first ever in this country and on a world-class track—and
working backwards, she has progressively worked to enhance the
commercial value of real estate.

There are no aggregate figures on hand, but there are sufficient
anecdotal stories to reveal how the middle class that was smart enough
to invest in the early stages has recovered their investment many,
many times over. That's a more enduring legacy than what the Congress
party bequeathed to New Delhi after spending crores of taxpayers'
money in organizing the Commonwealth Games.

To be sure, the last five years have coincided with the best years
ever of the Indian economy, but even a cursory visit to the area will
reveal the imprimatur of the state government. While claims of graft
abound (and are a real issue, much like in other parts of India),
developers of real estate have to subscribe to basic ground
rules—including delivering apartments on pre-arranged deadlines;
failure implies fines, divided between the state government and the
apartment owner. Rarely does anyone dare to go up against the lady and
her writ, something very akin to China, where the ends justify the
means.

Let us not forget that Uttar Pradesh is among the poorest states in
the country—40% of the people in the most populous state in the
country live below the official poverty line. It has, since
independence, struggled for want of good governance as regime after
regime sought to retain the status quo of poverty and illiteracy,
because this would ensure the continuance of caste politics. Experts
aver that there are over 60 castes in Uttar Pradesh, with some of the
leading groupings completely opposed to each other.

While this lethal status quo may be unravelling and aspirations are
finding flight across social classes, it is still impossible for any
political party to make an appeal solely based on the platform of
development. It is not without reason that Rahul Gandhi​ has been
making the extra effort of targeting the Dalit vote-bank by frequently
partaking of the fare of Dalit households in highly publicized events.
Caste clearly matters in the state, and Gandhi is taking the battle to
Mayawati by targeting her core vote bank.

Without the caste-based coalition and the political realignment that
led to the marginalization of the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata
Party​, the BSP could never have hoped to grab power. (Ironically, it
is precisely the loosening of this hold together with anti-incumbency
that has now opened up room for her political rivals.)

The statues that our investment banker took umbrage to are symbols of
a politically astute tribute to the ascendancy of the Dalits. Most of
us don't know or conveniently overlook the impact of social
oppression—where people are denied clean drinking water, good
education and a decent home because they are Dalits.

To be economically backward is one thing, but to be socially
disenfranchised puts one in an unenviable category altogether. To
these people, the so-called architectural eyesores are actually
temples of hope; don't be surprised if they soon end up as preferred
pilgrimage hotspots for Dalits from across the country.

It may be another matter though that Mayawati may lose in the upcoming
state elections. Uttar Pradesh is in the same position India was in
the 1990s—a revival of the economy had begun alongside an acceleration
in policy change. Any incoming regime will be hard pressed to reverse
the momentum; smarter politicians will ride it and hopefully take
Uttar Pradesh, with or without partition, to an entirely different
growth trajectory. And, this could not have happened without the BSP
supremo's qualities that our investment banker friend overlooked.

Anil Padmanabhan is a deputy managing editor of Mint and writes every
week on the intersection of politics and economics. Comments are
welcome at capitalcalculus@livemint.com

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[ZESTCaste] Dalit Inc gets leg up from Milind Kamble

 

http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/dalit-inc-gets-leg-up-from-milind-kamble/1/160907.html

B. S. Srinivasalu Reddy Mumbai, November 21, 2011 | UPDATED 13:34 IST

Dalit Inc gets leg up from Milind Kamble

Milind Kamble
Milind Kamble, chairman of Dicci, spurned the easy way of getting into
a government job using quota.

The Dalit movement has turned contemporary. The new slogan is - Fight
the caste system with capital.

"Ultimately, we would aspire to see a Tata or Birla from among the
Dalits," said Milind Kamble, chairman of Dalit Indian Chambers of
Commerce and Industry (Dicci).

The spark for setting up Dicci has come from the industry lobby group,
Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (Ficci). Dalits
consist of castes and tribes, scheduled or listed in India's
Constitution as the under-privileged sections of society.

The Dalit Chamber came into being in 2005 as a lobbying platform for
the ambitious Dalit entrepreneurs. It also plans to support education
and training, entrepreneurship and mentoring in the community. It
mandates at least 50 per cent of the jobs in the firms of its members
for Dalits.

"With this, we also want to break the general perception that Dalits
are always dependent and cannot do anything on their own. They need
reservation for jobs, scholarship for education, BPL card for mid-day
meals, etc, is the perception," Kamble said.

At the vanguard of the capitalist movement of Dalits, Kamble, son of a
school teacher from Latur district of Maharashtra, said, "Our aim is
to be a job-giver and not a job-seeker." Kamble himself is a job-
giver, being the managing director of the Rs.101-crore Fortune
Construction Company.

He was among the few Dalit engineers who spurned the easy way of
getting into a government job using reservation. Instead, Kamble
worked with a private firm as a civil engineer for five years before
floating his own firm - FCC. He also serves as director on the boards
of two more firms.

Dicci was formed by members who have established themselves as
industrialists without taking advantage of government sops. From five
chapters and 500 members, Kamble wants to grow it 10 fold in the next
12 months.

So, how difficult is it for a Dalit to become a successful
entrepreneur? Kamble said, "In his book 'Imagining India', Nandan
Nilekani explained how difficult it is for a new comer to become a
successful entrepreneur. For Dalits, it is a doubly uphill task. No
parental guidance, lack of capital amd credit facilities."

"Banks seek collateral, whereas we don't have land or other assets to
pledge. When I had become a contractor, I had to borrow from friends
and relatives in lots of Rs.5,000 for completing my first assignment
of Rs.1 lakh," he added.

"Quality and cost are what matters to a client, and nothing else. That
way after globalisation, caste does not matter much," said Kamble, who
has been inducted as an invitee member of the National Advisory
Committee (NAC) of the UPA government.

"Dicci wants to take advantage of reservations and grow as part of the
system to build capital and remain job givers. That way we seek
inclusive growth as against exclusive growth others advocate," Kamble
said.

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[ZESTCaste] 'We hate being called female writers'

 

http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-11-20/kochi/30421942_1_writers-hay-festival-literary-festival

'We hate being called female writers'
TNN Nov 20, 2011, 12.52AM IST

THIRUVANANTHAPURAM: The Dalit poets had shown a vicarious pleasure
about being branded at 'Reading Room' the other day during one of the
sessions at Hay Festival.

However, on the concluding day of the literary festival, the venue was
the same but the views were completely dissonant. Famous Malayalam
writers Chandramati and K R Meera fiercely told a packed crowd that
they hate being called 'female writers'.

"If we are called so, why can't the others be called male writers. But
we have never heard that term,'' said K R Meera during a session on
'The inner courtyard: Women's fiction in Malayalam'. She went on to
say that such kind of branding will never help in the evolution and
growth of literature.

Nodding to her views, Chandramati called branding in literature as a
kind of confinement. "Excluding female writers from the mainstream
scenario will restrain woman writers. Personally I have never enjoyed
being called a female writer.'' She added that she had written not
just about women and that she had often ventured into various social
realms. "Still, it is unfortunate that I am being branded by the
literary world.''

Chandramati also declared herself as a feminist and said, "I love
being a woman. I love being a writer. But I detest the combination
called woman writer.'' Speaking about renowned Malayalam novelist
Lalithambika Antharganam, she said that Lalithambika played safe and
her narration was indirect.

"If you closely observe her works, it is evident that she was keen on
protecting herself. She never wanted to endanger her position in the
society. Once Antharganam had said that life of a woman is like a
sweetened poison. It is painful and enjoyable. I would say her fiction
was an attempt at sweetening the poison. She was so scared to tell
truths plainly.''

She even praised K Saraswathy Amma, a lesser known figure in Malayalam
fiction, as the most radical among woman writers. "She had the courage
to say what she wanted. She was fearless and direct." Meera however
reminded that Saraswathy Amma was neglected and even forgotten by the
critics. "It was like a lesson for all those woman writers who dared
to speak the unpleasant truths.''

When feminist scholar G S Jayasree asked Meera what way she would
choose, the writer said that she writes what she believes in.

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[ZESTCaste] Nepal: HIV takes its toll on Dalit settlement

http://www.ekantipur.com/the-kathmandu-post/2011/11/17/nation/hiv-takes-its-toll-on-dalit-settlement/228339.html

HIV takes its toll on Dalit settlement

DR PANTA

DADELDHURA, NOV 17 -
Naru Kami, an HIV infected of Gundri bazaar in Dadeldhura, is in a
critical condition. Of the two people suffering from HIV-II, Kami is
the one living with it for the past nine years. Naru has been
providing for her three daughters since her husband died of HIV/AIDS
five years ago.

According to the available data, more than 16 women are living with
HIV in the Dalit settlement. "Sixteen women with HIV have been
identified but the figure can be higher as many others have not got
their blood tested," said president of Nepal National Dalit Society
Association Sunder Jairu. He added that of the 80 HIV-infected in the
district, 26 are from the settlement.

Chief of a section dealing with HIV at Regional Health Directorate,
Daya Krishna Panta, said the settlement is at risk of HIV and District
AIDS Coordination Committee concurs with it. "The situation is severe.
Victims are left in the lurch due to their dismal access to treatment
and counseling," said Committee Chairman and Local Development Officer
Hari Prasad Dahal.

Two other villages—Jafati and Kuwapani— have more than two dozen HIV
patients. Dipa Kami, who is working for HIV prevention, said a large
number of children are living with HIV in the village. "Neither there
is availability of medicines nor are they aware of HIV," she said.
Jairu said the trend of people leaving for Indian cities in search of
jobs is to blame for the rising cases of HIV here.

Posted on: 2011-11-18 08:11


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[ZESTCaste] Rajasthan Gujjars seek 5% quota in SBC category

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Rajasthan-Gujjars-seek-5-quota-in-SBC-category/articleshow/10810826.cms

Rajasthan Gujjars seek 5% quota in SBC category
TNN | Nov 21, 2011, 05.07AM IST

JAIPUR: Gujjars have threatened to march to the state capital in the
next two days if the Ashok Gehlot government doesn't address their
demand for 5% reservation under the Special Backward Classes (SBC)
category.

At a mahapanchayat at Bhandarez village in Dausa district on Sunday,
the Gujjars said they would give two days to the state government to
resolve the issue, else they would march to Jaipur and hold a rally at
Ambedkar Circle.

"We have decided to hold a sit-in at Bhandarez village for the next
two days to give some time to the state government. After this we will
march to Jaipur to hold a mahapanchayat," said Himmat Singh Gujjar,
spokesman of Gujjar Aarakshan Sangharsh Samiti over phone from
Bhandarez.

Kirori Singh Bainsla, who spearheaded the Gujjar agitation in 2007,
said, "We have given ample time to the state government. Now either it
releases our 5% reservation under Special Backward Classes or stop
recruitment in the state services. The Congress government in the
state has betrayed the Gujjar community."

Bainsla said, "On January 5, the state government had asked for six
months to complete the survey for 5% reservation. Though it was
completed on July 5, still the government extended it till November
30. This is totally unacceptable."

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[ZESTCaste] MRPS to lay siege to Assembly

http://www.thehansindia.info/News/Article.asp?category=1&subCategory=2&ContentId=19845

Monday, November 21st, 2011
MRPS to lay siege to Assembly

Madanapalle (Chittoor): "We have appealed to the state and the central
governments to introduce the bill for separate Telangana in the winter
sessions of the Assembly.

If it is not done, we will lay siege to Hyderabad city, Assembly and
the Chief Minister's residence for 48 hours from December 17, Mr Manda
Krishna Madiga, founder-president of the MRPS, declared here on
Saturday.

Krishna Madiga addressed a media conference here along with district
MRPS leaders and other youths. He alleged that the TRS party had
cheated the public by grabbing tenders worth Rs crores and using the
Telangana sentiments of the people.

On the CBI enquiry over amassing of wealth by TDP chief Chandrababu
Naidu, Krishna Madiga said that Naidu should prove his innocence
against the charges, instead of levelling charges that Kadapa MP Y S
Jaganmohan Reddy and Congress had 'ganged up' to target him.


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