Sunday, December 6, 2009

[ZESTCaste] Re: Help to brave Gujarati girl -links to actual incident


(If anyone thinks I am spamming, please let me know. I will not send any communication in future.)
Dear donors and friends,
Some asked me for the actual incident. Sorry, I did not give any such info in my earlier email.
Here are the links I have collected form the internet.





Please forward this email to the forums and individuals who you think may help.

(Names withelp for privacy reasons).

Dear donors and friends,

I have been trying my best to help this unfortunate girl. Please read the following field report by Mr Kirit. I thank him immensely for the pains taken and for giving us a complete picture. That is the spirit of a true social worker. Thanks, brother Kirit.




We are looking for donations. We have already promises for approximately Rs.40,000. We are looking for atleast Rs.1 Lakh contributions. Here is what my options are to help her. I welcome other viable ideas, if any.


1.     Her father is disabled due to an accident. He is an auto rikshaw driver. We may help him to buy an auto rikshaw with our contributions.

2.     She is a very ambitious woman. She wants to be an IAS/IPS officer. I believe, she has the capacity, if proper guidance is given. Despite her tumultuous past, she excelled in education and harboring such a great thoughts means, she is more than capable. So, we may deposit our contribution in an Fixed Deposit and ask her to take the interest leaving the principal for a later day when she require it.

3.     We may help find a job for her. Some Christian missionary school may come forward to give her a job. I am sending this email for many people in position and urging them to help her. I do not know if anyone responds (as in many cases), but I am trying to the best of my ability.

4.     We may give her the entire money and ask her to use it the best way possible. She is in need of money and so she is doing labor work despite getting highest marks in her teacher training.

Any more ideas? Please come forward.

I urge everyone who reads this email to contribute a little to help this brave girl. $5 per person will become a great help. As you know, we can issue a Income Tax exemption certificate if you contribute more.

So, please come forward to help this courageous and promising young girl who unfortunately born a Dalit.

With lots of hope

Benjamin Paul Kaila

To: Benjamin Kaila <>; HUMAN HORIZONS <>
Cc: Prof. Shiva Shankar <>
Sent: Sat, December 5, 2009 8:21:22 AM

Dear Benjamin Sir and Donors and well wishers,

Jai Bhim

I did village visit today and wrote report based on my visit (you may the attachment also), I would like to have your prompt reply on  this please.

Field visit Report


From:-Ahmedabad (City)

To      :-Jetalvasana (Ahmedabad to Koba circle to Adalaj Cross road to Kalol to Mehsana to Jetalvasana)

             On Mehsana Palanpur highway, National Highway No.8.


Travel time 12pm to 2.15pm

Discussion time with victim and his family 2.30pm to 4.30pm

Returned travel time: 4.30 to 7pm

Report Writing time:-7.30pm-10pm

Objective of visit: - To know the practical situation of the victim

Today morning I met a retired Social Welfare officer as per our planning, who has been one of the information givers on this case, apart from him; I was in touch with few social leaders whom I was assuming that they were known bias. But, then they started giving me excuse to post- pone the visit to the village therefore I decided to go alone and face the situation as well as to know the truth.

As everyone might know that I have two young children whom I look after during the day time so that my wife could do job; So Saturday and Sunday are the only days on which I can do full time social welfare work. As tomorrow I have other field visit to do therefore, I decided to finish village visit today, I left my home by 12pm leaving back my two children alone in the house as my wife would return from her job at 1.30pm.

I knew that this village comes under Mehsana district and Visnagar taluka, when I reached Mehsana, I stopped my bike and bought water bottle and at the same time I inquired about the location of village but the shop-keeper bluntly refused stating that I do not know area which is out side of Mehsana City therefore I don't know the location of about Jetalvasana village, there after I asked few more people about the village but majority of them gave me excuse but not location. Lastly, on young boy who was sleeping his shop, his name was Suresh Chaudhary, he gave me location and also guided me properly how to reach that village.

I got my education up to 10th Std in Mahasana district therefore I know the nature people but this was something out of my imagination. Whenever I asked person, most the time they give me very strange look. Still I continued with my journey towards Jetalvasana village, in-between, I filled patrol (gas), at patrol pump again I asked about village and its location, he said, it is very nearer to this place but it is off road therefore you have to asked someone after 2km.,  I did that there were high school students who were standing at state transport bus station for waiting for their buses, I asked one student, could you guide me where is Jatalvasana village, they looked me and started whispering with each with smiley face and showed me direction.

Jatalvanasa bus stop is on the main highway i.e National highway No.8 but village is 3km in side the main road. I reached village. I show two people coming out from field, I asked them, 'I want go to Dalitwas (dalit colony)', an old man, showed me way, saying go street and turn right side from temple, go little from there you will reach Harjanvash. I thanked him and followed his showed direction.  It was muddy place with lots of cow dung and rubbish. I show female with child there, I asked her, 'I want go to Dalitwash (dalit colony)' she said, 'this is the Harijanwash', whom do you want to talk to? I said, I want to meet the parents of PTC-Patan victim. She very politely replied, he is my husband elder cousin and he lives opposite side of that road. I followed her direction and reached victims house.

I parked my bike, as it was afternoon therefore was no one but few children playing out side, I asked them 'I want to talk to the Victim's father. Children went inside of the house and brought a middle aged woman. 

She asked me, who are you? and where are you come from? I give my introduction, I came from Ahmedabad and I want to talk to Babubhai, she said, he is my husband, please come in, I went inside the house, by the time a boy come from in side of the house and went out to look for his father Babubhai.  By the time lady gave me water and also offered me tea.

After Babubhai came, we started talking, as per Babubhai, many people have visited his house and they offered me and my daughter many things along with job for my daughter but none of them turn back so far therefore, we do not have faith on anyone. As far as you(kirit) are here, you may have tea and go.

Seeing Babubhai's such reaction, once I had lost my confidence but again I prompted, Babubhai, I come all the way from Ahmedabad to talk to you and to know about your family situation. Without your cooperation I could do nothing to help you and your daughter. I told that I did not get time to have my lunch and I left my two children alone to meet you please. Babubhai's wife also requested Babubhai to let him (kirit) talk. After few minutes of break we started talking, and suddenly Babubhai started crying. Again there was pin drop silent. Honestly, even I did not know how to console him, I waited for a while then again we re-continue our talk;


He gave me following information about his family situation:-

On 8th May 2009 he faced road accident in which he got fractured his left leg, medication cost me lots of money, before  he got fracture his left leg, he was master in  masonry work  but since accident he is unable to work. He got auto rixa on bank loan but due to his physical disability, he could not drive auto rixo, he hardly able to pay bank loan installments. He is also landless labor therefore his family has to depend on seasonal agro based labor work.

Babubhai also said, he has two sons and two daughters, among one son and one daughter got married and they are settled down separately. His elder son does not live with him since this case happened. His younger son has scored 70% in this 12th std and his pursuing in Unza college.  At presently, his financial situation is very poor, sometime we are unable to eat full meal. After Babubhai, I talked to his son.

Victim's brother,

He said, he is studying in F.Y.B.Com and he want to leave his village by next year to stay in hostel and complete his remaining studies. He asked which  are the courses available after graduation?, I informed him about most the courses and employment options available for him after graduation including Gujarat Public commission jobs and Union Public Commission's jobs (IAS,IPS,IFS,IRS & ELITE SERVICES).

After few hours' discussion, I requested Babubhai to allow me to talk to his daughter (victim) please. He reluctantly agreed and called victim from back of his house. She was made to awake from sleep as evidenced by eyes and sleepy voice. I introduced my to her then had discussion on her present and future plan.

Victim's outcome of discussion:-

When she come to know that I am not here to give her anything but to know about the situation, she started sharing her present situation, she said at present she enrolled herself in B.A major with English in  Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar Open University and also doing CCC computer course. She is attending computer course three days in a week. She is very much interested to do further studies and want to become IAS/IPS officer (after saying this sentence she started crying) there was pause for while.  Then she asked me how can be a IAS and IPS?  I explained every details, how to become IAS or IPS. After listening to my explanation about IAS examination, she took more interested while asking many questions about different education courses and government jobs.  She also said she want to help her family therefore she does not have any other option but to do labor work. I agree with her and shared my life story to entire family.  It appeared to they got inspiration and started cooperating to my remaining query.

I inquire about

1.       Whether she has her own bank account, (Yes, she has in State Bank of India)

2.       Her contact number (yes, her family mobile No.)

3.       Her correspondence address (Yes, I have with me)

My observation and understanding about this case;

After field visit, my unasked few questions got answered, victim belong to chamar caste in scheduled caste therefore all information about her has been suppressed. Even most of Gujarati government officials including IAS/IPS belong to non chamar caste therefore she has not received proper rehabilitation. Even I was misguided by non chamar social leaders to know about fact of the victim. Well known human rights activist of Gujarat also does not belong to chamar caste prior to conversation therefore he did not bother to raise this issue any further to get her justice.  This is unbearable pain for me to know that scheduled castes even not ready unite in such case.

Request from my end:-

Please give her financial support while contributing as much fund as we can in order to giver her better future please.

Field report prepared by


Ford Fellow (Alumni)

Yes! Ambassador, Western Union Money Transfer


GC-Human Rights and Human Values, University of Birmingham, UK,

Spirituality and Social Work, Arizona State University, Arizona, USA,

Human Rights and Minority Management, EURAC Research, Italy




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[ZESTCaste] Mayawati pays tribute to Ambedkar

Mayawati pays tribute to Ambedkar
Lucknow Dec 6 | Sunday, Dec 6 2009 IST

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister
Mayawati today paid a floral tribute to Dr B R Ambedkar on his 53rd
death anniversary here.

Ms Mayawati attended a function at the B R Ambedkar Samajik Parivatan
Sthal in the presence of over 5000 party supporters and leaders.

After the function, the CM also instructed the officials to maintain
the sthal properly.

The CM stayed there for about 30 minutes but did not made any speech
on the occasion.

Earlier, the Supreme Court had disallowed the UP government to erect
any temporary structure inside the sthal for organising the function.

The apex court had already stayed futher construction in the Ambedkar
Samajik Parivartan Sthal.

-- (UNI) -- 06DR15.xml

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[ZESTCaste] Mayawati expresses her displeasure over poor upkeep of Ambedkar Memorial

Mayawati expresses her displeasure over poor upkeep of Ambedkar Memorial
Rajesh Kumar Singh, Hindustan Times

Lucknow, December 06, 2009
First Published: 20:43 IST(6/12/2009)
Last Updated: 20:45 IST(6/12/2009)

The Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati on Sunday expressed her
displeasure over the poor upkeep of Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar samajik
parivartan sthal.

To pay tribute to Dr Ambedkar on his 53rd death anniversary Mayawati
visited the memorial located on the bank of River Gomti. The dim light
in the gallery located under the main tomb and layer of dust over the
pedestal on which the statue of Dr Ambedkar has been installed upset
the Chief Minister.

She directed the officers to ensure proper lighting near the statues
and to keep the area clean. As she moved around the gallery semi
finished work and heaps of stone lying around the tomb added to her
annoyance. The officers accompanying the Chief Minister had tough time
explaining reasons for the slow progress of the work.

Thousands of BSP supporters had gathered in the parivartan sthal as
Mayawati paid floral tribute to Dr Ambedkar. The slogan 'Baba tera
mission adhura Mayawati karegi pura' (Mayawati will complete the
mission of Dr Ambedkar), Baba teri nek kamai tune soote kaum jagayi'
(Dr Ambedkar had recharged the community that was in deep slumber)
rented in the air.

Several of the BSP workers were seen carrying placard with the
pictures of Mayawati and Dr Ambedkar. They jostled with each other to
have a glimpse of Mayawati as she walked out of the main tomb. After
waving her hand toward the supporters Mayawati along with the national
general secretary SC Mishra left the spot.

As the cavalcade of the Chief Minister moved out of the memorial the
BSP workers broke the security cordon and soon the blue brigade was
spread all over the memorial area. Awe was clear on their face as they
walked over the granite steps and entered inside the tomb. The statue
of Dr Ambedkar located in the center of the gallery and the statue of
Mayawati along with Kanshi Ram was main center of attraction.

Some of them moved toward the elephant gallery, others inspected the
semi- constructed amphitheatre. Several of them climbed on the top of
the tomb to have a better view of the parivartan sthal.

The president of BSP state unit Swami Prasad Maurya said as mark of
respect to the dalit messiah Dr Ambedkar the Chief Minister Mayawati
constructed the grand memorial. Terming it as a monument of the
deprived class Maurya said this memorial would motivate them to work
for social justice and equality.

Sangram a native of Bhaura village located near Ram Sanehi ghat in
Barabanki district had come along with his family. "Few years back I
along with the other villagers use to visit Ayodhya on December 6 to
participate in the programme organized by saffron brigade but after
joining BSP I decided to visit Lucknow to pay obeisance to Dr Ambedkar
on his parinirvan diwas (death anniversary)", he said.

For the children of Rajendra Gautam a resident of Mishrikh in Sitapur
district it was time to improve their general knowledge. As he moved
in the gallery he told them about struggle of Ambedkar in the early
years, his education, visit to Great Britain, fight for the right of
the dalit community and conversion to Buddhism. "The artists have
rightly engraved the moments depicting the life of Ambedkar on stone",
he said.

Majority of the workers left their home early in the morning braving
the chilled winter wind to reach the spot. They gathered in the open
area along with the women and the children to warm themselves in the
sunlight. "We would leave the city after seeing other monuments and
parks", said Mahipal resident of Tulsipur village in Unnao district.

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[ZESTCaste] Ambedkar was most educated economist of India: Narendra Jadhav

Ambedkar was most educated economist of India: Narendra Jadhav

Saturday, December 5, 2009 22:31 IST
Amravati: Even though Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar is known more for being
the architect of the Constitution, but basically, he was the most
educated economist of the country, Dr Narendra Jadhav, member of
Planning Commission of India, said here today.

Ambedkar's thoughts of economics have made a significant impact on the
social movement he led for downtroddens in the country and they were
way ahead of his times, Jadhav said.

Jadhav was delivering a lecture as part of 'Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar
Lecture Series' organised by Sant Gadgebaba Amravati University. Vice
chancellor of Sant Gadgebaba Amravati University Dr Kamal Singh
presided over the programme.

Dr Jadhav said that Ambedkar was a 'Pradnya Surya' and his
intelligence was boundless. "Dr Ambedkar studied many subjects, wrote
on them even while running social movement. But he was mainly an
economist and this is evident through various economic provisions made
in our Constitution. During his study of economics, he wrote
dissertations and research papers on subjects like the problem of
Indian Rupee, its origin and solutions, gold standards and gold
exchange standards and many more," he added.

Ambedkar's book on economic relation between the then provinces and
Central government of the country during the British rule is still a
reference book for all economists and main inspirational source of
finance commissions in the country, Jadhav said. Ambedkar, in 1928,
had written about bringing restrictions on moneylenders and ways to do
that, said Jadhav.

Jadhav, a former vice chancellor of Pune University, also recalled the
debate between Mahatma Gandhi and Ambedkar on the issue of caste
system in India. Ambedkar had stressed during that debate that caste
system in India has made strong impact on our economic system.

"He (Ambedkar) told that in India, caste system does not mean only the
division of labour but also the division of labourers," said Jadhav.

Jadhav asked students to acquire thoughts of Ambedkar like 'learn,
unite and struggle,' 'I am an Indian first and will remain Indian
forever, be the light of wisdom of yourself and don't accept the
slavery of anybody.'

"We all should have a sense of social responsibility and we should
develop it purposefully. Intellectuals without such sense, prove to be
nothing but 'High IQ Morons'.

Students should have big goals, tremendous will power, readiness for
hard work, time management, avoid short cuts and identify the
importance of parents in time," said Jadhav, author of many books and
receiver of many awards.

Mumbai BJP president Gopal Shetty along with senior leaders Ram Naik
and Vinod Tawde also visited 'Chaityabhoomi' to offer tributes to
Ambedkar. Deputy mayor of Mumbai Shailja Girkar was also present.

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[ZESTCaste] India remembers the architect of its constitution Ambedkar

India remembers the architect of its constitution Ambedkar

Twitter Delicious Myspace Digg Stumble Upon Facebook Sun, Dec 6 04:10 PM
New Delhi, December 06(ANI):Indian President Pratibha Devisingh Patil,
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, paid floral tribute to Bhim Rao
Ambedkar on the occasion of his 53rd death anniversary on December 06
in the national capital, New Delhi. India's ruling Congress party
Chief Sonia Gandhi along with the chief of Delhi state Sheila Dixit,
Meira Kumar, Speaker of Lok Sabha and senior leader of Bharatiya
Janata Party, Lal Krishna Advani were among those who paid homage at
the statue of Ambedkar.


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[ZESTCaste] Concepts Of Reservation

Concepts Of Reservation

By Ashok Yadav

05 December, 2009

As in Mandal I the so called creamy layer in the OBC was kept out from
the reservation purview. In both Mandal I & II we see a clear pattern
that the reservation was first opposed with all might by the upper
castes vested interests and, when they did not succeed in halting the
reservation, they took recourse to keep the so called creamy layer out
from the domain of reservation. In both instances we find that the
anti-reservationists went to the judiciary and pleaded that the
reservation granted to the OBC, the first time in job and the second
time in education, the second fifteen years after the first, was
against the basic structure and tenets of the constitution and so fit
to be rejected. Being already convinced that their agitation against
reservation will not succeed, either on road or in the court, in view
of the onward march of the OBC, they settled for not allowing the
creamy layer among the OBC to come into the ambit of reservation. So
the question is why are the anti-reservationists not willing to allow
the so called creamy layer to enjoy the benefits of reservation. But
before that we have to understand the basic philosophy of reservation.
Only then we will be able to grasp the whole issue of creamy layer

We often hear that reservation is a means to uplift the targeted
community, to give opportunities to the deprived sections so that they
may move upwards in education and jobs. Some persons even equate the
reservation policy with poverty alleviation, job creating and
education spreading programmes. These are vulgar understandings of
reservation and create confusions and lead to wrong conclusions. One
of these wrong conclusions is to keep the so called creamy layer among
the backward out from reservation ambit. Even many backward caste
people welcome the exclusion of the creamy layer from reservation
ambit as a result of wrongful understanding of reservation.

Reservation is nothing but a means to break the monopoly of handful of
castes called upper castes, Brahmins, dwijas, swarnas, abhijat etc in
the common parlance of caste conscious Indian society in the state
structure. Bureaucracy, police, judiciary, army, academics etc. are
components of Indian state, or for that matter of any state, which are
characterized by its monopolization by the brahmin and other upper
caste people. Out and out undemocratic character of Indian state is
not only due to its excessive centralized structure but also due to
its social structure and character which is indicated by the dominance
of its top, middle and low posts by the brahmin and other upper caste
people. Even its excessive centralized structure is basically due to
its monopolization by a miniscule section of our society. Mandal
commission which gathered data about the social character of Indian
state proved unambiguously that Indian state bears the monopoly of
upper strata of Indian society. During mandal I the upper caste first
opposed the reservation with all their might. But when they saw that
job reservation cannot be halted they settled for the introduction of
creamy layer concept. It is a common refrain of upper caste people in
Bihar who are natual supporters of creamy layer concept that why
should children of Ram Vilas Paswan or Laloo Prasad Yadav enjoy

Monopoly in any form is directly antithetical to democracy. If
monopoly capital leads to concentration of capital in a few hands and
ultimately leads to fascism, so does monopoly state structure wherein
state power is the monopoly of certain sections of society which in
Indian context are certain castes. The monopoly state structure is the
biggest stumbling block in the path of the forces of democracy. So the
democratization of Indian state, at least in terms of participation,
if not in terms of restructuring of state organs, of all sections of
people in proportion to their percentage in population, becomes the
first principle of any democratic movement in India.

Historically, reservation in job and education has emerged as most
effective way to break the stranglehold of traditional dominant
castes/classes in state power. History of reservation also testifies
this. Reservation in India for the first time was implemented by
Shahuji Maharaj in his princely state of Kolhapur Riyasat. Why did
Shahuji Maharaj implement reservation? What was the necessity for
doing so? To quote Shahuji Maharaj himself in his letter dated 19th
February, 1919 to Col. Wodehouse, " You know since my boyhood it has
been my pride and a cherished object to over-rule and breakdown
brahmin bureaucracy." In another letter marked September, 1918 to Lord
Sydenham, Shahuji Maharaj wrote, "Although the British are the rulers
of the country, the real power rests with the Brahmin officers who
pervade every rank of the service from the meanest clerk and the
village accountant, the kulkarni, to the highest offices and
predominate even in the councils…Very few can realize the influence of
the brahmin bureaucracy as your lordship does. Being very strong in
every branch of the service, high or low, it has its ways and means to
keep other communities down, who have to submit to their exactions and
dare not raise a protest even when flagrant injustice is done to them.
A merchant of Kolhapur was cheated by a Brahmin pleader. When asked to
prosecute the latter the former said that he had no chance of success
as the judges were brahmin , the police were brahmins, the clerks were
brahmins and that instead of getting any redress of justice he would
make himself a marked man and that he would have to bear the
consequences of brahmin revenge. Even when I asked him to prosecute
the pleader he begged to be excused and refused to move in the
matter….The best way to break down this citadel of brahmin power is to
grant communal representation, not only in the councils but also in
all branches of the service, high or low. It will not do to appoint a
few non-brahmins to important places. This remedy is worse than the
disease…The remedy lies in granting proportionate communal
representation in the subordinate and clerical staff also. Recruitment
for the posts of the lowest clerks should be made from non-brahmins
and for this purpose a list of eligible candidates from those
communities should be maintained, and appointment made from among them
until the non-brahmins get a percentage of posts in proportionate to
their numerical strength…Communal representation is the only remedy."
Shahuji Maharaj was also instrumental in releasing the non-brahmin
manifesto in 1916. It will be educative to quote a portion of this
manifesto so as to know the motive behind the promulgation of
reservation policy in various states of British India. "The Hon'ble
Sir Alexander(then Mr) Cardew, now a member of the Madras Executive
Council in his evidence before the Public Service Commission in 1918,
described in detail, the relative positions of the brahmins and the
non-brahmins in the Public Service of the province.. He is reported to
have stated that in the competitive examinations for the Provincial
Civil Service, which were held between 1892 and 1904, out of sixteen
successful candidates fifteen were brahmins. In the Mysore state where
open competitive examinations for Mysore Civil Service were held
during the preceding twenty years, brahmins secured 85% of the
vacancies. In the competition for the appointment of Assistant
Engineers in Madras the number of successful candidates during the
same period was 17 brahmins and 4 non-brahmins. Out of 140 deputy
collectors in Madras at the time, 77 were brahmins, 30 non-brahmin
hindus and rest Muhammedans, Indian Christians, European and
Anglo-Indians. It is curious to note that even where competitive
examinations did not exist, as for instance in subordinate judicial
service of the Presidency, the major portion of the appointments were
in the hands of the brahmins…From these and other figures of a like
nature he naturally concluded that an open competition for the civil
services in India would mean an almost complete monopoly of the
service by brahmin caste and the practical exclusion from it of the
non-brahmin classes…We do not deny that in these days of fierce
intellectual competition the skill to pass examinations is a valuable
personal possession. But it passes our understanding why a small class
which shows a larger percentage of English-knowing men than their
neighbours, should be allowed almost to absorb all the government
appointments, great and small, high and low, to the exclusion of the
latter among whom may also be found, though in small proportions, men
of capacity, enlightenment and culture." (Source of these quotations
of Shahuji Maharaj from Kashinath Kavlekar's Non-Brahmin Movement In
Southern India.1873-1949)

So historically reservation in appointments and education was employed
as a means to break the monopoly of a certain caste in the state
apparatus. Mysore and Madras were other states apart from Kolhapur
that promulgated reservation in appointments. Situations have not
improved, rather deteriorated, in the last hundred years and the
struggle for reservation continues to be as much intense, protracted
and bitter as it was during the time of the pioneers of reservation
movement. In a way twentieth century can be termed as a century of
struggle for reservation. Barring a few states like the left ruled
West Bengal the OBC have clinched the struggle for reservation in
their favour though partially. Due to limit imposed by the Supreme
Court on reservation to the extent of fifty percent the states except
Tamilnadu could not implement reservation in state services and
educational institutes in proportion to their population. Only when
OBC, SC and ST will be able to get reservations in services and
educational institutes, in government as well as in private sector, in
states as well as in centre, in proportion to their population, then
only the struggle for democratization of Indian state and polity would
be said to have completed the first stage of democratic revolution.

Dr Bhim Rao Ambedkar, the great social revolutionary, wrote of
reservation as, "The reservations demanded by the servile classes are
really controls over the power of the governing classes…The
reservations do no more than correlate the constitution to the social
institutions of the country in order to prevent political power to
fall into the hands of the governing class." He wrote at another
"Whenever the servile classes ask for reservations in the
Legislatures, in the Executive and in public services, the governing
class raises the cry of 'nationalism in danger'. People are told that
if we are to achieve national freedom, we must maintain national
unity, that all questions regarding reservations in the Legislatures,
Executives and the public services are inimical to national unity and
therefore for anyone interested in national freedom it is a sin to
stand out for such reservations and create dissensions. That is the
attitude of the governing class.' Who were the governing class in view
of Dr Ambedkar? Dr Ambedkar wrote that the governing class in India
consisted principally of the Brahmins. (All quotations from Dr
Ambedkar's 'What Congress and Gandhi Have Done To The Untouchables: A
Plea To The Foreigner')

Thus reservation in posts and education for the lower castes is not a
reformist agenda or palliative measures as many people, most prominent
among those being the Indian leftists, believe but a radical step to
weaken the monopoly of certain castes in positions of power,
privileges and decision making. Radicalism of reservation is also
enforced by the violent and venomous opposition to reservation by the
upper caste ruling elites. Nature and quantum of reaction of the
ruling elites against any measure is an effective indicator to judge
whether that measure is reformist or radical in nature. Reservation to
the underprivileged castes have always been violently and
vitriolically opposed by the ruling elites. We just need to remember
the ruling elites' reaction to the V P Singh government's decision to
implement Mandal Commission's recommendation to implement 27%
reservation to the OBC in central government jobs. We the backward
caste people of Bihar cannot forget the widespread incidents of arsons
and violence that upper caste ruling elites resorted to when Karpoori
Thakur government implemented reservation for the backward castes in
state government jobs in 1978. The upper castes ruling elites'
reaction to Mandal II took place only a few years back and are fresh
in our memory.

People often equate reservation in India to the positive
discrimination or affirmative action policies in the USA. But there is
a fundamental difference between reservation and affirmative action.
While the majority white people bestow certain rights and privileges
to the minority black people, it is the reverse in the case of the
reservation system in India where majority people belonging to the
lower castes demand reservation in jobs and education from the
minority people who form the ruling elites of this country. While
giving benefits to the black people under affirmative action
programmes the white, who form majority population of the USA, are
free from any fear that the minority black people can erode their
dominant position by using posts and positions that they get under
affirmative action programme. But the situation is quite reverse in
the case of India where the minority upper caste ruling class people
are fearful of the majority people from the lower castes who will
corrode their dominant positions by getting reservations in education
and jobs.

The reservation question is not mere a social question. It is also a
state question because the provision of reservation prepares the
ground for participation of all castes and communities in the state
organs. The more open, the more inclusive, the more participatory the
structure of state even in the existing system, the more conducive and
less forbidding it will be for the growth of democratic movements and
processes. The participation of men and women from socially deprived
communities irrespective of their class status, who are free from
caste prejudices against the low caste people, in the higher rung of
state apparatus, will tend to democratize the state. It is not without
reason that both monopoly capital and monopoly social groups join
together in resisting any move to give reservation to the OBC.

In 1947 when India became independent the power did not go in the
hands of the poor Indians. Yet it was welcomed by all sections of
society because it meant freedom from imperialism. We the OBC do not
mind if the benefits of reservation go to the affluent sections among
ourselves. We want our representation in the higher echelons of the
system whether they come from the affluent or the poor sections. We
will rejoice and be satisfied to see the erosion of upper caste vested
interests in the higher positions. What are called the creamy layer or
the affluent sections are just ahead from the rest of the community.
They are not bourgeoisie so that we should avoid them.

The so-called creamy layer is the strength of our society. In a caste
society we turn to them for help in a state of crisis. If they are
excluded from reservation their bonds with the fellow beings of the
community get weakened. The implementation of creamy layer concept
lands the so-called creamy layer in a no man's land. The upper caste
do not absorb them in their fold, their own caste men see them as
separated from themselves.

Reservation is a great uniting factor. The 15% SCs and 8% STs are
united because of reservation. Mandal united 60% OBC population.
Reservation is glue which binds the so-called creamy layer with rest
of the society. When a so-called creamy layer boy or girl obtains
caste certificate and furnishes it with his/her application form, the
caste consciousness gets reinforced in him or her. It is this caste
consciousness that is very valuable from SC/ST/OBC point of view. The
creamy layer concept is malicious treatment with those who managed to
reach positions of some prestige and importance through labour and
toil and opportunities that came their way. The creamy layer concept
is an unkind treatment with those who could not move ahead but looks
upon to the advantaged individuals of their society for guidance and
help, because creamy layer concept seeks to disconnect the so called
creamy layer individuals from the poor people of their caste. In
dalits the creamy layer people are great strengths of society. Their
affinity with their caste fellows will be considerably eroded if they
are kept out from reservation on the plea of their being in creamy
layer. That is not to deny the fact that a good section of these
affluent SC/ST/OBC people have undergone the process of brahmanisation
and grown vested interests in the social justice movement. But these
brahmanised elements are at the worst irritants and undesirable
elements in the whole struggle for social justice and cannot become an
excuse to support creamy layer theory.

Chapter One of the History of the CPSU (B) writes at one place (para
9), "Nearly all, if not all, government posts in the national regions
were held by the Russians." Did not the analogous situation prevail in
India at the turn of the last century? Does not the analogous
situation prevail in India right now? Did not the king of Kolhapur
riyasat, Shahuji Maharaj, democratize the state administration by the
help of caste-based reservation? Some may raise the objection that the
Russian question being nationality question cannot be equated with the
caste question. To this objection our answer is that like nationality
question the caste question is a group question. In every society
there exist a number of group questions side by side with the
exclusive class questions. No social revolution has ever fructified in
history on the basis of class questions alone. To uproot caste based
hegemony is in the interests of all OBCs whether one is rich or poor.
No breach in the unity of the deprived castes is desirable on the
economic lines. Hence we oppose creamy layer. Martin Luther King, jr.,
the great Black leader, wrote, "We have been oppressed as a group and
we must overcome that oppression as a group." We too assert we have
been oppressed and discriminated against as a group and we must
overcome that oppression and discrimination as a group.

Creamy layer concept is often justified on the ground that some
backward castes are well represented in the political power structure.
Their increasing number in the legislature is not attributable to
their education and resourcefulness, which they seldom possess, but to
their rising social and political consciousness and big population and
the opportunities thrown by the parliamentary democracy, which is
their savior. The backward castes who are well represented in the
political power structure are entangled in a vicious war of attrition
with the upper caste dominated media, civil administration and
judiciary. Under- representation of the lower castes in bureaucracy
frustrates all attempts of an OBC chief minister or minister to do
anything concrete for the lower caste. The little federalism that the
Constitution of India offers does not give much space to the backward
caste leaders who every now and then come in power in provinces. A
study of family backgrounds of backward caste MLAs, MPs, leaders and
activists will reveal truth about class locations of these leaders.
Some of these leaders may have made wealth but their wealth is
regularly dragged in the judicial and media scrutiny. Without money
they cannot sustain themselves in politics and when they make money
they invite the wrath of brahmanical system. Manusmriti works here
which has enjoined that wealth in the hands of shudras pains dwijas.
The educational backwardness of most of these wealthy OBC leaders make
them appear boorish and laughing stock. The glamour of power
associated with these OBC leaders cannot lead one to conclude that the
shudra have prospered. Behind every OBC leader there is a vast
multitude of poverty stricken people. These OBC leaders have largely
failed in improving the lot of their people. But this is no place to
discuss their successes and failures.

Reservation is an outcome of the caste system. So long as caste system
continues, the fight for reservation will also continue. Abolish the
caste system and abolish the reservation system. In the caste system
the caste of Ram Vilas Paswan or Laloo Pd Yadav or M Karunanidhi does
not change howsoever one progresses economically, politically,
educationally etc. A dalit will be a dalit even if he becomes a big
capitalist though it is next to impossible to happen. A Brahmin will
always be a Brahmin even if he is a proletariat. If the Brahmin
community sits together and takes a decision that since Laloo Prasad
Yadav has become affluent, he is no longer grazing cattle and milking
cows, he has shed all the "obnoxious things" associated with his
caste, he may now be absorbed in Brahmin caste fold, then only
children of Laloo Prasad Yadav or for that matter of Ram Vilash Paswan
can be kept out from reservation on the plea of creamy layer.

A weak, subdued, rural based OBC is not a threat to the upper caste
vested interests. Only an educated and economically well off OBC can
challenge the traditional vested interests. So the upper caste people
often cry why should children of the likes of Ram Vilas Paswan or
Laloo Pd Yadav enjoy reservation.

If reservation was just about giving some jobs and seats to the OBC
there would have been not much outcry against the same. The extreme
reaction of the upper caste against reservation is due to the fact
that reservation will dilute their monopoly and privileges that they
have enjoyed for centuries. Mandal I brought great changes in
politics. The entire backward caste people whether proletariat or semi
proletariat or small peasants or middle peasants or lower middle class
or urban middle class rose in unison in support of job reservation in
1990. If job reservation was about giving some jobs to the backward
caste people, only a miniscule section of backward caste population,
living in towns and cities, would benefit and the vast majority of
backward caste people would not have come onto the street in support
of job reservation. In job reservation the millions of backward caste
people saw an occasion of break of the entrenched upper caste vested
interests. Job reservation gave an expression to their ages old hatred
and fight against this entrenched upper caste vested interests that
have always thrown insults to them.

Reports say that in IITs and IIMs only 10% of the reserved seats for
the SC and ST are filled up. If the so-called creamy layer among the
SC and ST are excluded from reservation all the seats will remain
vacant. The same thing also applies in the case of the OBC. The
Hindustan Times dated 18.05.2006 published news report wherein a
result of the study conducted by National Institute of Education
Planning & Administration has been quoted. According to this study the
enrolment figure of the OBC students in school is just 29 per cent. In
this news report an official of HRD Ministry is quoted as saying that,
"as most of the OBC are from economically weaker sections, the drop
out rate is likely to be similar to the scheduled castes and scheduled
tribes. In the same news report an educationist is quoted as saying,
"If we consider the drop out rate in the country, one can presume that
the enrolment will not be more than 15 per cent." Thus by excluding
the so called creamy layer from reservation purview the same story of
non-fulfillment of reserved seats will be repeated in the case of the
OBC also.

The creamy layer concept is nothing but a ploy to protect upper caste
hegemony in job and education. It is not without reason that the BJP
and the Congress like forces support the creamy layer concept.

The democratic forces of India have yet to realise the importance of
reservation in job and education to the SC/ST/OBC in their struggle
for democratising the Indian polity.

Ashok Yadav is active on social justice front and advocates in
particularly OBC causes. He has written on issues relating to social
justice, secularism, democracy, social reforms etc. He is associated
with many social organisations concerning SC/ST/OBC.


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[ZESTCaste] Life term for killing Dalits, 30 years on

Life term for killing Dalits, 30 years on

New Delhi, Dec 5: The Supreme Court has sentenced to life six
upper-caste Thakurs for butchering seven Dalits 30 years ago,
overturning a high court acquittal and handing justice to a survivor
who had even approached Indira Gandhi and Jagjivan Ram.

A bench of Justices Dalveer Bhandari and A.K. Patnaik directed the
Uttar Pradesh government to arrest the six within four weeks if they
didn't surrender.

The state government had filed the appeal against Allahabad High
Court's 2001 acquittal of the six and 12 others. The accused had
killed the seven, Harijans and Chamars, after barging into their homes
posing as police officers on September 9-10, 1979, at a village in
Hussainganj near Lucknow. The bodies were thrown in the nearby Ganga
and only one survivor, Kallu, remained as an eyewitness.

The police had passed off the massacre as a dacoity, but the trial
court had rejected the claim and sentenced the 18 to life before the
high court acquitted them on appeal.

Passing the judgment yesterday, the apex court gave the benefit of the
doubt to 11 of the accused. One of the accused had died while the case
was on. The six, who had been in jail a few years before the high
court acquitted them, will have to go back to prison.

Kallu, the survivor, whose wife was among those killed, had told the
court he had sent his complaints "in 50 papers" to Indira and Jagjivan
Ram. He told the court that the police were initially reluctant to
probe the case but did so only at the intervention of a senior leader.

The prosecution examined 32 other witnesses but most of them turned
hostile in the lower courts. The Supreme Court didn't appear
surprised, though.

"In a case of this nature, witnesses turning hostile is not unusual
where upper caste people have created a fear psyche. Witnesses cannot
be faulted for not supporting the prosecution version," the court

The judges said the "findings of the high court are not based on
proper analysis and marshalling of the entire evidence on record".

"The high court ought to have appreciated the mental frame of Jasodiya
(Kallu's wife) when she gave a statement which was construed as a
dying declaration," the Supreme Court said.


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[ZESTCaste] Six get life for massacring Dalits

Six get life for massacring Dalits

New Delhi, Dec 5 : The Supreme Court has sentenced six upper caste men
from Uttar Pradesh to life terms for killing seven Dalits 30 years

Sentencing the six men after reversing their acquittal by the
Allahabad High Court, a bench of Justice Dalveer Bhandari and Justice
A.K. Patnaik said: "Unfortunately, the centuries-old Indian caste
system still takes its toll from time to time. This case unfolds the
worst kind of atrocities committed by the so-called upper caste
(Thakurs) against the so-called lower caste caste in a civilized

"It is absolutely imperative to abolish the caste system as
expeditiously as possible for smooth functioning of rule of law and
democracy in our country," the bench said in its verdict, which was
delivered Friday but released Saturday.

In September 1979, a horde of around two dozens Thakurs descended on a
Dalit settlement in Lahori village of Fatehpur district and kidnapped
eight members of a family, hacked them to death and threw their bodies
into the Ganga river.

The case was registered on the statement of a woman member of the
family who survived a murderous bid on her.

The case was registered after she wrote to then prime minister Indira
Gandhi and Dalit leader and former deputy prime minister Jagjivan Ram
as the police dilly-dallied in booking the offenders.

Though the Fathehpur trial court had convicted 18 people for the
offence, the Allahabad High Court had acquitted them all, giving them
the benefit of doubt. The Supreme Court, however, reversed the
acquittal of six of the accused.

"In the instant case, the accused persons belonging to Thakur caste
literally butchered seven totally innocent persons belonging to the
Harijan caste and to wipe out the entire evidence of their atrocities,
after shooting they were thrown in the river Ganga where currents were
very strong.

"Out of seven, even the bodies of five persons could not be
recovered," said the bench.

The Dalits murdered were identified as Jasodiya, Ganga, Tulsi, Deo
Nath alias Madan, Din Dayal, Sukhlal and Shripal. One person survived
the incident.

The apex court ordered Uttar Pradesh government to forthwith arrest
the six men.

The six convicted were Mathura Singh, Udai Bhan Singh, Dhirendra
Singh, Munna, Ram Niwas Singh and Vijay Karan Singh.


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