Friday, May 28, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Ven Sanghasena of Ladhakh honoured by Sakyamuni Buddha International Award 2009 at Nagpur (India) on May 27, 2010 [3 Attachments]

 
[Attachment(s) from Dr. Milind Jiwane included below]

Sakyamuni Buddha International Award Ceremony at Nagpur

Ashwaghosh Buddhist Foundation(India) has organized " Sakyamuni Buddha International Award 2009 Ceremony" at Vidharbha Hindi Sahitya Sammelan Hall Nagpur on May 27, 2010 at 11 AM. On that ocassion, Hon. B. M. Kaushal, Director of Information & Public Relation was present as Chief Guest & Dr. Milind Jiwane, Chairperson of World Buddhists Conference as a Chairperson.
Ven. Sanghasena of Ladhakh, President of Mahabodhi Society & Vice President of World Fellowship of Buddhist Youth HQ. Thialand honoured by "Sakyamuni Buddha International Award 2009."
Prof. Damodar Morey of Mumbai who honured by "Dhamma Chintak Award 2009" and Hon. Rajesh Dhengre of Nagpur who honoured by " Dhamma Mitta Award 2009" on that ocassaion.
Adhir
Managing Trustee

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Attachment(s) from Dr. Milind Jiwane

3 of 3 Photo(s)

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[ZESTCaste] Dalit woman burnt alive in Madhya Pradesh

 

http://sify.com/news/dalit-woman-burnt-alive-in-madhya-pradesh-news-national-kf1wuddfgfa.html

Dalit woman burnt alive in Madhya Pradesh

2010-05-27 22:20:00

A Dalit woman, set on fire by two people in Madhya Pradesh's Shivpuri
district, died at a hospital in Gwalior Thursday, police said.

The woman, Krantibai, was living with Raghuveer Gurjar in Padora
village in the district after leaving her husband a few years ago.

'Raghuveer Wednesday demanded some money from her for liquor. When
Krantibai refused, he and his brother doused her with kerosene and set
her on fire,' Shivpuri Superintendent of Police Rajendra Prasad said.

'Krantibai was immediately rushed to Gwalior for treatment in a
severely burnt condition. She died Thursday morning. She said in a
dying declaration that she was burnt by Raghuveer and one more
person,' Prasad said.

The police have registered a case against the two men who are now on the run.

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[ZESTCaste] BSP leader gets 5-year jail for abusing Dalit cop

http://www.expressindia.com/latest-news/bsp-leader-gets-5year-jail-for-abusing-dalit-cop/624827/

BSP leader gets 5-year jail for abusing Dalit cop

Express News Service Posted: May 28, 2010 at 0241 hrs

Lucknow The special SC/ST court of Bahraich convicted a BSP leader and
a lawyer on Thursday in a case registered under the Arms Act, the
SC/ST Act and criminal intimidation in 1995.
The court of Special Judge Anand Kumar Upadhyay announced five-year
rigorous imprisonment for Dilip Verma and lawyer Kuldip Verma. They
were also asked to pay a penalty of Rs 25,000 each.

Dilip Verma had been a Samajwadi Party MLA from Bahraich's Mahsi
constituency thrice. In the 2007 Assembly elections, he, however,
contested on a Samajwadi Kranti Dal ticket and lost. Following this,
he joined the BSP. His wife Madhuri Verma is at present an MLC from
the BSP.

In November 14, 1995, Shiv Sahai, a Dalit police constable, had lodged
an FIR against Dilip and an unidentified person at the Dargah Sharif
police station accusing them of attempt to murder (Section 307-IPC),
intentional insult to provoke breach of peace and criminal
intimidation (Sections 504 & 506 of IPC), misuse of licenced weapon
(2/27 Arms Act) and humiliating him by referring his caste (SC/ST
Act).

Recalling the incident, Station Officer of the Dargah Sharif police
station, D P Singh, said that on that day, Shiv Sahai had stopped
Kuldip's vehicle and asked for its papers. This led to an altercation
between the two. Kuldip left the place only to return with Dilip. At
that time too, Dilip was a former MLA.

Dilip reportedly hurled abuses at the constable referring to his caste
and also threatened to kill him with his licenced rifle, added Singh.


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[ZESTCaste] Couple stoned to death for caste defiance

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1100528/jsp/nation/story_12496072.jsp

Couple stoned to death for caste defiance

G.S. RADHAKRISHNA
Nizamabad, May 27: A Dalit father of two and his upper-caste lover
were allegedly stoned to death in an Andhra village in a suspected
honour killing case being dubbed the state's first.

The bodies of S. Sunkari Srinivas, 32, and Swapna Reddy, 22, bearing
injury marks caused by stone hits, were found on the outskirts of
Krishnajiwadi village in Nizamabad district last night, police said.
The attackers were alleged relatives of Swapna, who could not accept
her relationship with a married man from a lower caste.

The couple had got married this January in Tirupati, apparently on the
sly, but returned to the village a couple of days back in the hope of
being able to convince their relatives to accept the relationship, the
police said.

According to neighbours, there were a lot of arguments and heated
exchanges at Swapna's home all of yesterday. At one point, the
relatives of the girl dragged the couple out of their house and
allegedly started stoning them as the villagers watched in horror.
"Show no mercy and kill them," one of Swapna's brothers was heard
telling the attackers.

The bodies were found late in the night, dumped on a roadside on the
outskirts of the village. Sub-inspector V. Vijay Kumar confirmed the
bodies bore injuries caused by stone hits and that the couple had died
almost immediately.

Nizamabad police chief K. Venkateshwara Rao said Swapna's relatives
had stoned them to death and that a probe was on. No arrests have been
made so far.

Strangely enough, Srinivas's first wife Padma, 27, appeared to have
accepted his relationship with Swapna. "He had always been a wayward
husband and beat me whenever I asked him (about his affairs)," the
police quoted Padma as saying.

The killings were said to have sparked tension between the Dalits and
upper castes in the village. A police picket has been posted.

Although the incident is possibly a first in Andhra, social tensions
are not new in the state's rural areas, dominated by the land-owing
upper castes such as the Reddys, Kamma and Velamas. Inter-caste
marriages are almost taboo.

Only last week, an inter-caste couple were invited by relatives and
served poisoned sweets in Karimnagar, the police said. The pair
survived as friends were quick to suspect foul play when the two
collapsed and rushed them to hospital.

Earlier, an upper caste groom was beaten unconscious by his relatives
at the wedding venue before his Dalit bride and scores of guests.


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[ZESTCaste] India Inc no more caste blind; 150 firms profile SC/ST data

 

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/Corporate-Trends/articleshow/5981645.cms

India Inc no more caste blind; 150 firms profile SC/ST data
27 May 2010, 1818 hrs IST,PTI

NEW DELHI: At least 150 companies, including some from the Tata Group,
have started collecting data about their SC/ST employees, as India Inc
is no more "caste blind", according to a CII paper on affirmative
action.

"CII's sponsored Code of Conduct for affirmative action, which commits
the company to no discrimination in its employment policies, has been
signed by 690 companies of which 150 have started collecting data on
SC/ST employees," the paper said.

It said that the Tata firms have committed themselves to a policy of
positive discrimination whereby they will "actively favour" SC/ST
candidates for employment.

"We are convinced that we need to play a pro-active role in inclusive
growth which is in the industry's interest itself," CII President Hari
S Bhartia said.

In his interaction with top industry leaders yesterday, Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh had asked them to reach out to the rural economy and
the underprevileged sections of the society through affirmative
action.

Tata Group companies like Tata Teleservices and New Delhi Power
Limited favour SC/ST candidates in their recruitment, provided they
meet competency threshold and "more importantly show the desire to
learn", the CII compendium on affirmative action said.

It said while the private sector was "caste blind" till early 2007,
the industry responded to the Prime Minsiter's call for a positive
discrimination through the SC/ST communities in their HR policies and
business processes.

The chamber which had set up a Council on Affirmative Action under
chairmanship of Jamshed J Irani is pursuing the agenda under four
major initiatives: Employability, Entrepreneurship, Education and
Employment.

It said the initiatives "have made a difference to the lives of over
37,435 SC/ST youth in all regions of country.

"We wanted to show measurable results," Bhartia Said. The companies
which are involved the vocational training programmes for
underprivileged include Infosys, Thermax, HSBC, Mahindra and Mahindra,
Crompton Greaves, Cummins India, Godrej and Boyce, Forbes Marshall and
Hero Group.

In terms of job preferences, Bannari Amman Apparel has employed only
members of backward class in its weaving unit in Kanchipuram district
in Tamil Nadu. Of 1300 socially disadvantaged women employed with the
company, 65 per cent belong to SC/ST communities.

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[ZESTCaste] Special forms, attested documents necessary to apply under quota

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/Special-forms--attested-documents-necessary-to-apply-under-quota/624704/

Special forms, attested documents necessary to apply under quota

Tanya Jain Posted online: Fri May 28 2010, 00:22 hrs

New delhi : Filling up forms for admission to Delhi University
colleges can be a tedious task with over 54,000 seats up for grabs.
As Delhi University formally kicks off admissions from Friday, for
candidates applying under special categories, especially OBC/SC/ST,
keeping a few important things in mind can make things easier.

Of its total seats, the Delhi University has reserved 26,730 for
candidates belonging to SC, ST and OBC categories.

For those applying under OBC category, filling up the Common
pre-admission form is the best option. Gurpreet Tuteja, Deputy Dean of
Students' Welfare, said: "For applicants belonging to OBC category,
there are no separate forms. Common pre-admission form includes a
category for OBC which needs to be marked for OBC evaluation."

Students seeking admission through SC/ST quota, however, need to fill
a different form. These forms are not available online and have to be
collected from the four information centres set up at Rajdhani College
in Raja Garden, Arts Faculty in North campus, Shyamlal College in
Shahdara and Office of the Deputy Dean, Students' Welfare, South
Campus.

These forms can be collected or submitted from 10.00 am to 1.00 pm
except on Sundays. The forms are free of cost and need to be attested
with other pre-requisite documents, including Class X certificate,
Class XII provisional certificate or marksheet and caste certificate,
clearly indicating the name of the issuer of the certificates. Apart
from these, the applicants need to carry two passport-size
photographs.

Candidates under this category can list 30 options in the form, along
with names of preferred colleges and the course desired. The
applicants are also exempted from CATE, the pre-admission test
conducted for English (Hons) course. The cut-off list for SC/ST
candidates will be displayed on June 22 at the Arts Faculty
department.

For Physically Handicapped category
The forms in this category are manual and not OMR suited. They are
available only at the Office of the Dean, Student's Welfare.
Applicants under this category, apart from Class X certificate and
Class XII provisional certificate, will need physical disability
certificate showing disability of the applicant not less than 40 per
cent. The certificate is mandatory to be issued by a board of
directors from any government hospital and should be not less than
three years old. The cut-off list for applicants under this category
will be displayed at the office of the Dean, Students' Welfare, on
June 22.


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[ZESTCaste] Mayawati declares assets worth Rs 87 cr, up from Rs 52 cr in ’07

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/mayawati-declares-assets-worth-rs-87-cr-up-from-rs-52-cr-in-07/624373/

Mayawati declares assets worth Rs 87 cr, up from Rs 52 cr in '07

Express News Service Posted online: Thu May 27 2010, 02:41 hrs
Lucknow : Uttar pradesh chief Minister Mayawati owns movable and
immovable assets worth over Rs 87 crore, most of it in the form of
properties in posh areas of New Delhi and Lucknow.
In an affidavit submitted with her nomination papers for the
Legislative Council election on June 10, Mayawati has declared
ownership of five prime properties, bank deposits, cash and jewellery.
She owns no vehicle, no agricultural land.

In June 2007, she had declared movable and immovable properties worth
Rs 52 crore in her affidavit filed along with her nomination papers
for the Legislative Council election.

Mayawati is a member of the Vidhan Parishad and her term ends on July
6. In order to remain Chief Minister, she must get elected to either
House before this date.

According to the affidavit, Mayawati has Rs 12.95 lakh in cash and Rs
11.39 crore as "deposits in banks/financial institutions and
non-banking financial companies".

She also possesses diamond and gold jewellery worth about Rs 86 lakh,
a silver dinner set that is valued at about Rs 4 lakh, and murals
worth Rs 15 lakh.

The properties she owns are worth Rs 74.50 crore. These include three
commercial and one residential property in New Delhi:

* 3, Block B, Connaught Place, New Delhi; 3628. 2 sq ft, worth Rs 2.05 crore.
* B-34, 1st floor, Connaught Place, New Delhi, 4535.02 sq ft, worth Rs
1.27 crore.
* 1, Commercial Centre, Okhla, Phase I, New Delhi; 34112.26 sq ft,
worth Rs 15.50 crore.
* 23-24, SP Marg, New Delhi; 3987.72 sq m, worth Rs 54.8 crore.
* 3, Nehru Road, Survey No 105, Cantt, Lucknow; 1.08 acres, worth Rs
1.79 crore.

Mayawati has also given details of her school and university
Education. She graduated from Kalindi College, Delhi University in
1975. She completed B.Ed from Meerut University in 1976. In 1983, she
did LL.B from Delhi University. The affidavit claims that no
cognizance has been taken against her in any criminal case. She has
not taken loans from banks/financial Institutions.


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[ZESTCaste] Mayawati has a treasure trove of gold, jewels, but no car

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_mayawati-has-a-treasure-trove-of-gold-jewels-but-no-car_1388189

Mayawati has a treasure trove of gold, jewels, but no car
Deepak Gidwani / DNA

Wednesday, May 26, 2010 21:16 IST
Last updated: Thursday, May 27, 2010 0:38 IST

Lucknow: Uttar Pradesh (UP) chief minister (CM) and Bahujan Samaj
Party (BSP) leader Mayawati has a virtual treasure trove of jewellery,
gold and diamonds. But she doesn't own a car.

The interesting fact emerged from her own declaration of assets along
with the nomination she filed on Wednesday for the UP legislative
council election.

As per the affidavit, Mayawati's assets total up to Rs86 crore, which
is an impressive Rs34-crore increase from her last declaration of Rs52
crore in 2007.

The steep rise in her assets, including valuable landed property in
Lucknow and Delhi, invited scathing criticism from opposition leaders.
The declaration could also bring more trouble for Mayawati who is
already facing charges of amassing wealth in a disproportionate assets
case CBI and the income tax department are pursuing.

The most impressive property Mayawati owns is her new, sprawling
bungalow under construction on Sardar Patel Marg in New Delhi. This
asset alone accounts for about Rs54.08 crore. Mayawati owns a huge
bungalow in Lucknow, too, which is worth Rs1.8 crore.

The chief minister has Rs12.95 lakh in cash and Rs11.39 crore in
banks. The Dalit icon seems to have a weakness for the golden metal
and sparkling stones. Her coffers boast ample gold which touched a new
high of Rs18,800 for 10 grams on Wednesday.

The 1.034 kg of gold that she owns is worth a little less than Rs2
crore at this rate. She also owns jewellery worth Rs1 crore and
diamonds worth Rs86.8 lakh.

The BSP chief also loves to live it up in style. That could be one
reason silver dinner sets worth Rs4.4 lakh adorn her dining hall. She
also owns paintings and antiques worth Rs15 lakh.

Mayawati seems to have invested her money wisely as she is owner of
several prime commercial properties.

A commercial centre at Okhla Industrial Estate, New Delhi, is alone
worth Rs15.5 crore. She has a shop in Connaught Place worth Rs1.27
crore and one in Bhikaji Cama Place worth Rs2.05 crore.

"Her declaration is a sham… she must have made no less than Rs300
crore in her last three years as UP CM," Samajwadi Party spokesman
Mohan Singh told reporters in Lucknow. "Her lone target in life is to
make money," he remarked.

UP Congress president Rita Bahuguna Joshi said Mayawati's net worth
would be in the region of forty to fifty thousand crore. "She is the
most corrupt CM UP has ever seen… there is corruption in everything…
government contracts, transfers, postings… you name it and you can get
a deal here," she said.


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[ZESTCaste] Cong targets non-Jatavs to expand base in Maya bastion

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics/nation/Cong-targets-non-Jatavs-to-expand-base-in-Maya-bastion/articleshow/5983321.cms

Cong targets non-Jatavs to expand base in Maya bastion

28 May 2010, 0457 hrs IST,Urmi A Goswami,ET Bureau

NEW DELHI: Taking a leaf out of the Mahadalit experiment being carried
out by Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar, Congress has decided to
target the
non-Jatavs among the Dalits in an attempt to expand its social base in
Uttar Pradesh.

Dalits comprise a little less than a quarter of the electorate in the
politically crucial state of UP. Jatavs, the community to which Uttar
Pradesh chief minister Ms Mayawati belongs, are not only numerically
most significant (11-12%) but also very aggressive and organised. Over
the past couple of decades, they have emerged as the most loyal vote
bank of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP).

Aware that it would be difficult to wean the Jatavs away from Ms
Mayawati, Congress has identified a dozen sub-group within the Dalits,
including Pasis (3%), Valmikis, Koris and Dhobis (1% each) for special
attention. The party is seeking essentially to mop up the allegiance
of those who feel slighted by the Mayawati regime. Interestingly, over
the past year and a half, all of Congress general secretary Rahul
Gandhi's overnight stays in Dalit villages have been in non-Jatav
homes.

The party leaders have been reaching out to senior members and leaders
of these communities as well. Congress has attempted to build
partnerships with Justice Party chief Udit Raj and R K Choudhury, a
close associate of Kanshi Ram. These leaders have an influence across
sub-groups of the Dalit community. It has also activated local leaders
like former Congress MP Ramnihor Rakesh, who has a stronghold among
the Paswan community. These leaders have been holding meetings across
the state in a bid to drive a wedge in Mayawati's Dalit vote bank.

Another prong of its mission to woo the Dalit vote is its
participation in the Dalit Mahapanchayat. This meeting is expected to
be held in Lucknow in September. Testing the waters, the meeting will
not be a direct Congress initiative though several of its senior and
prominent leaders will be participating in this gathering.

During the elections to the 15th Lok Sabha in Uttar Pradesh, Congress
had secured the support of Muslims and the upper castes. It now wants
to fortify its position by getting a section of the Dalits to its
fold.

For Congress party, Uttar Pradesh is a politically crucial state.
Congress has traditionally viewed the state as a Nehru-Gandhi bastion.
Consolidating its position in the state would represent a huge
psychological boost for the grand old party.

In Bihar, chief minister has been wooing the poorer among the Dalits,
including the Chamars, as part of his project to widen his electorate.
To this end, Mr Kumar had, in 2007, set up the Mahadalit Commission to
identify these communities and earmark them for special focus.


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[ZESTCaste] Tackling Caste

http://epaper.timesofindia.com/Daily/skins/TOINEW/navigator.asp?Daily=TOIH&showST=true&login=default&pub=TOI&AW=1275023446203

Tackling Caste

Time to swing the pendulum towards universalist policies


Betraying a sense of caution, the Union cabinet has decided to set
up a Group of Ministers to discuss how best to tackle the issue of
enumerating caste in the ongoing census. On balance, the positives of
undertaking a caste count do not outweigh the negatives. There are
essentially two major problems in enumerating caste – with the
exercise itself and the thinking behind the process.
  Given the fluid nature of caste as a social marker, trying to
collect accurate data is unfeasible. The British faced precisely this
problem when they attempted a caste census, leading to the abandonment
of the exercise in 1931. When one combines this with the unenviable
task of documenting castes among non-Hindus, the complexities become
self-evident. The idea of undertaking a caste count essentially stems
from the thinking that this would enable better delivery of the
benefits of welfare schemes. This reinforces the belief that the
reservation route is the only one that can lead to social empowerment.
However, this is not necessarily true.
  The problem with proliferating caste quotas is that they can be a
zero-sum game, so that if some caste groups benefit others lose out.
This was the factor behind widespread Gujjar riots which paralysed the
state of Rajasthan two years back, leading to the deployment of the
armed forces. Multiplying caste quotas could result in spreading
social divisiveness, which the country can ill afford given a fragile
security situation. Enacting holistic development policies that seek
to address the aspirations of each and every community is a better
alternative. In the long run, focusing on building capacities whether
in terms of education, industries, infrastructure and jobs will yield
us far greater economic benefits, apart from diluting caste as a major
social denominator.
  On the other hand, if one continues with the quota mentality and
extends it to even the private sector – as suggested by some quarters
in the government – it would hinder job creation and hobble economic
development. Even as things stand, rigid labour laws mean that the
private sector has little incentive to create formal sector employment
on a large scale. That's a major reason why Indian growth isn't
inclusive enough. Further political intervention in the job market
would only strengthen this skew. Besides, politicians should realise
that fragmenting the electorate along caste lines will erode the vote
base of not just the big national parties, but smaller caste-based
parties as well. Prudence calls for an enlightened approach, and the
implementation of policies that lift all boats.


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[ZESTCaste] Cong gives nod to include caste data in census

http://epaper.business-standard.com/bsepaper/svww_zoomart.php?Artname=20100528aP005101001&ileft=3&itop=41&zoomRatio=130&AN=20100528aP005101001

Cong gives nod to include caste data in census

SAUBHADRO CHATTERJI New Delhi, 27 May

The Congress brass has decided to include caste-wise data as a part of
the government's ongoing exercise to compile the census details by
2011. Top sources in the party said the objections of "practical
difficulties" could be "sorted out" and the party says such adatabase
will provide an accurate political and social landscape.

The caste data will only reveal the headcount and not give any
detailed analysis of the economic and social condition of any castes.

On Wednesday, the Cabinet had decided to refer the issue to a Group of
Ministers (GoM). Sources in the Cabinet say this decision was taken
purely to allow the Cabinet to concentrate of several other issues.

"A discussion on caste-based census in the Cabinet would have taken at
least 8-9 hours as almost every member has to say something on the
issue." Top sources in the Cabinet said even as the census data
collection process had already started, the caste-based data
collection can be incorporated at alater stage, perhaps when the
government officials go for the second round of survey in early 2011.
In the meantime, the data collectors can be given additional training
to handle the caste details.


The GoM on caste data will be headed by Finance Minister Pranab
Mukherjee, who, is an ardent supporter of including caste data in the
census. In Wednesday's Cabinet meeting, except Human Resource
Development Minister Kapil Sibal and Commerce and Industry Minister
Anand Sharma, all members showed support for the caste-based census.

Government managers also pointed out that the move could give
political benefits to the government, which is treading on
uncomfortable majority in the Lok Sabha. As the government needs to
pass crucial legislation like the civil nuclear liability Bill, the
caste-based census is likely to garner support of the Yadav lobby —
Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Prasad and Sharad Yadav.

A section of the party also says the caste census may also provide a
leeway if the government finally pushes for the contentious Women's
Reservation Bill, opposed by the Yadav lobby.

Congress sources pointed out that the party's own allies —the DMK and
Trinamool Congress — have also stood behind the government for
inclusion of caste data in the ongoing census. Trinamool Congress
chief whip in the Lok Sabha, Sudip Bandopadhyay, told Business
Standard: "We will support the government's decision in this case. We
feel when there are acts like the Right to Information, there is no
reason to suppress caste concentration in the country." Earlier, Home
minister P Chidambaram had pointed out that there were technical and
practical difficulties in gathering caste information immediately.

The forms currently circulated for collecting census data also do not
include any caste column. But Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee has
said that during the second round of collection, an additional column
can be added to the forms.

The finance minister had also pointed out that if the caste data
collection was done separately at a later stage, it would amount to a
huge expenditure. The government has sanctioned Rs 2,200 crore for the
census 2011 so far.

A census official marks a house after collecting details from a
village resident at Hatkhuwapara village in Assam. PHOTO: REUTERS


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[ZESTCaste] A Dangerous Step Backwards (Opinion)

http://epaper.timesofindia.com/Daily/skins/TOINEW/navigator.asp?Daily=TOIH&showST=true&login=default&pub=TOI&AW=1275023446203

A Dangerous Step Backwards

Giving in to the khap panchayats could legalise caste divisions

Mary E John

The recent notoriety of khap panchayats, the 'community courts' of the
Jats of Haryana and western UP, is easy to understand. Sensational
events like families killing their children in the name of community
honour – and being sentenced to death for their crime – are obvious
media magnets inviting phrases like "medieval barbarism". But their
legal setbacks and media infamy have only emboldened the khaps, who
are now demanding legal sanction for their caste customs. They want
the Hindu Marriage Act (HMA) to prohibit marriages where both bride
and groom belong to the same gotra.
  How should a liberal state that is sensitive to plural traditions
respond to such a demand? Answers depend on an analysis of
implications and stakes.
  Far from being a rarity confined to a few 'timeless' Jat villages,
the prohibition on sagotra matches is part of a wider set of rules
regulating marriage practices across the country. Indeed, the
prohibition only makes sense within caste endogamy – or the rule that
both partners must be from the same caste. This rule has many
sub-clauses, one of them being the sagotra prohibition, which exclude
specific groups and persons from the marriageable group. In large
parts of north India, caste endogamy is paired with village exogamy,
or the rule that the bride must not be from the same village as the
groom. In fact, most recent incidents of 'honour killings' were
provoked by the violation of the same-caste and different-village
rules rather than the sagotra prohibition.
  If the khaps have nevertheless chosen to highlight the gotra issue,
the reasons are strategic. The gotra issue can combine ancient
tradition and modern science, a potent combination in India. It can be
claimed that not marrying within your gotra is the traditional
expression of the rational-scientific need to avoid genetic
inbreeding. Such plausible motives help to deflect attention from what
is really at stake – the struggle to regulate everything from
community identities
and property rights to the norms of gender and sexuality. There is
nothing medieval about this struggle. The khaps are trying to cope
with the combined effects of a flailing rural economy, changing caste
relations, and emerging youth cultures. The gotra issue becomes a
means for gaining legal sanction, something that the khaps desperately
need to regain their waning power.
  The law the khaps want changed, the HMA, is remarkably permissive.
Though it forbids marriages among immediate family members and
descendants, the HMA has no social prohibitions of any kind, certainly
none based on caste, clan or geography. On the contrary, the Act even
allows local customs to override its own prohibitions, stipulating
only that such customs should not be unreasonable or opposed to public
policy.

  Should an Act that shuns all social prohibitions be amended to
legalise the prohibitions the khaps insist on? Commentators like Madhu
Kishwar have argued that it should, because this allows the khaps to
exercise legitimate community rights; dissenters can always use the
Special Marriages Act (SMA) instead of the HMA. Despite seeming
reasonable, such proposals harbour undesirable consequences.
  The first worrisome consequence concerns the possible legalisation
of caste divisions. Since gotras presuppose caste – they exist only
within and not across castes – a ban on sagotra marriage presumes that
both partners are from the same caste. Legal manoeuvrings that we
cannot foresee today could lead to a situation where inter-caste
marriages are rendered illegal under the HMA. This would, of course,
grossly violate the vision of Babasaheb Ambedkar, the main architect
of the HMA.
  A second troubling possibility is that by bending the HMA to fit
their doctrines, the khaps could gain the right to define Hindu
marriage. This is what is implied when dissenters are offered the SMA
in place of the HMA, because the only substantial difference between
the two is the lack of religious identification in the SMA, which is
closely modelled on the HMA, including similar lists of prohibited
relations, and similar clauses deferring to custom.
  Any strategy for positive change must certainly avoid giving legal
sanction to castebased prohibitions, whatever their claims to
tradition or custom. Nor should we fall into the trap of defining
'honour killings' in order to oppose them. Rather, the challenge is to
break out of these frameworks while enabling communities to face
change with dignity and compassion. Communities acquire authority by
practising the values of custodianship and winning the trust of the
young. This authority is undermined rather than asserted when they
react as the khaps have to eloping couples – with boycotts and
harassment, followed by physical violence and murder. It is to shore
up their eroding authority that the khaps are seeking further legal
reinforcement for the enormous extra-legal powers that they already
wield.
  Rather than give in to such demands, the law must limit itself to
protecting fundamental freedoms, and minimising the logic of
prohibitions. In the world beyond the law, it is for civil society to
help create an ethos where young people are empowered not only to
choose their life-partners, but also to acquire the resources
necessary to sustain their choices, and above all, the maturity to
choose wisely.
  The writer is senior fellow and director at the Centre for Women's
Development Studies.


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[ZESTCaste] IIT-JEE: Dalit students come out with flying colours

http://www.thehindu.com/2010/05/27/stories/2010052762430700.htm

Andhra Pradesh

IIT-JEE: Dalit students come out with flying colours

Staff Reporter

Naresh from Government Junior College at New Nagole secures 210th rank
in SC category


Five other students from the Government Junior College secure ranks in
the IIT-JEE entrance

The Government Junior College offers two-year long-term integrated
coaching for Dalit students

HYDERABAD: If getting admission into the Indian Institute of
Technology is a dream for many, it is a dream forbidden for many more
due to social and economic exclusion.

A. Naresh, a student from the Government Junior College at New Nagole
designated by the Andhra Pradesh Social Welfare Residential
Educational Institutions Society for IIT long term coaching, had all
the debilitating circumstances that would have consigned him to those
millions.

He did not succumb, and he is in news.

Owes it to parents

Naresh, who secured the rank 210 in the SC category of IIT-JEE, is the
first such candidate from his village Kasimpalli of Warangal district.

He owes it as much to his parents-- Sulochana, a municipal sweeper and
Ilaiah, an agricultural labourer-- as to his own dogged effort to
scale the impossible heights.

"My parents are keen on our education. They did not want us to end up
in menial jobs like them," said Naresh who stayed and studied in the
social welfare hostels all through.

He was one among the six students from the college who smashed through
the air of despondency pervading their Dalit identity to secure ranks
in the entrance.

The others

The other students are B. Ranjit Kumar, M. Maruthi, M. Gangadhar, V.
Murahari, and K. Jagan. "This college was set up in 1998 on special
request from IIT trainer Chukka Ramaiah who felt the need for offering
IIT coaching to Dalit students. It is the only one of its kind in the
whole country. Last year too, we could send four students to the IIT,"
said the Government Junior College Principal E. Lakshmaiah.

Rigorous training

The college offers two years' long term integrated residential
coaching for Dalit students chosen through an entrance exam.

Rigorous training from 6 a.m. to 10 p.m. and model tests prepare them
to compete with the students from the elite corporate colleges across
the country, the Principal said.

"Sixteen students got selected for the NIT last year. 98 per cent of
our students leave the institute with engineering college admission
letters," says Seetharama Sastry, a proud mathematics lecturer from
the college.


***

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_dalit-boy-cracks-iit-entrance-test_1388086

Dalit boy cracks IIT entrance test

Wednesday, May 26, 2010 17:53 IST

Patna: The socio-economic deprivation did not come in the way of
realising his cherished dream as a bright youth from the Mahadalit
communities Anand Kishore, a native of Nawada district, did himself
and his family proud by cracking the prestigious joint entrance test
of the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT).

The son of a father engaged in tapping palm juice for livelihood, the
18 year-old boy lived up to the expectation of his guru Anand Kumar,
the mathematics wizard and founder of the prestigious coaching
institute, 'Super 30' to secure 1190th position in the joint entrance
test for IIT this year.

Basking in the glory of his newly found achievement, Kishore, who
studied upto Class XII from a non-descript school in Nawada district,
passed on the credit of his success to the Super 30 and its co-founder
Kumar.

"I studies in a dedicated and disciplined manner on the advice of
Kumar Sir," he said.

My family members too stood like a rock by my side and prayed for my
success, Kishore, who belongs to the Pasi caste of the larger social
conglomerate called Mahadalit, said.


***

http://www.deccanherald.com/content/71971/cobblers-son-makes-iit.html

Cobbler's son makes it to IIT
Sanjay Pandey Lucknow, May 27, DHNS

Living in a ten by ten room sans electricity in a congested and filthy
area and dreaming of becoming an engineer may sound a bit too big but
Abhishek Kumar Bharti, a dalit, has proved that it is not impossible.


Son of a cobbler, Abhishek, a resident of Ganga Ganj in Uttar
Pradesh's industrial town of Kanpur, about 90 kilometres from here,
has achieved 154th rank in the IIT-JEE in the Scheduled Caste (SC)
category, the results of which were declared on Wednesday.

While Abhishek's father Rajendra Prasad mends shoes, his mother
Sangeeta Devi does tailoring business to make a living and look after
their four children of whom Abhishek is the eldest.

Abhishek also used to lend a helping hand to the family by doing some
petty jobs occasionally. "I always dreamt of becoming an engineer and
now it has been fulfilled," said an elated Abhishek, who used to study
in the light of a lantern outside the small room.

"I used to study for seven-eight hours every day regularly...if one
studies regularly with concentration, one can achieve what one wants,"
said the dalit boy.

"I have no words to express my happiness...it's all because of his
(Abhishek) hard work and determination...he has really worked very
hard," said Prasad

Sangeeta Devi, Abhishek's mother, is proud of her son. "I pray to the
Almighty that every parent has a son like Abhishek... he has made all
of us very proud."

Sangeeta Devi, who comes from a poor family in the neighbouring Kanpur
Dehat district, has studied up to 12th standard. "In our village,
people were not in favour of sending girls to the schools but I
completed Intermediate (12th)," she added.

She feels that her own education prompted her to make sure her
children get better future.


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[ZESTCaste] Caste in Census 2011: Is it necessary? (Opinion)

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/opinion/comments--analysis/Caste-in-Census-2011-Is-it-necessary/articleshow/5983450.cms

Caste in Census 2011: Is it necessary?
28 May 2010, 0609 hrs IST,Rajindar Sachar,

The country is in a vortex of challenges, counter challenges and
suspicious suggestions on the desirability or otherwise of including
caste in the
2011 census. A calmer discussion may clear a number of cobwebs. It is
common knowledge that the caste system has existed in our country for
centuries.

It is unnecessary to dilate upon the origin of caste; whether it was
the freezing of a guild system, helped and encouraged, no doubt, by
Brahamanical scriptural history, and the lack of an industrial
revolution (because of the British occupation of India), etc. The
Constitution recognised the evils of the caste system and provided for
affirmative action with a view to ultimately eliminating it from our
social structure. But unfortunately it remains, even stronger
affirmative action has only created a creamy layer subclass and the
benefits are still being denied to the vast submerged poor in backward
classes, and the poor in all the castes.

The proponents of a caste census offer the strange reason that without
knowing the actual numbers adequate affirmative action cannot be taken
by the states. This argument assumes there is no reliable estimate of
OBC/SC/ST numbers. The fact is that the NSSO's 61st round undertaken
by the government of India in 2004, tells us that OBCs constitute 41%
of the total population of India; OBC percentage in some religious
communities, say, Hindus is 42.8%, and among Muslims it is 39.2%.

More important, by virtue of Article 340 of the Constitution,
Parliament set up the National Commission for Backward Classes Act
1993 for identification of the backward classes and to make special
provisions relating to such classes. Application for inclusion of
backward classes in the list maintained by the central government can
be made to the commission and its advice is ordinarily binding on the
government. States also have backward commissions with similar powers.
Thus, a list for the country showing the number of backward classes is
continuously being updated and would be readily available.

Surely that record would be more authentic than the unsatisfactory one
prepared hurriedly and without any parameters during the census, which
even proponents of caste census concede. Also, let us clear one
cobweb: even if it is found in the census that backward classes (BC)
number around 60-70%, it can make no difference to the strategy of
affirmative action, like reservations, etc., which are in operation at
present.

The reason is that the Supreme Court has mandated maximum of 50%
reservation for jobs and education. Of this, 23% are for SC/ST, which
leaves 27% which is already being given to backward classes. So the
argument of knowing the exact number of people belonging to various
castes like Yadavs and Kurmis et al will serve no purpose except to
create an artificial bond of kinship on one side and unnecessary
antagonism for the other castes.


The argument also is that if categories of sex and religion in the
census have not led to any friction, why would caste do so? A simple
answer is that those two categories are measures of identity and are
not divisive in themselves. No doubt, vested interests create
religious divides, but that does not justify putting caste on the same
plane.

CANwe, in the name of caste, for reservation purposes, treat Yadav
landowners or ministers on par with a Yadav labourer, or a Yadav car
driver? Do we want to go back to feudal classification and encourage
raw casteism? Let me immediately make a caveat — that the policy of
affirmative action for backward classes (excluding, of course, the
creamy layer) has my full acceptance. However, one is troubled by the
idea of making caste the central point of all public policies, because
this will affect the real inequality in society between the haves and
have-nots, the rich and the poor, irrespective of their religion and
caste identities.

In fact, the progressive people who talk so fervently of a classless
society must remember that originally caste and class were synonymous
in India. But now, because of industrialisation and the emergence of
the working class as a significant factor, class loyalty is becoming
more dominant as against caste loyalty. Should some sections, like
dock workers, railway employees, steel workers, coal and oil workers,
not be classified as working class, or must they continue to be
classified according to the feudal phraseology of castes and
sub-castes?

If we do that, would it not be a sure way of undermining the strength
and unity of the working class? Indeed, the typical capitalist would
be very happy to have trade unions based on caste composition rather
than class. As Dr Ram Manohar Lohia had caustically remarked: "The
system of castes is a terrifying force of stability and against
change, a force that stabilises all current meanness, dishonour and
lies — and the resurrection of the real India lies in the revolt
against caste."

For Dr Lohia "it is meaningless to talk of equality while maintaining
separate castes. Castes have to be abolished. Even their nomenclatures
should go". That religious identity is not as strong as caste was
foreseen by Dr Lohia who said: "British rule in India had made use of
the element of caste in the same manner that it made use of the
element of religion. The revolt against caste is the resurrection of
India and only then will India be truly and fully alive."

A patriot and a progressive would look askance at the growth of
parties of regional castes, even when they purport to mask themselves
by putting on a radical garb. Their capacity to disintegrate should
not be overlooked. They disintegrate the people. They disintegrate the
mind. As we have quite authentic information from the NSSO survey and
the Backward Commission, why muddle it with caste census, which, as is
admitted by all, may suffer from lack of preparatory material and
absence of proper verification. More so, when such an estimate would
not be relied on by the government for affirmative policies.

(The author is former Chief Justice of Delhi High Court)


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