Saturday, August 21, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Mayawati suggests measures to increase income of farmers

 

http://www.hindustantimes.com/Mayawati-suggests-measures-to-increase-income-of-farmers/Article1-589556.aspx

Mayawati suggests measures to increase income of farmers

Press Trust Of India
Lucknow, August 20, 2010First Published: 21:04 IST(20/8/2010)
Last Updated: 21:07 IST(20/8/2010)

With the farmers' stir in Uttar Pradesh showing no signs of abating,
Chief Minister Mayawati on Friday suggested a slew of measures to
concerned officials to increase the income of the farming community
including giving a special impetus to milk production. "The income of
farmers should be increased by giving special impetus to milk
production, animal husbandry, pisciculture, sericulture and
horticulture sector", Mayawati said while directing officials to
provide adequate prices to the farmers for their produce.

Laxity in providing the agricultural inputs to the farmers would not
be tolerated, she said adding that an action plan should be prepared
to ensure completion of large irrigation projects at the earliest.

She said that the pending irrigation projects should be completed on
priority basis and ordered high level inquiry into the corruption
charges levelled in the renovation work of the sports hostel.

"Officers should also ensure that problems of the people are solved on
priority basis and schemes launched for the welfare of poor people
should be completed in a time bound manner so that the poor got its
full benefit", Mayawati said.

While directing to take stern action against land grabbers, Mayawati
directed that illegal lease holders should be ousted and the eligible
persons should be restored the possession.

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[ZESTCaste] Book Review | Encounter of the titans

http://www.livemint.com/2010/08/20181853/Book-Review--Encounter-of-the.html?h=B

Posted: Fri, Aug 20 2010. 6:18 PM IST
Books

Book Review | Encounter of the titans

What happens when BR Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi look down from
heaven? Two brilliantly imagined soliloquies

Chandrahas Choudhury

Two voices suddenly pipe up midway through The Flaming Feet, D.R.
Nagaraj's book of essays on the Dalit movement, and they turn out to
be those of the principal protagonists of the book: B.R. Ambedkar and
Mahatma Gandhi. For once, we see them not spoken about, but speaking
in their own voices, as if restored to life.

It is 1997, the 50th anniversary of India's independence—an
independence about which both men were, from the very beginning and
for different reasons, sceptical. Ambedkar and Gandhi occupy adjoining
rooms in heaven, and look down somewhat disconsolately on an India
that has moved on. Ambedkar speaks of his immense antipathy to
religious superstition and myth-making, and acknowledges that "my
intimate enemy, that Gujarati Bania Mr. Gandhi, also does not like
these things", even if Gandhi is always seen as a man of religion.
Gandhi, meanwhile, is found contemplating "how Hind Swaraj would be if
my nextdoor neighbour, the learned Babasaheb, had written it", and
thinks that Ambedkar, a trained economist and the quintessential
rationalist, would have found an enormous array of statistics to
improve the argument.

Father figure: Gandhi differed from Ambedkar in his ideas for the
development of Dalits. Hindustan Times

Nagaraj, a great lover of fiction and its ability to tell the truth
about the world even more powerfully than reasoned argument or
autobiographical testimony— unusually for an analyst of politics and
society, his work is full of references to Indian novels—is found here
taking the fiction writer's licence to compose "two imaginary
soliloquies". Perhaps no one in the pantheon of Indian intellectuals
has earned this right more than he. Although clearly written from a
Dalit perspective, Nagaraj's essays repeatedly dramatized the epic
clash between the two titans over the nature of a 20th century India
that would finally grant Dalits a life of dignity and self-respect.

For Gandhi, this could happen only if high-caste Hindus examined their
consciences, took account of the historic wrongs committed against
Dalits, and experienced "a conversion of the heart" that made them
redress these injustices. Gandhi's method seemed idealistic yet
practical, trying somehow to identify "simultaneously both with caste
Hindu society and the untouchable" so as not to lose one or the other.

Nagaraj grants that this was an enormous step forward, but remains
sharply critical of it. He holds that the Gandhian project had no real
role for untouchables themselves, once again making them spectators to
history in a drama in which high castes were the chief protagonists,
experiencing the guilt of a tragic hero and acting upon it. The
Gandhian appellation for Dalits—"Harijan", or the child of God—is not
so much a generous as a patronizing one.

The Flaming Feet and Other Essays: Permanent Black, 254 pages, Rs595.

In contrast to Gandhi's language of conscience (what Nagaraj calls the
mode of self-purification), Ambedkar spoke the language of rights and
of political agitation (or the mode of self-respect). While Gandhi
wished to bind Hindu society into a refashioned whole, Ambedkar's
vision was of a complete break with Hindu society and all its
encrusted modes of viewing the masses on its margins. Ambedkar wanted
the Dalit to stop being a subject in history and start becoming an
agent, thereby "eliminating dependence on mercy and benevolence". The
modern systems of democracy, rights, political suffrage and the nation
state allowed Dalits all this, while the traditional village panchayat
never had.

This bifurcation in views set up one of the pivotal clashes of modern
Indian history: the disagreement in 1933 between Gandhi and Ambedkar
over the issue of separate electorates for untouchables, which
Ambedkar desired deeply. By launching a fast unto death in Yerawada
jail over this issue, Gandhi forced Ambedkar's hand, and had his own
way. But even if Gandhi won the immediate battle, the larger war over
the next eight decades for the Dalit view of self and the world has
been won by Ambedkar, whose vision of aggressive self-mobilization and
minoritization has found a variety of expressions in Indian politics
and public life, especially since the 1970s.

But, Nagaraj acknowledges, even if Dalits have won themselves new
rights and greater security, especially from upper-caste violence, the
result is not so much a rapprochement but rather a kind of detente.
The structure of caste society remains basically unchanged from the
top, and the peace achieved is a fragile one—it needs a dose of Gandhi
to convert it into something more meaningful. In this way, as the
scholar Ashis Nandy remarks in a short foreword, Nagaraj attempts
heroically to reconcile Ambedkar and Gandhi. This posthumously
published book, the only one written by Nagaraj, is a memorable
examination of the Dalit encounter with history and modernity, rage
and healing.

IN SIX WORDS

Gandhi, Ambedkar in their own words

Chandrahas Choudhury is the author of Arzee the Dwarf.

Write to lounge@livemint.com


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[ZESTCaste] Adi Dharam World Mission Objects to Amrit Bani

 

http://news.outlookindia.com/item.aspx?691088

Adi Dharam World Mission Objects to Amrit Bani
Phagwara | Aug 20, 2010

Adi Dharam World Mission, a Dalit body today extended support to
radical Sikh organisation, Damdami Taksal Bhindrawale, and declared
that newly-floated Ravidasia dharm was a conspiracy to drive a wedge
between Adidharm samaj and the Sikh community.

Kishan Pal Sood, President Adi Dharam World Mission, today told
newsmen here that Amrit Bani, new granth of Ravidasia dharma, was not
a complete granth but an extract of Guru Ravidas hymns from the holy
Guru Granth Sahib.

"Amrit Bani did not include hymns of Bhagat Kabirji, Sant Namdev and
other holymen while Guru Granth Sahib was a cosmic scripture
containing hymns of all, including Guru Ravi Das," Sood said.

Claiming there was centuries old brotherhood between Sikh community
and Adidharmi samaj, Sood flayed assault on vehicle of Damdami Taksal
and its occupants here on August 7 during a traffic blockade by a
group of Dalits. He tendered apology to Taksal for it on behalf of
Dalits.

Radical organisations Sant Samaj and Damdami Taksal Bhindrawale had
blocked traffic on NH 1 here on August 12 in protest against August 7
attack on a Taksal vehicle and its three occupants by a group of
Dalits.

Filed On: Aug 20, 2010 23:52 IST , Edited On: Aug 20, 2010 23:52 IST

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[ZESTCaste] No automatic go-ahead for Dalit memorials in Noida park: SC

 

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/No-automatic-go-ahead-for-Dalit-memorials-in-Noida-park--SC/662906

No automatic go-ahead for Dalit memorials in Noida park: SC

Agencies Posted online: Fri Aug 20 2010, 19:39 hrs
New Delhi : The Supreme Court on Friday said there was no automatic
go-ahead for the Uttar Pradesh government project of constructing
statues and memorials for Dalit leaders at Noida Park merely because
the Centre has stated that environment clearance was not required for
it.
It said such a stand of the Centre that the Environment Impact
Assessment (EIA) was not required for the project has to be discussed
in detail before arriving at any conclusion.

We cannot say fait accompli, otherwise, we may hear that some other
projects are being cleared under the garb of this matter, a special
Forest Bench comprising Chief Justice S H Kapadia and Justices Aftab
Alam and K S Radhakrishnan

said.

The Bench was perusing the affidavit filed by the Ministry of
Environment and Forest (MoEF) which said the project of the Mayawati
government is covered under Area Development Activity requiring no
EIA.

The affidavit said the area involved in the project was only 33.43
hectares, much below the bench mark of 1,50,000 sq metres requiring
environment clearance from the MoEF.

However, the ministry affidavit elicited strong objections from
opponents of the project.

Senior advocate Harsh Salve, who is assisting the court as an amicus
curiae in the matter, said the acceptance of such a stand of the
government will cause more damage.

If this affidavit is accepted, it is not going to help, rather it is
going to hurt others, he said and cautioned the Bench against allowing
the issue to move for fait accompli.

It is difficult to turn the clock back, he said adding the project
should not be allowed without the EIA.

His stand was supported by the counsel for Noida residents, Jayant
Bhushan, who said the project cannot be cleared without EIA as it was
next to the Okhla bird sanctuary.

The project is less than 10 km away from the sanctuary and requires
environment clearance from MoEF," he said.

The apex court had on August 13 wanted to know from the Centre under
which category of Environment Assessment Notification the project
could be put.

It is examining whether the project falls under the category of
Building and Construction Project or Township and Area Development
Project.

The project, which covers 20,000 sq metres, comes under the first
category while those using 1,50,000 sq metres falls

under the second.

The apex court had also sought central response to the suggestion that
guidelines should be laid down for giving environmental clearance to
projects in the vicinity of urban forests like Noida park and Siri
Fort in the national capital.

Uttar Pradesh government had said Noida authorities were ready to
reduce the concrete area of the park where statues and memorials of
Dalit leaders have been installed.

It has come out with the proposal to reduce the concrete area to 35
per cent of the total park land area of 34 hectares used in the
construction activities.

The state government had said 65 per cent area would be planted with trees.

Earlier, the Centre had said it could not grant environmental
clearance for construction of statues and memorials for Dalit leaders
at a park in Noida if Uttar Pradesh government does not take measures
for the area's ecological restoration.

In an affidavit, MoEF had said that given the complex nature of the
project and its adverse impact on surrounding biodiversity and its
proximity to Okhla bird sancturay, it will not grant the clearance.

The Expert Appraisal Committee (EAC) of the Ministry, which reviewed
the three environment impact assessment reports prepared by UP
government, has also suggested certain measures to be taken by the
state for getting clearance to the Rs 650-crore project.

MoEF had, during the proceedings on July 21, sought time to examine
the reports prepared by UP government saying they were not concurring
with each other.

The expert bodies appointed by the state government had conducted
three studies after the apex court stayed construction work at the
park.

The UP government had claimed the stay on construction work was
causing to it a loss of Rs three lakh everyday.

The state government had said MoEF's earlier affidavit, in which it
had said that the land in question did not come under the forest area,
favoured the lifting of the stay on construction at the site.

The UP government had submitted that all hurdles for lifting the stay
have been removed as the Centre, in its affidavit, had said that there
was no need for environmental clearance for the project.

It had argued that the apex court-appointed Central

Empowered Committee (CEC) in its report also had said that the project
in no way affects the bird sanctuary in Okhla.

All work for the Rs 650-crore project on the 33.43 hectare land has
been stopped since October 9, 2009, by an apex court order.

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[ZESTCaste] Dalit women more empowered: Study

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/mumbai/Dalit-women-more-empowered-Study/articleshow/6384035.cms

Dalit women more empowered: Study

TNN, Aug 21, 2010, 05.43am IST

While caste continues to play an important role in villages, dalit
women are more likely to take up local issues than upper caste women,
a new study released by TISS revealed.

The study cited several success stories of empowered rural dalit women
across 11 villages in Maharashtra who took up issues of governance in
their villages.

Read more: Dalit women more empowered: Study - Mumbai - City - The
Times of India http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/mumbai/Dalit-women-more-empowered-Study/articleshow/6384035.cms#ixzz0xEe9VuXr

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[ZESTCaste] Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar are no longer national icons. You can be arrested for reading them

http://www.tehelka.com/story_main46.asp?filename=Ne280810bhagatsingh.asp

From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 7, Issue 34, Dated August 28, 2010

CURRENT AFFAIRS MAHARASHTRA


Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar are no longer national icons. You can be
arrested for reading them

BY RANA AYYUB


Indicted icon Dalit students in front of an Ambedkar statue


BANDU MESHRAM'S schoolgoing daughter hides behind the curtain as she
spots us. She tugs her mother Seema's saree and tells her to send us
away. Seema, a teacher, tells us the little girl has been afraid of
strangers ever since the police took away her 38-year-old father. On
21 February, barely a few metres away from his home in Nagpur, a
police team picked him up. It was only the next day his wife learned
that the "abductors" described by neighbours were a squad sent by the
Chandrapur district police.

Three days after his arrest, Bandu was charged with sedition under the
Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA). His arrest was based on
"classified information" received by the police that Bandu was the
absconding zonal secretary of a banned Maoist outfit. "He was working
as a tailor in a reputed garments showroom," says his wife. "They say
he was in hiding whereas we stay in the lane next to the police
station."

When questioned by TEHELKA, Superintendent of Police Cherring Dorje
admits the name in the 2008 chargesheet is not Bandu Meshram but
alleged the tailor uses an alias. His wife says that even the
literature the police showed as "seizure" was just a book on the
Vidarbha farmers movement. "Will they hang him because he was a part
of an agricultural movement? Next they should hang me because I am a
follower of Ambedkar," she says.

TEHELKA tracked many such stories — stories of arrests scattered
across Maharashtra, told by people we met across districts, in
blue-coloured houses, at rallies.

A book seller. A student. A lecturer. A wedding guest. All found, or
so the police say, in possession of literature like an interview of
Arundhati Roy, Maxim Gorky's Mother, material on the Khairlanji
atrocity or Bhagat Singh. "If you are a Muslim, you are a terrorist.
If you are a Dalit, you are a Naxalite," a Dalit rights lawyer and
activist told TEHELKA.

That seems to be the twisted logic at play, for close to a hundred
arrests have been made since 2007 under the UAPA, used by the
government to label all kinds of political activity as 'terrorist',
'anti-national' or 'seditious'. TEHELKA has details of 18 such cases,
which demonstrate that the state seems to have no real understanding
of the socio-economic conditions under which Dalits turn to activism.
Or the fact that Bhagat Singh is a national hero who fought against
the British and Gorky's writings are inspiring but he did not
advocate, like Chairman Mao did, that power flows from the barrel of a
gun. This, in a country where state governments are wooing Dalit votes
by building statues of Ambedkar and Jyotiba Phule, and school students
are told they are national heroes.

EVERY YEAR, Dalits from across the world converge on Diksha Bhoomi,
Nagpur, to commemorate the day Ambedkar embraced Buddhism along with
15 lakh Dalits. In October 2007, four Dalit youths were headed that
way:


Living hell Bandu Meshram's wife and children await his return
Mind bender Anil Mamane, sociology lecturer, accused of spreading radical ideas

Anil Mamane, 27, lecturer of sociology, MA (gold medallist)
Dinkar Kamble, 23, MPhil first year student, ranked 2nd in selection
Bapu Patil, 20, BA first year student
Babasaheb Saymote, 27, MCom.
Mamane wanted to awaken the collective conscience of people through
his writing. Books like Ya Jagaat Dev Aahe Ka (Does God Exist?),
Ramabai to Khairlanji were either written or distributed by him. So he
and student Dinkar Kamble, who used to sell books in his
neighbourhood, boarded the Maharashtra Express. The other two accused,
Babasaheb Saymote and Bapu Patil, took the same train and were,
unfortunately for them, in the same compartment.

At Ajni, two hours before Nagpur, the police entered the compartment
and picked up the four. They were taken to Nagpur police station and a
case was registered that they were part of a group carrying
incriminating literature that asked Dalits to kill in the name of
Khairlanji. The chargesheet said, "Literature seized from the
applicants is highly objectionable and provocative, and was intended
to provoke a large number of Dalits to join the cause of Naxals."

It was an outright frame-up. If one were to go by the logic of the
police that the material was incriminating, why not punish the writer
and the publisher? They arrested two people who were going to sell
books already in the market and two who were not even linked to them.
While the police could frame a case against Mamane and Kamble,
building up a case against Bapu Patil and Saymote was more difficult.
Saymote's house in his village and Patil's hostel room were raided.
"They picked up my BA books as proof," says Patil. Saymote was shown
to be a member of Kabir Manch, a cultural organisation, which the
police claimed was under surveillance on suspicion of being engaged in
subversive activities.

'If you are a Muslim, you are a terrorist. If you are a Dalit, you are
a Naxalite,' remarks a Dalit rights lawyer and activist


When the matter went to trial, the two "alleged accomplices" got bail
immediately. The judge said, "There is no prima facie evidence to even
suggest that Dinkar Kamble knew what was written in the books. Bapu
Patil, residing in a hostel, too just possessed some books. Mere
possession of books is not sufficient to infer that the applicants are
instigating armed revolution. Hence bail be granted."

Mamane and Saymote were not so lucky: their bail applications were
rejected. But where the law did not help, hunger strike did. A 14-day
hunger strike by Saymote and Mamane ensured that the same judge gave
them bail six months later on the same grounds mentioned in the
earlier bail applications.

Activists from across the country including Anna Hazare came out to
protest, forcing Maharashtra Home Minister RR Patil to make a visit to
the area and to the hostel. While the mainstream media largely ignored
the case, processions were taken out with letters being written to the
government by college professors and writers asking whether the state
is scared of Bhagat Singh's ideology. Students displayed placards
outside the minister's residence asking if the state was ashamed of
Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar.

Kamble says, "I was always proud of the fact that in spite of coming
from an impoverished family, I had managed to clear my MPhil . But the
taunts they threw at me in jail broke me. They would ask me if we
Ambedkarites were trying another 1857."

BAPU PATIL, now 23, has a 65-year-old ailing mother and a sister to
care for. He works for an NGO that stages street plays to create
awareness on medical issues. His hostel room still has a huge poster
of Ambedkar adorning the wall. "I live in fear. They can still come
and arrest me saying that in the name of spreading awareness on
disease, I am helping the Naxal cause". This college student also has
to spend `600 from his meagre pocket money travelling two times a
month to the Nagpur court to attend the hearings.

Usually, such arbitrary arrests break a man or destroy his livelihood.
But Anil Mamane's arrest and release meant a big leap for him, as he
now has scripts from 75 authors waiting to be published and has the
complete backing of publishing houses. When he came out of jail, he
married a Brahmin girl whom he knew since college. People collected `2
lakh to give them a lavish wedding. He has written a book on
Khairlanji and is re-publishing books on Bhagat Singh. "Truth can't be
silenced," he says.

But two Dalits who paid a heavy price for being socially aware are
journalist Dhanendra Bhurile and shopkeeper Naresh Bansod, residents
of Gondia. When produced before the Nagpur magistrate, the policemen
said they had been arrested along with two other alleged Naxalites —
Arun Ferreira and Mahesh aka Murli Satyareddi — and that they had
plans to go to Diksha Bhoomi to hatch a conspiracy.

The police stated that when arrested in May 2007, the four started
throwing away their SIM cards, Naxal literature, envelopes and pen
drives. Sessions judge RB Patil questioned how it could then be proved
that this material belonged to them.


Grassroots Babasaheb Saymote back at his farm
Heartbreaking news Dhanendra Bhurile and his wife Sarita

It was on the basis of this literature and 'confessions' from police
witnesses that these two were accused under Sections 10, 13, 18 and 20
of UAPA, which amount to knowingly or unknowingly facilitating terror
acts as well as recruiting people for terror-related activities,
besides sedition.

The two were granted bail by the high court for lack of evidence to
prosecute them under UAPA, giving the police two months to appeal
against the bail. However, the police went to the Supreme Court to
apply against the bail and got a stay. Thus, after spending three
months in jail, the duo were rearrested and this time the police
slapped an additional charge against the two of burning a police
vehicle and killing police officials. Then started the rounds of
torture and casteist insults, adding to the injury inflicted by the
police. "One of the police officers who used to hang me upside down
asked me to face the repercussions of trying to be another Ambedkar,"
recalls Bansod.

Having spent close to three years in jail, justice finally opened its
eyes for the two, who were acquitted and released in July this year.
In a landmark judgement, the judge said the police had been simply
unable to prove not just the provisions of UAPA but also discharged
the other case of rioting that the police had slapped on them after
their re-arrest. The judge observed that the police erred right in the
beginning when it did not even obtain sanction under UAPA while filing
the chargesheet.

Why did the police want to brand Bhurile and Bansod as Naxalites? Is
it a caste war being waged by feudal elements under the cover of
ferreting out Maoists? Bhurile hints it is prejudice and a desire to
oppress those tasting liberation. "It's simple," he says. "A Dalit
does not read Lenin or Gorky. If he does, unlike you, he is a
criminal." That he heard the word Naxalism for the first time in court
is something nobody will believe, he says, as he shows us his
collection of books on Ambedkar.

TEHELKA CAUGHT up with Bhurile and Bansod after their release from
custody in January. The broken pieces of their lives will take a long
time to put together, especially where their personal lives are
concerned. The friends were nabbed at a railway station en route to a
wedding. Bansod was employed by an organisation that opposed
superstition and traditional beliefs. "I worked with the likes of Baba
Amte, not just for the uplift of Dalits but also the poor, even
amongst Brahmins. Our aim was to help people live a life of dignity".

Students held placards outside the minister's residence asking if the
state was ashamed of Bhagat Singh and Ambedkar


Bhurile worked for two of the bestknown Marathi newspapers. He still
remembers the day the police caught him on charges of aiding Naxal
activity and also of being a Naxal and produced him in a press
conference. "All my friends and colleagues were there," he recalls
ruefully, hinting at he embarrassment and humiliation he felt. "A
couple of them stole some glances at me while the rest pretended they
didn't know who I am. They dutifully filed reports for their
newspapers that the police have nabbed two dreaded Naxals."

If inside jail the husbands had to bear the brunt of an ideology
taught in school, the wives had to suffer for supporting their
husbands. Sarita Bedarkar taught sociology at a local college. Within
days of her husband's arrest, she was told by the college principal
that her services were no longer required. "I started borrowing books
on Indian law and decided to become a lawyer. The cops would come to
my residence frequently and taunt me about reading law books," says
Sarita.

Bansod's wife, on the other hand, could not take the police harassment
and decided to leave her husband. She left for Chhattisgarh to marry
again, leaving her school-going son behind.

Bansod is yet to come to terms with the twists in his life. "It was a
mockery of the law. We paid the price of who we were and what we
represented. You can't turn it all back." He was self-employed before
his arrest, running an electrical goods shop but the police ransacked
it, looting most of the merchandise. Now he has lost his livelihood.

'I worked with the likes of Baba Amte, not just for the uplift of
Dalits but also the poor, even amongst Brahmins,' says Naresh Bansod


In another case, a group of 10 college students professing allegiance
to the teachings of Bhagat Singh and Jyotiba Phule were arrested and
charged with conducting covert operations for Naxalites in Chandrapur.
The logic seems to be that since Bhagat Singh justified violence
against evil-doers, students impressed by his revolutionary ideas are
about to get violent.

Police is now on the lookout for Veera Sathidaar alias Vijay
Bairagade. His home is a one-room residence doubling up as a library
where local students borrow books and magazines. His wife Pushpa has a
list of the publications seized by the police in a raid that scared
her into telling her husband to avoid coming home. Among the seized
books is one with the title Monarchy vs Democracy. We meet Veera where
he is hiding. He tells us his son has been named in the FIR lodged by
the police. A family is torn asunder.

So what can one say of the mentality of the state, symbolised by the
constable who spat at jeans-clad Shantanu Kamble, "So, you sing? So
come on sing for us, just like you sing for the Naxalites." This
softspoken college dropout who works as a labourer by day and pens his
thoughts at night says that it is his poetry that helps him forget the
trauma of being arrested. Fortunately, Additional Sessions Judge AA
Khan could not help saying, "He is a poet, not a Naxalite. Release
him."

PHOTOS: TARUN SEHRAWAT

rana@tehelkacom


From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 7, Issue 34, Dated August 28, 2010


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