Latest News Update: Jun 30, 2010

Wednesday, June 30, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Kandhamal riots: BJP MLA sentenced to 7 years RI

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/kandhamal-riots-bjp-mla-sentenced-to-7-years-ri/640026/

Kandhamal riots: BJP MLA sentenced to 7 years RI

Debabrata Mohanty Posted online: Tue Jun 29 2010, 17:11 hrs
Orissa : A fast track court in Kandhamal district of Orissa today
sentenced BJP MLA Manoj Pradhan to 7 years rigorous imprisonment for
his role in the 2008 Kandhamal communal riots.
The judgement was pronounced by fast track court-I judge Sobhan Kumar
Das while disposing of a case relating to murder of Parikhita Nayak, a
Dalit Christian from Budedi village under Raikia police station limit
on August 27, 2008.

The two-month-long riot, triggered by the killing of VHP leader
Laxmanananda Saraswati, claimed 43 lives and witnessed burning of
about 4600 houses and over 150 churches and prayer houses along with
large scale violence.

Pradhan was also accused of setting on fire houses of people belonging
to the minority community.

Additional public prosecutor B Patnaik said Pradhan was convicted
under sections 147 (rioting), 149 (unlawful assembly) and 326 of IPC.
He was also asked to pay a fine of Rs 5000.

Pradhan, the 36-year-old BJP MLA from G Udaygiri constituency, had 14
cases - half of them murder - lodged against him over his alleged link
with last year's riot in Kandhamal. He was arrested in October 2008
and fought 2009 assembly election behind the bars of G Udaygiri
sub-jail successfully after majority Hindu votes polarised in his
support.

G Udaygiri bore the brunt of 2008 communal violence as several
Christians were killed and chased away from their homes by murderous
tribal Hindus most of whom were allegedly led by Pradhan.

Pradhan said he would appeal before the Orissa High Court against the
order. "I have the highest regard for the judiciary. I have faith in
God," he told The Indian Express.

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[ZESTCaste] The rise of 'Dalit lit' marks a new chapter for India's untouchables

http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/news/the-rise-of-dalit-lit-marks-a-new-chapter-for-indias-untouchables-2014053.html

June 30, 2010
The rise of 'Dalit lit' marks a new chapter for India's untouchables
By Andrew Buncombe in Delhi

As caste divides fade, a fresh crop of writers is emerging
Ajay Navaria, a writer of novels and short stories, cannot help but
laugh as he reflects on the nature of his "other" job teaching Hindu
ethics and scripture at a leading university in Delhi. The 39-year-old
is a Dalit, a so-called "untouchable", and little more than a
generation ago, for him to have even been discussing Hindu texts would
have been an offence that could have cost him his life. The fact that
he now teaches them brings a smile to his face.

"Fifty years ago it would have been a crime. I think about this and
think that if I had touched those scriptures I would have been
killed," he says, perched in a booth in a decaying coffee house in
Delhi's once grand Connaught Place. "But democracy has given me power.
It has given power to the depressed classes and helped to make a more
modern society."

In his own way, Navaria is at the spearhead of a quiet cultural
revolution sweeping India's literary establishment. Having long been
confined to writing only in their own, local languages and largely
ignored by the literary mainstream, Dalit authors are now being
swooped on by some of the country's biggest publishers, such as
Radhakrishna Prakashan which is translating their work into Hindi, the
lingua franca of northern India and beyond.

Novelists, poets and writers of short stories are receiving both
exposure and opportunity in the market-place that they have never
before received. There are Dalit magazines, Dalit literary forums
(there are two competing groups in Delhi alone) and Dalit workshops.
And as further proof of the rising importance and clout of "Dalit
lit", Mr Navaria was this year a guest at the influential Jaipur
literary festival, an annual gathering and networker's paradise of
Indian and international air-kissing types.

Indian society can sometimes seem harsh or even brutal. Nowhere is
this more evident than in its caste system, a centuries-old hierarchy
of categorisation based on ancient Hindu teachings that groups people
into one of four main castes (and thousands of sub-castes).
Traditionally, the caste someone belonged to decided where they would
live, what job they would do and even what they would eat. People
outside of these groups were considered unclean and not true Hindus,
fit only for tasks such as cleaning toilets, making leather and
sweeping the roads.

Dalits have suffered centuries of abuse and even today, despite
legislation to protect them and an increasingly urbanised society,
they are still the victims of widespread prejudice, discrimination and
violence. A recent report by the Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication
Front, a coalition of human rights groups in southern India, revealed
a bewildering degree of discrimination, both in scale and form.

Among the various abuses detailed by the authors of the report, Dalits
were not allowed to use a mobile phone in the presence of upper-caste
people. They were also prevented from having their clothes washed,
permitted only to drink tea from coconut shells while squatting on the
floor, barred from entering temples, forced to eat faeces, raped and
burned alive.

Yet Dalits total more than 150 million people - around 20 per cent of
India's population - and the realisation has slowly come that with
such critical mass, this community could have considerable leverage.
In India's largest state, Uttar Pradesh, low-caste voters have on
three occasions elected a Dalit chief minister, Mayawati Kumari.

The size of the population has also been a factor in the emergence of
Dalit literature as publishers have woken up to the potentially
massive market. As Navaria says: "They are doing their business, they
are not missionaries. If they get a profit, they will do it. If they
do not, then they won't."

A key figure in the emergence of low-caste writing is Ramnika Gupta.
She is not a Dalit but she produces a quarterly magazine, Yuddhrat Aam
Aadmi, devoted to previously marginalised writers. She estimates that
she and her team of just three full-time assistants have published
around 1,500 Dalit writers from across India over the last two
decades. Large publishers regularly go to her for information about
new talent. She helps on the condition that the publishers agree to
produce a paperback edition that is affordable for ordinary people, in
addition to the standard hardback run.

In the first-floor drawing room of her home, which also serves as her
office, she noted that Dalit writers never lacked subject material.
The highly influential writer and Dalit leader, B R Ambedkar, she
explained, had said it was essential that low-caste people had their
own literature and that they wrote about their own lives.

Mrs Gupta, who has herself written dozens of books on Dalit and tribal
people's issues, said of the caste system: "India's culture
discriminates. It's a state of exploitation. Everyone thinks 'He is
lower than me' or 'I'm superior'. What we are trying to say is that we
are all equal and if anyone is weak, we can help them to rise."

Dalit writers say the emergence of low-caste literature has taken
place alongside a broader growth of consciousness and activism,
particularly in urban India. While in rural India, caste remains
all-pervading, in cities many of the signs and signals that identify a
person's caste have vanished. In cities, too, Dalits are better
organised to stand up for their rights.

"There is a growing consciousness that is emerging. People are now
better educated and they all get to know about their rights," said
Anita Bharti, a long-time writer and activist who heads a Dalit
literary forum that meets every month in Delhi.

Literature, said Ms Bharti, has an important role to play in the
ongoing struggle by Dalits to end discrimination. While abuse of
low-caste people still happens, "they can now write about it. Also,
people realise that Dalits have been mistreated in the past and that
there is a need to bring Dalit literature to other people."

Navaria, who is now working on his second novel, agrees. When he wrote
his first novel, Udhar Ke Log (People From That Side), he had no doubt
that the main antagonist would be a middle-class, urban Dalit. The
story tells of the various ways in which his low caste affects his
life, including being rejected by his lover - herself a sex-worker -
when she discovers he is a Dalit. "I chose to write about Dalit
consciousness. I have felt myself treated like this many times," he
says.

One of his most painful, burning experiences was as a schoolboy of 12
or 13 when scholarships were being offered to Dalit pupils. His
teacher walked into the classroom and asked any low-caste pupils to
stand up so that their names could be taken down. "I never stood up. I
went to the head teacher later [to apply for the scholarship]," he
recalls. "You feel so ashamed. One friend said to me 'You don't look
like a Dalit'. I asked him, 'What do you think a Dalit looks like?'"

Navaria rejects the suggestion that by writing about purely Dalit
issues and by knowingly organising themselves as Dalits, this new
generation of writers is actually reinforcing caste divisions, rather
than breaking them down. "If there are divisions in society, how can
there not be divisions in literature? Publishers are not promoting
these divisions but are reflecting them," he says. "Caste is very
important. You cannot imagine India without caste. If a person says
they are a Hindu, then they will have a caste."

One breakthrough these writers have yet to make is getting published
in English. Partly that is because the writers prefer to work in a
medium that their main audience can understand. But Ms Bharti and
others say that getting the attention of the "elite" English-language
media is still a challenge.

Navaria says he sees many obstacles ahead, but that he has the energy
to overcome them. "Writing is not my profession, it's my passion," he
says, as he finishes his coffee, Delhi's warm yellow sun slipping from
the sky. "I cannot even sleep if an idea is in my head. For two or
three nights, I cannot sleep until it's completed. It's a duty to the
society."

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[ZESTCaste] A Study on Dalit Women Movement in Tamilnadu

http://womenclub.tk/a-study-on-dalit-women-movement-in-tamilnadu/

A Study on Dalit Women Movement in Tamilnadu

Even as we are in the 21st century, caste discrimination, an age- old
practice that dehumanizes and perpetuates a cruel form of
discrimination continues to be practiced. India where the practice is
rampant despite the existence of a legislation to stop this, 160
million Dalits of which 49.96 percentage are women continue to suffer
discrimination. The discrimination that Dalit women are subjected to
is similar to racial discrimination. Dalit women are thrice
discriminated, treated as untouchables and as outcaste, due to their
caste, face gender discrimination being women and finally economic
impoverishment due to unequal wage disparity, with low or underpaid
labour. According to the Manusmiriti, women have no right to
education, independence, or wealth. It not only justifies the
treatment of dalit women as a sex object and promotes child marriage.
Manusmiriti also promoted inequality between men and women. As other
parts of country in Tamil Nadu also Dalit women are facing challenges
because of their caste and gender discrimination. So, in order to
improve and get due respect of Dalit women, the various womens forum
and organization started as Dalit women movement to protect their
rights.

In this context, the present paper focuses on Dalit Women Movement in
Tamil Nadu. This study also highlights the Dalit Movement in India and
Role of Ambedkar for the rights of Dalits.

Dalit Movement in India

Dalit movement has a rich history of rationalism and humanism. In
fact, the historical evolution took place with Buddhas revolt against
Varnashram dharama. Buddha not only rejected supremacy of Bramins but
also of the Shastras. After Buddha, Mahavir Swami rejected the notion
of caste and violence in the brahmanical structure. In the 15th
century Kabir talked of rejection of caste system and talked of one
God. He attacked rituals and shastras and talked of a society based on
equality. Yet the brahmanical system continued by hook or by crook.
The brahmanical literature degraded Dalits and talked very cleverly
about the pre- birth theory. While Mughal rule in India was a status
quo one, the emergence of British power made a lot of difference for
the downtrodden people. They brought a sense of liberty for the
marginalized communities. Jyoti Ba Phule belonged to Mali community of
Maharastra. Punes Chtpawan Bramin would not allow any Dalit and
backward to join schools. Women and particularly of Dalit community
could never dream of going to school. Phule realized that unless the
community gets educated they would not be able to emancipate
themselves. So he started a massive work of education by starting
various schools in and around Pune. The Brahmins opposed education
movement among Dalits which they had denied for years. Phule
appreciated Christian missionaries for their noble work in school
education.

Dalit Movement today is at the crossroads. The early center of the
movement was Maharashtra since the pre- Independence period. Ambedkar
and the Maharashtra Movements were the source of inspiration for the
dalit movements elsewhere. But, the dalit panthers of 1970s could not
withstand for more than a decade. The Republican party (RPI ) has
splintered into so many factions and the main faction led by Athauale
is clinging on to the Congress apron strings. The BRP led by Prakash
Ambedkar is still enjoying mass respect and influence, still, there is
no movements worth the name.

The dalit movement in Karnataka, symbolized by the Dalit Sangharsh
Samiti (DSS) was known for its agitational and movemental character.
In Andhra Pradesh the Dalit movement showed some signs of revival in
the mid 1990s when the BSP made an attempt to expand its wings to
south India. Lakhs of people got mobilized in the inaugural rally.
Ex-PWG leaders, prominent dalit leaders etc., joined the BSP in the
presence of Kansiram. Kerala has the lowest proportion of dalits in
south India. The 68 communities included in the list of S.Cs form a
mere 9.8 percent of the population in a state dominated few major
communities Muslims, (27.70%) Ezhavas, (22.91%) Chirstians ( 19.02%)
and Nairs ( 12.88%) and S.Ts form a miniscule 1.1 percent. The dalits
of Kerala are the most literate among the S.C. population in the
country.

Role of Ambedkar for the Dalits rights

Taking inspiration from phule, Baba Saheb Dr. Ambedkar also talked the
importance of education. But education must be rationalists and
reasonable. Education agitates our mind. It gives us thought about
what is good and what is bad. Hence, Education is root of every
movement. Agitation on certain thing is uniting factor. It became the
famous word of Ambedkar Educate, agitate and organise . Ambedkar was
one of the tallest intellectuals of the country, a scholar who
understood the crookedness of the Shastras. He was an iconoclast and
questioned the very essence of Shastras.

Ambedkar fought for the dignity of Dalits. The Hindu Varnavyavastha
snatched the dignity from Dalits. It degraded labour. He considered
the Hindu law book as the source of caste system and discrimination
against Dalits in India that he launched a movement against it.On
December 25th 1927, he launched a Satyagraha in Mahad town of
Maharastra for the water rights of Dalits and against the Manu Smriti.
He burnt Manu Smriti terming it a document of discrimination with a
number of his supporters.

It was of great courage to do so in the den of violent Chitpawan
Brahmins in Maharastra. He fought for the rights of Dalits and had a
broader vision for his community. His main concern was to ensure fare
participation of Dalits in political life of the country and he
succeeded in getting separate electorate for them, which he had to
withdraw to save the life of Gandhi in 1932 known as Poona Pact.

Then as constitutionalist when he drafted constitution and later
worked very hard to ensure fare deal for women in the Hindu Code Bill.
In the last phase of his life when Babe Saheb embraced Buddhism, his
main concern was providing a political alternative to Dalits. It is
also interesting to note that B.R.Ambedkar was a humanist to the core
of his heart. Even when his so called followers have converted him as
a caste man or narrowly interpreted his ideologies and perception,
Ambedkar could be termed an international humanist. Poor Dalits who
consider him his emancipator. Ambedkar is a uniting factor for Dalits.
No Doubt that he has became an icon from North to south from Hindiland
to the Southern Tamilnadu.

Dalit Movement in Tamil Nadu

The Dalit movement in Tamil Nadu has long and chequered history.
Iyothee Thass, Erattaimalai Srinivasan, M.C.Rajah, N.Sivaraj and
L.Elayaperumal Vai. Balasundaram were some of the stalwarts associated
with the movement at various stages. The founder of the Self- Respect
Movement and the Dravidar Kazhagam, Periyar E.V.Ramasami,( Title was
given by Women organizations at Women Conferrence in Chengalpet in
1929.)who was also among the early champions of the Dalit cause.

One of the earliest organized endeavors for the Dalit cause was
perhaps a memorandum submitted to the Governor of Madras Presidency in
the early 1890s on the horrifying living conditions of Paraiyars, one
of the two principal social groups among Dalits, in the then
Chengalpat district. Following this, Paraiyars and other sections of
Dalits were assigned what was termed Panchama land. Over the years
this land was grabbed by caste Hindu usurpers in violation of the
provision against the transfer of its ownership. A hundred years
later, in 1994, a movement was launched in the same district to
restore the land to its rightful owners. This agitation, in which two
people died in police firing, marked the beginning of the present
phase of the Dalit movement in the state.

In the 1990s, the Dalit response was to get organized. The regional
movements demonstrated the strength arising from numbers and unity,
but also brought out some inherent limitations. First, of course was
the fact they did not have the resources, the personnel and leadership
to build up and sustain large-scale movements. Of the three,
leadership was the most crucial. It is in this context that the
services of K.Krishnasamy and Thirumavalavan have to be appreciated,
the former a medical practitioner and the later a well placed
government official. Both of them gave part time help to aggrieved
fellow Dalit initially, later they became leaders of Dalit Movements
and have since emerged as political personalities. Their sustained
effort and personal sacrifices have succeeded in mobilizing Dalits,
enthusing more Dalits to devote time for the movements, and generated
resources to make the movements fairly well established in the state.
The DPI, one of the large dalit political movements in Tamilnadu since
the 1990s has been remarkably active in taking up the issues of caste
atrocities on dalits in the northern parts of the state. Its powerful
protests against caste oppression and adherence to Periyars radical
social values were once well known.

The conflicts between Dalits and Thevars, a caste Hindu social group,
the southern districts are not new in the state and Dalits have mostly
been at the receiving end. A significant out come of the confrontation
between Dalits and caste Hindus in different parts of the state for
nearly a decade is the emergence of two principal organizations,
Puthiya Thamizhagam led by Dr.K.Krishnasamy and Viduthalai Siruthaigal
of Thol. Thirumavalavan

Dalit Women Movement in Tamil Nadu

Tamil Nadu Dalit women movement was launched during the year1997 by
SRED (Society for Rural Education and Development) human rights
organization who worked among women for 20years to promote their
rights. During those past period they start organizing women into
groups and then as a federation. In the latter stage, they start
coordinating al the groups into movements or one forum called Tamil
Nadu womens forum that concentrate on promoting rights among common
grass root women. Then while working among dalit women, they realized
need for separate movement for dalit women with the focus of dalit and
especially to protect their rights.

With the help of various NGOs in Tamil Nadu they organized dalit women
and start highlighting the issues of dalit wherever they find. Thirty
voluntary leaders from 30 districts of Tamil Nadu coordinate together
and take this movement to the grass roots. This movement is open for
dalit women who can address their issues and atrocities where this
movement fights for the rights and justice. This movement is active in
16 districts of Tamil Nadu and takes issues of violence against
dalits, untouchable practices, discrimination, atrocities against them
and the denial of livelihood rights.

Tamil Nadu Womens Forum (TNWF) is a state level imitative for womens
rights and gender justice. TNWF was started in 1991 in order to train
women for more leadership, to strengthen women s movement and to build
up strong peoples movement. This movement is also collaborated with
some of the dalit parties like Viduthalai siruthaigal ( Dalit panthers
of India- DPI). However, the transformation of the DPI from a
political movement to a party seems to have led to a dramatic dilution
of its radicalism. Importantly, dalit women despite their very active
participation in politics, continue to lack of recognition and respect
even within the dalit movement.

When Parliament enacted the constitution (73rd) Amendment Act in 1993,
the move was hailed as a breakthrough in bringing about a vibrant
system of participatory democracy at the grassroots level and a
paradigm shift in the process of development, for the first time it
provided for statutory reservation of elected posts in local bodies
for women, besides the Scheduled Castes (Dalits) and the Schedule
Tribes. Caste Hindu leaders challenged the reservation of elected
offices in local bodies for Dalits. In the elections, Dalits were
prevented from filing nominations in several villages where Panchayat
president ship were reserved for them. A large number of elected Dalit
and women Panchayat presidents suffered humiliation at the hands of
the Vice Presidents and co members and even government officials. For
rural women and Dalits most of whom were elected to these posts for
the first time, it was uphill task.

Women Movement against poverty and violence (MAPOVI)

Women MAPOVI is coordinated body of grass root women organizations or
federations from all over Tamil Nadu. Grass root women become members
of these federations by participating in a sangam in their respective
village in respective districts. In the pursuit of village development
each federations has become a local radical force for social and
political change concerning the role of women. Each federation was
organized with the efforts of concern NGOs who believe that
empowerment of women can bring total empowerment of their society.
Federation identified their own leaders to lead their federation and
these women have themselves become empowered to act as role models and
provide leadership among other women. As a result of their growing
consciousness many federations joined together, networked to find
joint solutions to common problems mainly the issues of poverty and
violence. Many coordinated campaigns and joint public actions taken by
Women MAPOVI and the social problems that they had been fighting
against are the poverty and violence among women.

Movement has succeeded in many issues due to various lobby actions.
For instance the public meeting and the rally conducted by Tamil Nadu
Anti liquor movement (TALM) in Aundipatti on 5.02.2002 against the
introduction of cheap liquor by the state in Tamil Nadu has certainly
strengthened the movement. Because, the loud protest of the women, has
reached the government and the political parties and they withdraw the
cheap liquor in Tamil Nadu during the month of April 2002.

To conclude, Dalit women, despite their very active participation in
politics, continue to lack of recognition and respect even within the
Dalit Movement. Though there are some women organization fighting for
the rights of dalits and to uplift dalit women they joined together as
Dalit Women Movement without a strong political support even within
their dalit political parties. However, Dalit Women Movement in Tamil
Nadu has been playing a significant role through Tamil Nadu Womens
Forum and with the support of dalit political parties against all
forms of discrimination and for their rights. It seems to be there is
positive changing situation for the empowerment of Dalit women in
Tamil Nadu, albeit slowly.

1. V.B.Rawat, Dalit movement At The Cross Road, Countercurrents.org, 09.08.2005

2. C.T.Kurien, Tamil Nadus Dalit Saga. Frontline. November 05-18, 2005.

3. Googlee.co.in/dalit movement/tamilnadu.

4. www,franciscansinternational.org/IWD/interview.html

5. Fronline, December 29, 2006.

6. Unheared Voices- Dalit Women- an alternative report submitted by
the Government of India for the session on the Elimination of Racial
Discrimination, Geneva. Janurary, 2007.

7. K.Nagaraj, Dalit Situation in Tamil Nadu August 23, 2005 The Hindu.

8. Shankar , Caste, Class and the Dalit Question paper presented at the central

party School of CPI(ML) held on 28-30 November 2001, at Bhuvaneswar

9. Frontline, August 16, 2002.

10. Narender Kumar, Dalit and Shudra Politics and Anti-Brahmin Movemnent,

Economic and political Weekly, November 4-10,2000.

DR.R.SIVAKUMAR,Sr.Lecturer in Political Science & Public Administration,

Thiruvalluvar Govt. Arts College, RASIPURAM. TK Namakkal DT 637401
TAMIL NADU e-mail- rrshiva70@yahoo.co.in

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[ZESTCaste] Reserved seats: Maya tries to gain back lost ground

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/Reserved-seats--Maya-tries-to-gain-back-lost-ground/639780

Reserved seats: Maya tries to gain back lost ground
Sanjay Singh Posted online: Tue Jun 29 2010, 05:38 hrs
Lucknow : With the Assembly elections two years away, Chief Minister
Mayawati has started giving special focus to reserved Assembly
constituencies. Wiser after the last Lok Sabha election, when the BSP
could bag only two reserved category seats, she does not want to take
any chances this time.
The BSP had created history by winning 62 reserved constituencies of
the 89 in the 2007 Assembly elections. "The CM does not want to give
any scope to opposition parties, particularly the Congress, to grow in
the reserved constituencies. So, she has asked her trusted lieutenant
and PWD Minister Naseemuddin Siddiqui to concentrate on party affairs
in the reserved constituencies," a source in the BSP said.

Party insiders said Mayawati has almost separated the party affairs of
the reserved Assembly constituencies from the BSP's main organisation.
Siddiqui has been asked to constitute the organisational committees at
booth, sector and Assembly levels, besides the Bhaichara committees in
these constituencies. Siddiqui not only has good knowledge of the
demographic structure of the reserved seats, but is also a known face
among the party cadres.

Besides, Siddiqui is one BSP leader who can ensure proper coordination
between party cadres and "Bhaichara committees", which are the
caste-based committees in the party. The party's "Brahmin mascot"
Satish Chandra Mishra has been tasked to reconstitute the Brahmin
Bhaichara committees.

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[ZESTCaste] Chunk of IIT OBC quota unfilled, thrown open

http://www.dnaindia.com/academy/report_chunk-of-iit-obc-quota-unfilled-thrown-open_1403159

Chunk of IIT OBC quota unfilled, thrown open

Mihika Basu / DNA

Wednesday, June 30, 2010 1:53 IST

Mumbai: As many as 469 seats reserved for the other backward classes
(OBC) remain vacant after the first allotment of seats in the Indian
Institutes of Technology (IITs).

Some candidates didn't make it despite a relaxation in the cut-off
mark; several also failed to prove their OBC status, according to the
Joint Entrance Examination (JEE) organising committee.

The older IITs are implementing the last phase of the 27% reservation
for OBC candidates this year. The eight new IITs have been
implementing the quota at one go.

"The IITs had set aside 2,570 seats for OBCs, but only 2,023 were
filled. Some candidates could not establish their OBC status. Also,
there were not enough qualified candidates. Further, many got the
courses of their choice as general category students. The unfilled
seats have therefore been transferred to the general category," said
TS Natarajan, JEE organising chairman and professor at IIT Madras.

Of the 2,570 seats under the OBC category, 78 (around 3%) are reserved
for students with physical disabilities. Of the remaining 2,492 seats,
only 2,023 have been filled.

Of the 1,27,760 OBC candidates who appeared for the JEE, only 2,357
could qualify. So, there was already a shortfall of over 200
candidates. And, of those who qualified, 868 candidates had to be
selected by giving 10% relaxation, while the remaining 1,489 made it
to the list on merit. "But, despite the relaxation, we couldn't fill
up all the seats," said another JEE official.

In 2009, 1,949 OBC students had qualified for 1,594 seats. But 51 OBC
seats were converted to the general category.

Similarly, for scheduled tribe (ST) candidates, 212 seats could not be
filled this year. SC/ST candidates, along with students with physical
disabilities, get 50% relaxation from the last general category
candidate.

A further 50% relaxation is given to those who do not qualify so that
they can be sent for the one-year preparatory course.

Of the 15,975 ST candidates who took the JEE this year, only 517
qualified to seek admission to 712 seats. Of these, 498 had to be
selected by giving 50% relaxation.

"There are 721 seats for ST candidates, but we haven't been able to
fill 212 seats despite so much concession. These will be transferred
to preparatory course. For PD candidates, 90 seats couldn't be filled
and have been transferred to the preparatory course," Natarajan said.

In case of SC candidates, six seats are yet to be filled and the IITs
are hoping to do so in the second round of allotment. In 2009, over
1,000 seats reserved for SCs and STs remained vacant and had to be
transferred to the preparatory course and were filled after lowering
the bar by another 50%. The exact picture will emerge after the second
allotment on July 16.

------------------------------------

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[ZESTCaste] Orissa SC, ST body protests exploitation

http://orissadiary.com/Shownews.asp?id=19456

Orissa SC, ST body protests exploitation

Tuesday, June 29, 2010 Email StoryFeedbackPrint Story
Bhubaneswar: The Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST)
organizations in the state on Monday held a massive protest rally at
the PMG Square near the State Assembly here.
They alleged that the SCs and STs in the state have been exploited,
oppressed and meted out sheer injustice for the last 10 years in
various ways.

Demanding the revocation of the controversial circular allegedly
abolishing the state implemented SC/ST reservations, despite being in
force, the conglomeration spurned the stance standing in way of
regularization of about two crore SC/ST candidates in the garb of the
contractual appointments.

They also demanded implementation of the 38 per cent reservation, in
effect since 2006, for the SC/ST students in the educational
institutions and implementation of the statutory reservations as per
the 77 Constitutional Amendment till the supertime scale.

Two SC/ST members should represent each in the Staff Selection
Commission (SSC) and the Odisha Public Service Commission (OPSC), they
added. The reservation law should also be implemented in the MoU inked
by the state for industrialization and in the ongoing privatization
spree.

As the 20 lakh Sabar, Sahar and Saar are synonymous, they all must be
treated in the scheduled list and should not be divested of reaping
the special benefits entitled to them by the state.
It was also demanded that, the 29 senior SC/ST officers deprived of
promotion from the desk officer post to the under secretary post in
the State Secretariat should be given justice soon.

Among others, Odisha SC/ST Legislature Council general secretary and
former MLA Sura Sethy, former Union minister Bhajamana Behera, state
RPI president Sheikh Abdul Walli and Employees' Welfare Council
general secretary Narayan Chandra Das also spoke.

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[ZESTCaste] Parliamentary Committee to visit Mirchpur on July 2

http://www.ptinews.com/news/753524_Parliamentary-Committee-to-visit-Mirchpur-on-July-2

Parliamentary Committee to visit Mirchpur on July 2

STAFF WRITER 16:53 HRS IST
Hisar (Har), Jun 30 (PTI) Parliamentary Committee on the Welfare of SC
and ST will visit Mirchpur village on July 2, which had witnessed a
caste violence in April, to take stock of the steps taken by the state
administration to provide relief and rehabilitation to the victims.

The 30-member Parliamentary team will meet the affected families, take
stock of relief and rehabilitation measures taken by the state
government and will suggest steps for resettling the victims in their
own village, an official spokesman said here today.

On April 21, a 70-year-old man and his teenaged physically challenged
daughter were burnt alive and several others were injured when members
of a particular community torched several houses belonging to dalits
in Mirchpur.

The incident was triggered when a dog barked at a youth, belonging to
the pre-dominant Jat community, when he was passing by some dalits
houses in the village.

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[ZESTCaste] Hills show way forward for tribals

http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Swaminomics/entry/hills-show-way-forward-for?utm_source=twitterfeed&utm_medium=twitter

Hills show way forward for tribals

S A Aiyar, 27 June 2010, 12:30 AM IST
So you think that Indian tribals are utterly downtrodden, oppressed
and bypassed by national economic development? You think activists are
right to view Maoist insurgency as a tribal blessing and the only way
forward for such an oppressed group?

Think again. No less than 17.1% of tribals own colour TVs, 46.6% have
bicycles, 20% have two-wheelers, 12.5% have life insurance and 8.5%
have refrigerators. That is below the national average of course, but
nothing like the stark deprivation painted by activists.

These startling figures come from Caste in a Different Mould by
Rajesh Shukla, Sunil Jain and Preeti Kakkar. The book draws on major
household surveys by the National Council on Applied Economic
Research, especially one in 2004-05. Its main finding is that caste
matters much less than people think, while education and location
matter much more.

That is good news. The OBCs (other backward castes) show no sign of
suffering from discrimination — their income and durables ownership
shares are roughly in line with population share. The share of dalits
and tribals is below the national average, but not nearly as far below
as activists and Maoists would have you believe.

India's average annual household income in 2004-05 was Rs 65,041.
Upper caste households averaged Rs 86,690, higher than the national
average but not dramatically so. Tribals averaged Rs 40,753, lower
than the national average but not dramatically so.

Cynics will say this is too good to be true. Academic Pratap Bhanu
Mehta expresses surprise in an introductory chapter that inequality
seems so low. Tribals account for 8% of the population and 5.2% of
national income. This inequality is strikingly modest.

In the US, the bottom quintile (bottom 20%) of the population gets
only 3% of the national income. In India, the bottom quintile gets
twice as much. Tribals and dalits account for 24.8% of the population
and as much as 17% of national income, clear evidence that some are
well off.

One-third of tribals are in the lowest quintile, but as many as 4% of
them are well off and in the top quintile. Differences between
tribals are as great as all-India differences. Hence block benefits
for all tribals (such as job reservation) are not warranted.

Tribal households in hill states average an annual income of Rs
72,052, well above the national average. In other states, tribal
income rises in line with state incomes. Tribals average Rs 30,939 per
year in low-income states, Rs 44,533 in middle-income states, and Rs
53,176 in high-income states.

Laws on reservation (and most analyses) make no distinction between
tribals in different areas. That is a terrible mistake. Tribals in
hill states are privileged, not deprived. The tribal north-eastern
states have the benefit of low population, high literacy (boosted
initially by Christian missionary schools), and extensive road
networks built for defence purposes in these border areas. The
north-east also benefits from huge infusions of Central money and
substantial income from smuggling. Violent clashes are common in the
north-east too, but these are not Maoist: they relate to secession
(Nagaland) or inter-tribal tensions (Manipur and the Bodo
territories).

Hill tribals constitute a creamy layer, absolutely non-comparable with
illiterate tribals in the central Indian jungles. Missionaries worked
in the central jungles too, but the number of tribals there was
infinitely larger, so the impact on literacy was correspondingly
small.

Tribals in low-income states like Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh earn
slightly less than half the national average. This is a pity, but
hardly represents a hopeless state of deprivation justifying violent
insurrection. Like me, most readers will be astonished that tribals
are not worse off in even the most inhospitable locations. Tribals in
these locations can double their incomes by migrating to higher income
states, and even more (to Rs 85,023 per year) by migrating to big
cities.

Illiterate upper castes earn 1.4 times as much as illiterate tribals.
This suggests a modest degree of discrimination. But a graduate tribal
earns 3.7 times as much as an illiterate one. Among upper castes,
graduates earn 4.2 times as much as illiterates. Clearly education
provides a way forward for everybody.

This suggests the foundation of a proactive strategy to combat the
socio-economic appeal of Maoism in tribal areas. First, roads and
other infrastructure are needed to improve economic possibilities and
migration opportunities. Second, education is needed to create skills
and lift potential incomes.

The combined effect of infrastructure and education can lift tribals
above the national average, as has been achieved in the hill states.
The task will be much harder in the central Indian jungles. But it can
be done. And it will benefit tribals far more than the supposed
blessings of Maoist rule.

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[ZESTCaste] Fwd: MA in Gender, Culture and Development Studies [3 Attachments]

[Attachment(s) from Siddhartha Kumar included below]

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: <wsc@unipune.ac.in>
Date: Wed, Jun 30, 2010 at 9:42 AM
Subject: MA in Gender, Culture and Development Studies
To: wsc@unipune.ac.in

Dear Friends,

Jai Bhim from all of us at Krantijyoti Savitribai Phule Women's Studies
Centre, University of Pune. We would like to bring to your notice
information regarding our interdisciplinary postgraduate programme - MA
in Gender, Culture and Development Studies. The admission process for this
course shall begin in another fortnight.

Krantijyoti Savitribai Phule Women's Studies Centre at the University of
Pune is one of the few centres which sees the gender question as
essentially linked to the caste question in India. The courses and
research at this centre have focused on Phule-Ambedkarite/abrahmani
feminisms in India. The Centre's MA course has been planned in ways that
will encourage students to think critically, develop
reading,comprehension, argumentation skills through bridge courses. The
Course is a part of the centre's commitment to reinventing higher
education to address the question of
egalitarianism in the practices and content of higher education.

We are keen to have students who want to join us in this exercise of
transforming Higher Education. The Navajbai Ratan Tata Trust offers 4
Fellowships to students in the Masters and Diploma Programme. Limited
seats in the university hostel for both boys and girls are available. The
Centre may assist informally in finding suitable accomodation for other
out-station students. The Earn-and-Learn Scheme of the University can also
be availed by students.

We request you to pass this information to members of your network and
others who you think will be interested in doing an MA in Gender, Culture
and Development Studies. We have attached the following with this email
which can be forwarded to those interested:

1. Write up on MA course (introducing the course and the centre)
2. MA course flyer (capsule shot of the entire course)
3. MA course handbill (detailing the papers in the various semesters)

For more information please call 020-25601300 or check out:
http://www.unipune.ac.in/snc/womens_studies_centre/default.htm

Warmly,

Dr. Sharmila Rege
Director
Krantijyoti Savitribai Phule Women's Studies Centre