Tuesday, November 29, 2011

[ZESTCaste] Mayawati has placed money-eater elephant in Lucknow: Rahul

 

http://www.newkerala.com/news/2011/worldnews-114763.html

Mayawati has placed money-eater elephant in Lucknow: Rahul

Lucknow, Nov 26 : Targeting the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) government
for "misusing central government funds", Congress general secretary
Rahul Gandhi Saturday said "by the magic of Uttar Pradesh Chief
Minister Mayawati, elephant has now started eating money instead of
grass".

Referring to the BSP poll symbol - an elephant - Gandhi said:
"Normally elephants eat grass. But Mayawati has done a magic in
Lucknow that makes the elephant eat money..."

"She has placed a 'money-eater' elephant in Lucknow," Gandhi told a
gathering in Uttar Pradesh's Kushinagar district.

"Whose money the elephant eats? It's not the money of Delhi government
or the Lucknow (Uttar Pradesh) government... It's all your money...
It's the money meant for the development of the nation. The money is
of the poor public, farmers and labourers. It doesn't reach you all,"
Gandhi said in his last speech of a five-day mass-contact programme
that concluded in Kushinagar, some 300 km from Lucknow.

Accusing Mayawati of being "callous" towards the development of the
state, Gandhi said: "She (Mayawati) looks at the world from a
helicopter... I have also travelled in a helicopter... From above,
Uttar Pradesh appears beautiful. But the reality comes to the fore
when you see poor children without clothes, share meals with the poor,
drink water from their wells and get an upset stomach."

"To understand the ground realities and problems of the public, she
must come down from the helicopter and start interacting with the poor
and underprivileged."

"Only after mingling with the poor and visiting their houses, Mayawati
would come to know what is actually taking place in Uttar Pradesh,"
added Gandhi.

Dropping his familiar 'I-feel-angry' line to vent ire over the sorry
state of development, Gandhi said: "I feel angry because Uttar Pradesh
deserves to lead the nation... Uttar Pradesh drives the entire nation,
but the state itself is lagging behind. It's because for the last 20
years, you all are choosing a government that works for a single caste
or religion."

"Yesterday (Friday) night I travelled around 40 km. Due to the bad
roads, it took around two hours and a half to cover the distance... It
makes you laugh, but I get angry when you see the farmers taking the
same bad roads to sell their produce. There are more potholes than the
roads," added Gandhi.

--IANS

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[ZESTCaste] Expose Mayawati govt's corruption: Uma Bharti to Babu Singh Kushwaha

 

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_expose-mayawati-govt-s-corruption-uma-bharti-to-babu-singh-kushwaha_1619067

Expose Mayawati govt's corruption: Uma Bharti to Babu Singh Kushwaha
Published: Tuesday, Nov 29, 2011, 16:57 IST
Place: Varanasi | Agency: PTI

BJP leader Uma Bharti Tuesday asked former Uttar Pradesh minister Babu
Singh Kushwaha, who was expelled from the BSP, to expose "corruption"
in the Mayawati government.

"If Kushwaha exposes corruption in the BSP government, then not only
her party but also the people will welcome him," she said.

The ruling BSP had Monday expelled former Family Welfare Minister
Kushwaha, once a close confidant of Mayawati, from the party.

Kushwaha was removed from the Council of Ministers in the wake of the
killing of two Chief Medical Officers and alleged irregularities in
the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM).

The BJP would form the next government in Uttar Pradesh and there were
no talks of an alliance with the RJD, Bharti said.

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[ZESTCaste] Video: scam in Mayawati's home-for-poor project

 

UP: scam in Mayawati's home-for-poor project

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati's biggest project till date, 'Kanshiraam

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ctEbxK5hNNk

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[ZESTCaste] From Kanshiram’s ward to Mayawati’s right hand to a man without a party

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/from-kanshirams-ward-to-mayawatis-right-hand-to-a-man-without-a-party/882071/

From Kanshiram's ward to Mayawati's right hand to a man without a party

Sanjay Singh Posted online: Wed Nov 30 2011, 03:26 hrs

Lucknow : Till his exit from the Uttar Pradesh cabinet this year, Babu
Singh Kushwaha was known as "the most trusted lieutenant" of Chief
Minister Mayawati, having reached that position in the course of a
two-decade political career that had begun with working alongside BSP
founder Kanshiram.

The former family welfare minister was asked to resign in April after
financial irregularities in the implementation of NRHM schemes
surfaced during the investigation into the murder of Lucknow's chief
medical officer (CMO) Dr B P Singh. Two CMOs, the other being Dr Vinod
Arya, were shot dead during Kushwaha's tenure, while arrested deputy
CMO Y S Sachan was found dead in Lucknow jail.

Kushwaha's fall from grace was completed on Monday when the BSP
expelled him. Signs of an imminent parting had come days earlier, when
he had written to Mayawati saying he was facing a threat to his life
from the government's three most powerful men — PWD Minister
Naseemuddin Siddiqui, cabinet secretary Shashank Shekhar Singh and
principal secretary (home and appointments) Kunwar Fateh Bahadur.

Born on May 7, 1966, at Pakhrauli, Banda district, Kushwaha used to
work with villagers, helping them get the benefits of schemes under a
special component plan, a party source there said. In the early 1990s
he got close to Kanshiram through his namesake Babu Lal Kushwaha, then
the BSP's OBC face in Banda. "Kanshiram was spending a lot of his time
in Banda, seeking to bring OBCs and Dalits on the same political
platform. Kanshiram wanted Babu Lal Kushwaha to serve the party in
other parts of the state too. Around 1993, he got Babu Singh appointed
district president in place of Babu Lal," the source said.

Later, Kanshiram sent Kushwaha, Gaya Charan Dinkar and Siddiqui to
work in western UP, where Mayawati was handling the party's affairs.
"Kushwaha, Siddiqui and Dinkar got an opportunity to work directly
under Mayawati," the source said. Today, Siddiqui is considered the
most powerful man in the government while Dinakar is BSP coordinator.

The shift also brought Kushwaha closer to the BSP's central unit in
New Delhi. "He became a party whole-timer and spent a lot of time at
the central office. Later, Mayawati had him shifted to Lucknow. He was
devoted to her and emerged her most trusted lieutenant at the very
beginning of their association," another source said.

But over the years, a rivalry brewed between Kushwaha and Siddiqui,
also from Banda. "Both wanted to win Mayawati's favour. Kushwaha
preferred to be a 'backroom boy' while Siddiqui became the man on the
field," the source added.

Kushwaha's rise was at its sharpest since 2002, when he became a
minister for the first time, given Mines and Minerals. In 2007, when
the BSP formed a government with a full majority, he was given
Panchayati Raj too, allotted a bungalow next to the Chief Minister's
official residence, and considered the link between her and party
MLAs. In the Lok Sabha elections, when he was tasked to collect
feedback from various constituencies and pass it on to the CM, "his
words were considered to be those of the CM herself".

Setbacks suffered in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections put many leaders
under fire from Mayawati, but not Kushwaha who got Family Welfare and
Cooperatives besides the earlier portfolios. By then the BSP's
national general secretary, he would sit in the party's state office
regularly to attend to problems of party leaders, including MPs, MLAs
and MLCs. It was Kushwaha who received the resignation letters from
about 100 chairmen and directors of various boards and corporations
following the Lok Sabha poll performance.

The turnaround came in April. Following his resignation as minister,
Kushwaha was suddenly ousted from the chief minister's inner circle.
Although the BSP's latest press release confirmed he had been asked to
resign his posts, the party had then tried to ensure a respectable
exit, with the government claiming he had resigned owning moral
responsibility. Besides, Kushwaha still stayed in the ministerial
bungalow next to Mayawati's residence — till his latest letter to her.

Kushwaha has not uttered a word after his expulsion. The BSP has
charged him with hobnobbing with the Congress to escape the CBI probe
into irregularities in the NRHM. However, Rahul Gandhi sought to link
Kushwaha with the alleged loot of NRHM funds. "When the CBI began the
probe, one minister came out to say that there is a threat to his
life," Rahul said recently.

Yet many BSP leaders still feel Kushwaha would work for the Congress
despite Rahul's denunciation. "In politics, one can work for a party
even from outside. Who has stopped him from becoming a sympathiser of
the Congress in UP? He suits their political interests," a BSP leader
said.


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[ZESTCaste] Seven get life for lynching Dalit youth, 63 acquitted

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/pune/Seven-get-life-for-lynching-Dalit-youth-63-acquitted/articleshow/10926788.cms

Seven get life for lynching Dalit youth, 63 acquitted
Syed Rizwanullah, TNN | Nov 30, 2011, 07.28AM IST

AURANGABAD: Seven people, including three women, were on Tuesday
sentenced to life imprisonment for lynching a Dalit youth at Phulamri
taluka of Aurangabad district in February 2009. Sixty-three suspects
were acquitted for lack of evidence.

The brutal murder of Rohidas Pandit Tupe (21), who was accused of
teasing and stalking an 18-year-old upper caste girl, had sent
shockwaves across the state, leading to protests at many places.

Additional district and sessions judge R R Kadam also imposed a fine
of Rs 5,000 each on the convicts, failing to pay which would mean
additional six months of simple imprisonment.

"The four male convicts have also been sentenced to two months of
rigorous imprisonment and told to pay a fine of Rs 200 each for
obstructing government servants from doing duty, failing to pay which
would mean a month's simple imprisonment . Both the sentences will run
concurrently," additional public prosecutor Rajendra Mugdia.

The convicts - Dnyaneshwar Tejrao Jadhav, Santosh Ambadas Jadhav,
Chhotu Suryabhan Jadhav, Sachin Chandrakant Jadhav (all in the 20-25
age group) - were in prison ever since their arrest in February 2009.
The women convicts - Vijubai Jadhav (36), Rukmanbai Jadhav (75) and
Kusumbai Jadhav (65) -were taken into custody soon after the judgment
as they had been granted bail.

The Phulamri police had arrested 75 people from Pal village ,
including three minors . Two of the suspects died while investigations
were in progress. Later, the investigation into the case was handed
over to criminal investigation department (CID) following a high court
order. The CID filed a charge sheet against 70 people. "On the
afternoon of February 23, 2009, the village police patil Chhagan
Ramlal Reswal had spotted the four male convicts beating Rohidas, who
worked at a private company in Aurangabad , while accusing him of
harassing a girl for two years. They asked Reswal not to intervene and
dragged the youth to Shivaji chowk in the village. They also accuse
him of being armed with a knife and threatening and chasing the girl,
who had come out to participate in the Mahashivratri programme that
afternoon . Reswal informed the police beat marshal about the
incident. Four to five policemen rushed to the spot, where over 100
people had gathered. The accused threatened them and told them to stay
away from the place." Mugdia said.

Additional police force, led by senior officers, came to the place but
it was too late. The youth was stripped, tied to an electricity pole
and was brutally beaten up. He had sustained serious wounds. While the
male members were beating up the youth, the three women too joined
them, Mugdia said.

"Vijubai sprinkled salt and chilli powder on Rohidas' wounds,
Rukmanbai poured kerosene on him. When Rohidas cried for water ,
Kusumbai took water from a drain in her chappal and pushed it into his
mouth. The victim's younger brother, Raju, and cousin Samadhan, the
main witnesses , narrated the whole incident to the police," Mugdia
said. Rohidas was first taken to a primary health centre in Phulamri
in an unconscious state and subsequently referred to the Government
Medical College and Hospital at Aurangabad , where the doctors
declared him dead on arrival, said Mugdia.

The prosecution examined 43 witnesses, out of which 19, including the
main complainant and the village police patil Reswal and his wife,
turned hostile. Even three close relatives of the victim turned
hostile, said Mugdia.

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[ZESTCaste] Vedike warns Pejawar seer over Made Snana ritual

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/mangalore/Vedike-warns-Pejawar-seer-over-Made-Snana-ritual/articleshow/10920511.cms

Vedike warns Pejawar seer over Made Snana ritual
STANLY PINTO , TNN | Nov 29, 2011, 08.21PM IST

MANGALORE: Demanding Pejawar mutt seer Vishweshateertha to raise voice
against `Made Made Snana' ritual being performed at Kukke Subrahmanya,
the Karnataka Rajya Hindulida Vargagala Jagrutha Vedike warned that
they would resort to holding black flag protest if he continued his
silence or support the ritual.

KS Shivaramu, state president of the vedike, said the seer on the one
hand protests against atrocities on Dalits and on the other hand keeps
silent on the ritual where Dalits also take part.

``We will have to believe that the ritual at Kukke is taking place
under his instructions. Unless he raises his voice, we suspect his
taking a dual stand on the Dalits,'' he said.

He also said it was shameful that the superstitious ritual was going
on in chief minister Sadananda Gowda's home district, urging him to
ban this social injustice being foisted on Dalits in the name of
tradition. Shivaramu also questioned Kukke seer Vidya Prasanna
Theertha supporting the ritual, challenging him to perform the ritual
and then support it.

``Mutts should educate and create awareness among the devotees.
Instead, the religious centres are sowing the seeds of superstition,''
he charged.

Meet in Mysore

The vedike will hold a meet to decide the next course of action to
fight against the ritual at Jala Darshini, Mysore on December 4, under
the presidentship of writer Prof Aravind Malagatti.

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[ZESTCaste] Dalit’s house burnt, children hurt

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/UP--Dalit-s-house-burnt--children-hurt/881793/

UP: Dalit's house burnt, children hurt

Express news service Posted online: Tue Nov 29 2011, 02:59 hrs
Lucknow : A Dalit's house was allegedly set on fire in Kanpur, leaving
his four children critically injured, while another Dalit was
allegedly burnt to death in Kannauj district on Monday. Both incidents
were reported to be the fallout of land disputes.

In Kanpur, DIG Rajesh Kumar Rai said a fire broke out in Hari Ram
Gautam's house in Sidhhanath Nagar early Monday morning while his
daughters — Maya, Mamta and Sunita — and son Babu, were asleep. While
neighbours managed to douse the flames, the children suffered
extensive burns.

In Kannauj district, 75-year-old Ram Kishun Kori was burnt to death
after a fire broke out in his hutment in Thathia area Monday morning.


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[ZESTCaste] Ram Puniyani attempts to decode Mayawati’s dalit welfare policies and their status today

http://www.tehelka.com/story_main51.asp?filename=Ws291111This.asp

Posted on 29 November 2011
OPINION
Ram Puniyani

This elephant is cast in stone

Ram Puniyani attempts to decode Mayawati's dalit welfare policies and
their status today


WITH ELECTION looming over the Uttar Pradesh horizon, recently
(November 2011) Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati declared that
her cabinet has approved the proposal to divide the state into four
smaller states. She declared that only a Dalit-OBC chief minister
would be able to solve the problems of Dalits-OBCs. There is also the
talk of giving reservations to Muslims in UP. All this has created a
huge turmoil in political circles. Amongst the politicians who have
succeeded at a fast pace during the past two decades, Mayawati, the
associate of late Kanshi Ram, may be amongst the foremost of them.
While she inherited the movement built by Kanshi Ram, she also
revealed her mettle and grit to capture the seat of power in the
challenging arena of politics. Her prime ministerial ambitions at the
moment are not vocal, though immediately after her absolute majority
win in the previous UP assembly election she sang that note: Dalit ki
beti a prime minister.

Many a times she has been in the news for the wrong reasons; The Taj
Corridor case, her lavish spending on Ambedkar park and getting
numerous statues not only of past Dalit icons like Ambedkar, and
Kanshi Ram, but of herself during the past few years, have hogged
media attention. Her major point of self-proclamation is that all this
expenditure is for the sake of the Dalits. What do Dalits need at this
point of time and in what proportion is an issue to be debated in a
serious manner? Of late Mayawati has been also talking of reservation
on the economic criterion rather than on caste, and from the point of
view of electoral arithmetic she has been wooing the Brahmins, through
Brahmin Bhaichara Sammelans.

Her major adviser has been Satish Mishra, who not only has succeeded
in getting many of his close relatives into plum posts but has also
got a university named after his mother. From her earlier slogan of
Bahujan Samaj, Mayawati has tilted to the slogan of Sarvjan Samaj and
from the shooing away of Brahmins and upper castes she has been
aggressively campaigning to get them in her electoral fold. While the
atrocities against Dalits have shown a downward trend in UP, what is
debatable is the equity issues and the economic empowerment of Dalits,
which have remained in limbo despite her regime being in majority
rule. Dalits in India have gone through a long and painful struggle to
strive for equality and dignity. Ambedkar, the profound scholar,
contributed to all aspects of Dalits' social and political life. He
fought for the rights of Dalits, who until that time were deprived of
education, were mostly landed slaves and were under the grip of temple
priests and lived on the edges of society. His formation of an
independent labour party, a scheduled caste federation and later the
concept of republican party, were the milestones in the process of
organising Dalits. The concretisation of Ambedkars' values was
actualised through his becoming the chair of the drafting committee of
the Indian Constitution. He tactfully handled many vexed issues
related to overall efforts towards the social transformation of caste
in particular. His major focus was: educate, organise and agitate for
the rights of Dalits.

The later period was marked by few agitations and more of political
activity. The remarkable ones' amongst these were the land reform
movement of Dada Saheb Gaikwad and later the formation of Dalit
Panthers by Dalit youths, on the lines of the Black Panthers of the
US. Most of these movements got fragmented and the plight of Dalit
politics became abysmal with the ruling parties trying their best and
succeeding in wooing one or the other Dalit politician. Electoral
confusion was another dimension of their alliances, some of them
tilted towards Congress, while some of them had no compunctions in
allying with avowed Hindutva parties hailing a Hindu Rashtra openly,
allying with the forces eulogising Manusmiriti and a Hindu nation.
Mayawati at one time not only allied with the BJP in UP to come to
power but also went on to campaign for Narendra Modi in in the
aftermath of the Godhra Gujarat carnage.

Around the time when Dalit Panthers were agitating on the streets,
Kanshi Ram began his political journey in a different way. His methods
also ensured that the bane of Dalit politics, fragmentation into
pieces, would not take place. The dissenters were thrown out, and the
dictat of the supreme leader, Kanshi Ram and later Mayawati,
prevailed. Kanshi Ram first started BAMCEF, which was an association
of educated Dalits, who believed in payback to the community. Their
understanding was that they have prospered due to the provision of
reservation for Dalits. Later, Kanshi Ram formed the Bahujan Samaj
Party and in due course Mayawati became his closest associate and
succeeded him as supreme leader once Kanshi Ram fell sick. The second
major thrust of Kanshi Ram and later Mayawati was to come to power
with whatever means and to try to implement their agenda.

DURING THE course of political journey of the BSP, Mayawati kept
climbing the electoral ladders in UP. She struck an alliance with the
RSS progeny BJP. Here, two contrasting forces stood face to face,
Mayawati for the rights of Dalits and BJP for the long term goal of a
Hindu Rashtra, based on Brahmanism. This alliance was like Mayawati
reversing Ambedkar's burning of Manusmriti and openly associating with
the followers of Manu. In the initial days in BSP meetings, this
slogan rung: tilak taraju aur talwar, inko maro joote char (Beat the
upper caste), and, now it is brahman shankh bajyega hathi badhta
jayega (Brahmin will lead, followers of BSP will march).

The elephant, the electoral symbol of the BSP, got recast, hathi nahi
ganesh hai: brahma vishnu mahesh hai. The political ambition of power
has strange logic. Mayawati spends millions on elephant statues, and
thouse of herself. This smacks of identity politics taken to absurd
limits. One concedes that Dalits do need a space in social sphere, and
these statues probably offer them a sense of dignity and belonging.
The question is how much public spending can be allocated to the
statues and how much should be spent for the social welfare of Dalits.
Dalit politics has come to a new crossroads. The core issues of Dalits
remain far from being solved in a substantive way. The problems of
poverty, health and employment need a serious struggle, in case they
are to be addressed. Can power, especially coming to power in this
fashion, be the panacea for Dalit problems? What happens to Ambedkar's
teachings of educate, unite and struggle? This is what needs to be
taken up by those leading the Dalit movement at various levels. Can
just coming to power be a goal in itself, is the question.

Ram Puniyani is a communal harmony activist based in Mumbai.
ram.puniyani@gmail.com


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[ZESTCaste] Include Dalits, minorities in Lokpal panel: Aruna

 

http://zeenews.india.com/news/nation/include-dalits-minorities-in-lokpal-panel-aruna_744389.html

Include Dalits, minorities in Lokpal panel: Aruna
Last Updated: Monday, November 28, 2011, 21:38

New Delhi: Arguing for inclusion of dalits and minorities in Lokpal
system, National Advisory Committee member Aruna Roy today said any
law without provisions for these communities is invalid.

Addressing a rally organised by Udit Raj-led All India Confederation
of SC/ST Organisations, she said, "Any Lokpal or law should not keep
out the minorities. A law without provisions for minorities is an
invalid law."

Maintaining that corruption includes not just money- related
corruption but also injustice and discrimination, she demanded that a
search committee which will look for Lokpals should have members from
minority community and dalits. It should also have regional
representation.

"If the Lokpal committee has five members, two should be from the
Dalit community and suppose two elected candidates have equal votes
then preference should be given to the one from dalit community," Roy
said.

On Anna Hazare's decision to resume fasting if Jan Lokpal bill is not
passed in the winter session of Parliament, she said, "We are not
against Anna, we only demand reservation for all categories. In a
country where people are discriminated against corruption will not go
away."

Raj told protesters that he agrees with Hazare on the issue of
corruption. "We support his demands within the framework of the
constitution, but he has not included our demands for reservation in
his draft," he said.

"Hazare and Arvind Kejriwal had said that they will include
representatives from all communities in Lokpal but that was just a
statement, it has to be included in their draft of the Jan Lokpal
bill," he said.

"We urge the government that Lokpal bill be passed in current
Parliament session only but after addressing these genuine demands,"
he said.

PTI

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[ZESTCaste] The private sector's turn to deliver (Sukhadeo Thorat)

http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article2668998.ece?homepage=true

Opinion » Lead
November 28, 2011
The private sector's turn to deliver
Sukhadeo Thorat

A 2010 National Sample Survey exercise revealed that the percentage of
self-employed households among the Scheduled Castes was only 14 in
rural areas and 29 in urban areas. File photo
The Hindu A 2010 National Sample Survey exercise revealed that the
percentage of self-employed households among the Scheduled Castes was
only 14 in rural areas and 29 in urban areas. File photo

The government's decision to set aside a 20 per cent quota for SC/ST
vendors in its purchases, if accepted by every sector on a wider
scale, has the potential to makegrowth pro-poor and inclusive.

The Central government has finally announced a policy reserving 20 per
cent of its purchases for micro and small enterprises run by
entrepreneurs belonging to the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled
Tribes. The new procurement policy will cover 358 items to be
purchased by Central ministries, departments and public sector
undertakings. The 20 per cent purchase norm will become mandatory
after three years. This is in line with the policies that have been
pursued for some time by Mukul Wasnik, Minister of Social Justice and
Empowerment; the final approval came from the Prime Minister's Office.

This is as historic a decision as the provision of reservation in
public employment, education and politics. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar first
argued for compensatory policies in the private sector, in a
representation to the Southbrough Committee on January 25, 1919. He
shared with the members of the committee the painful incident of an
'untouchable' Mahar woman who was taken to the police court for
selling watermelons, because she had violated the customary rules
which prohibited 'untouchables' from doing business: they were
supposed to undertake only the so-called polluting occupations. The
demand for policies to compensate the 'untouchables' for denial of
poverty rights was repeated in a memorandum submitted to the
Constituent Assembly in 1947: "Discrimination against citizens by the
private employers in the factories and in commercial concerns on the
grounds of race or creed or social status should be treated as an
offence," observed Dr. Ambedkar.

Although the situation has changed much since 1919, the consequences
of denial of property rights continue to haunt Dalits — which is
reflected in extremely low ownership of private enterprise by them. In
2010, a National Sample Survey exercise revealed that the percentage
of self-employed households among the Scheduled Castes was only 14 in
rural areas and 29 in urban areas, compared with 17 and 37 per cent
for higher castes. The economic census of private enterprises for 2005
showed a similar pattern. The share of the Scheduled Tribes, the
Scheduled Castes, the Other Backward Classes and the higher castes in
total private enterprises was about 2, 6, 30, and 61 per cent
respectively in the urban areas, while the figures were 6, 10, 40, and
45 per cent in the rural areas.

Thus, the graded inequality in the ownership of private enterprise
continues despite the grant of equal property rights: the share of the
Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes in total private enterprise
has remained much less than their share in the population. Besides,
the Scheduled Caste entrepreneurs and the businesses run by them have
faced discrimination in accessing some inputs and services, if not
all, that are necessary for the production and sale of goods and
services. This is particularly the case for communities such as
Valmikis, engaged in the sale of consumer goods such as milk,
vegetables and similar products, leading to market failure caused by
untouchability. It is in this background that the decision by the
United Progressive Alliance government to set aside a 20 per cent
quota in government purchases from SC/ST vendors assumes significance.

Limitations

The policy does have its limitations as procurement under the policy
will cover only purchases made by Central ministries, departments and
PSUs. Public enterprises account for only 5 per cent of the total
enterprises in India. The remaining 95 per cent, private enterprises,
are without any such obligation. The corporate sector has developed
affirmative action policies on a voluntary basis and adopted a code of
conduct; entrepreneurship development is one of the components of this
policy. Associations of industries have recognised the role of market
support for success in integrating marginalised communities in
mainstream industry. The code for affirmative action policy talks
about encouraging member-companies to make companies owned by those
from the SC and ST communities a part of their supply-vendor chain.

However, the policy of market support through partnership with those
from the SCs and the STs has not found favour with the companies. The
Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) reports that a beginning has
been made in this direction by only half-a-dozen companies. CII,
Assocham, and FICCI, whose membership runs into thousands of
companies, are way behind in accepting the market support policy in
purchases from SC and ST vendors. It is time the private sector, which
makes purchases worth millions of rupees each year, also accepted the
government's procurement policy in such a manner that a majority of
its member-companies are covered and join hands with the government in
a spirit of partnership.

The government's initiative on procurement, if accepted by the private
sector on a wider scale, has the potential to make growth pro-poor and
inclusive. A very high proportion of enterprises run by the SCs and
the STs are household-based, almost 80 per cent, much higher than the
corresponding figure of 61 per cent for higher castes. With low
capital and traditional techniques, earnings are low, and this results
in high levels of poverty among the self-employed and casual labour
engaged in them. In 2009-10, of the total rural Scheduled Caste
self-employed households, about 24 per cent were poor, the ratio being
15 per cent for higher castes. The ratio of poor for urban Scheduled
Caste self-employed households was 35, as against 20 per cent for
higher castes. The percentage of self-employed poor among the
Scheduled Tribes was more than 30 per cent. The pro-poor growth
requires that the productivity and earnings of these enterprises are
raised with necessary support from the government and the private
sector. Providing market support through reservation in purchases is
one way to transform this low-productivity and poverty-stricken sector
into a high-productivity sector and to make growth inclusive of the
poor.

But the goal of integration of the SC and ST businesses into the main
supply chains may be realised only if the private sector also follows
the government's policy in purchases for all member-companies. This
will make growth pro-poor and help reduce poverty among the
self-employed and the casual labour engaged in them.

Look East

The private sector can possibly do more. Instead of looking to the
West, it will be useful to draw lessons from the East, particularly an
experiment in Malaysia. The Malaysian government, through its
affirmative action policy launched in the 1970s, managed to increase
ownership in private enterprises for the discriminated group of Malaya
from only 2 per cent in 1970 to 20 per cent in 1990. The government
brought about a systematic redistribution of ownership of private
capital in favour of discriminated groups in a period of two decades.

We have the responsibility to repay the social debt the nation owes to
the 'untouchables' for having denied them property rights and left
them assetless for a pretty long period in history.

(Sukhadeo Thorat is Professor, Centre for the Study of Regional
Development, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi, and Chairman, Indian
Council of Social Science Research. He is at
thoratsukhadeo@yahoo.co.in)


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