Sunday, January 23, 2011

[ZESTCaste] Hall of shame: Dalit woes take centre stage

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/jaipur/Caste-gene-versus-upbringing-defines-Dalit-dilemma/articleshow/7344195.cms

Hall of shame: Dalit woes take centre stage
Srijana Mitra Das, TNN, Jan 23, 2011, 02.42am IST

JAIPUR: In 'Hall of Shame', a Jaipur Literature Festival session,
writers Chandra Bhan Prasad, Meena Kandasamy and Patrick French
discussed ways by which Dalits were identified and excluded.

"There is no caste' gene," said French. "Despite bans on
inter-marriages, no exclusive caste-based genes developed among
Indians. So, there's no scientific basis for castes." Kandaswamy
responded. "The concept of 'upbringing' is used instead. If I poured
water clumsily into a jug, my awkwardness would be explained by my
'Dalit upbringing'." Prasad commented that methods to 'identify'
Dalits were used by non-Indians too. "When I visited Durban with a
delegation, foreigners came to have pictures taken with 'the Dalits'."

Kandaswamy said she initially didn't use a Dalit writer' tag.

"When I translated a Tamil Dalit writer, people got suspicious. They
enquired, Are you a Dalit?' was asked constantly, I started saying,
yes." She remembered how insulted she felt visiting the editor of a
prominent newspaper down south. "He only spoke to the politician
accompanying me with this translated book. He asked him, "Is she a
Dalit? She speaks good English." To the packed hall, Kandaswamy
continued, "Indians are always in denial about the caste distinctions
they make."

Prasad felt economic liberalisation was changing mindsets
considerably. "Earlier, people lived by social markers like sacred
threads," he said. "Now, they are switching to economic markers.
Mobile phones, money, cars are becoming more important than caste or
colour." Kandaswamy disagreed, pointing out Dalit villages in the
south made prosperous by Gulf earnings. "Despite their wealth, no-one
is willing to marry them or make them friends. Instead, they get
attacked by the police acting with Brahmins. Caste emancipation is
much more political than economic."

Remarking how he had never heard of inter-dining' before he read
Gandhi who disapproved, French said, "Ambedkar didn't fit the Congress
Party's version of history written after 1947. He was never mentioned.
Today, he exists widely but as a statue. He is used as a political
symbol but not explored as a writer, a thinker, which he was like
Orwell, deeply passionate and very direct." Prasad enquired, "How many
people here have invited a Dalit home to dinner? That is a marker of
how we view caste today. After a few drinks, people confide they think
Dalit guests would mix soda in wine, demand meat, laugh loudly." The
audience responded by laughing loudly, moved by indignation over
injustices old and new.

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[ZESTCaste] A Female Dalit Poet Fights Back in Verse

http://blogs.wsj.com/indiarealtime/2011/01/23/a-female-dalit-poet-fights-back-in-verse/

January 23, 2011, 3:09 PM IST

A Female Dalit Poet Fights Back in Verse
By Margherita Stancati

The categories into which Meena Kandasamy falls—Dalit and female—have
put her among those Indian society has historically tended to oppress
and marginalize the most.

Repeated humiliation pushed the 26-year-old to fight back—through her
social activism and her inflammatory writing, in verse and prose.

In a recent interview at the Jaipur Literature Festival, Ms.
Kandasamy, who is from Tamil Nadu in south India, said the aim of her
poetry is to send a social message.

Margherita Stancati for The Wall Street Journal
Meena Kandasamy takes on Hindu myths in her politically-charged poetry.

In her poems she addresses issues of caste and
untouchability—something that stems from her being a Dalit, considered
the lowest and most oppressed of India's castes and formerly known as
"untouchables".

She said she embraced her identity as a Dalit partly because there was
no way of escaping it. "People will force that label on you so you
might as well make the most of it," said Ms. Kandasamy.

For Dalit women, oppression often means sexual subjugation too. Ms.
Kandasamy's poems are informed by a sense of gender relations that
suggest being a woman in a largely patriarchal society is another form
of being lower caste.

"You don't have to be a Dalit—by being a woman the caste is in you," she said.

In her poems, it's her identity as a woman that she engages most
explicitly. Ms. Kandasamy's woman, like female figures in a lot of
feminist literature, makes unbridled sexuality the main weapon of her
social militancy.

One of Ms. Kandesamy's top targets is Hindu society and in her poems
she repeatedly goes back to Hindu and Tamil myths—which she seeks to
debunk.

"So, my 'Mahabharat' moves to Las Vegas; my Ramayan is retold in three
different ways…telling my story another way lets me forgive you," she
wrote in the preface to her collection of poems "Ms. Militancy,"
published in 2006.

Here is a poem from that collection:

One-eyed

the pot sees just another noisy child

the glass sees an eager and clumsy hand

the water sees a parched throat slaking thirst

but the teacher sees a girl breaking the rule

the doctor sees a medical emergency

the school sees a potential embarrassment

the press sees a headline and a photofeature

dhanam sees a world torn in half.

her left eye, lid open but light slapped away,

the price for a taste of that touchable water.


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[ZESTCaste] India’s Missing Inc

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/India-s-Missing-Inc/741025

India's Missing Inc
P. Vaidyanathan Iyer Posted online: Sun Jan 23 2011, 00:37 hrs
It was a wake-up call for India Inc, recalls Jamshed J Irani,
Director, Tata Sons, when in early 2006, the then Minister for Social
Justice and Empowerment and the Congress party's Dalit face, Meira
Kumar, started meeting top CEOs to seek their support for a
legislation on employment reservation for Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes in the private sector. In an interview with The
Indian Express some time back, Irani who leads the affirmative action
plan in the Tata Group that employs some 3.75 lakh people—tacitly
admitted that the corporate sector had not quite consciously worked to
mainstream the idea till five years ago.

To create more jobs for SCs and STs, Meira Kumar said there was no
third way besides voluntary action by India Inc. or a legislation
mandating reservation. The idea of a statute gained political traction
in the first term of the United Progressive Alliance government,
particularly with the Left demanding that the industry play a leading
role in empowering the less privileged—the SCs and STs—who account for
almost a quarter of the country's population.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was, however, more subtle in his message
to India Inc. In his address to corporate honchos at the annual
meeting of the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) on April 18,
2006, he asked the industry to assess, at the company level, the
diversity in its employee profile and voluntarily commit to broad-base
it.

Almost five years later, the CII, India's largest industry chamber,
undertook the first-ever caste census of its member firms--numbering
8,250 and employing 35 lakh--across the country. This, arguably, is
also representative of India Inc. The survey, at first glance, shows
the private sector in poor light, especially in states like
Maharashtra, Gujarat and Karnataka, if one looks at its results from a
narrow prism of the share of SC/STs in the workforce compared with
their strength in the total population. In these two regions, SCs/STs
are just about 16 per cent of the workforce. In the northern and
eastern regions, they are 22 per cent and 24 per cent, respectively,
reflecting the average national

SC/ST population.

With the threat of a legislation looking real, the corporate sector's
response, according to Irani, was two-fold, and he explained this in
detail to the Prime Minister. "It (quotas) is not really going to help
them. Corporate India could challenge it, but would like to avoid this
situation. So, let us cooperate. The CII and others will cooperate
with the government on affirmative action and this will bring more
benefit to SC/STs." The government saw merit in the argument, and in
the last five years, India Inc has made progress, but just enough to
keep the government off from passing a law.

"If you ask me, if I am satisfied, the answer is 'no'. But the
progress is better that what it was four years ago," says Irani, who
kick-started a sensitisation drive among the CII members as the first
chairman of the CII Affirmative Action Council. He undertook an
all-India tour from Delhi to Bangalore, talking to all companies,
enthusing them to see candidates from the disadvantaged sections with
a positive bias.

"Within the Tata Group, we saw it as the right thing to do. So, we
have a positive discrimination policy. That is, we prefer a
disadvantaged community candidate," he says. Like Tatas, there are
others, including Thermax, Maruti, Forbes and Mahindras, who have
taken affirmative action seriously...

AFFIRMATIVE ACTION, FEW BUYERS

...but the corporate sector is not just a handful of companies. It is
hugely divided on the very idea of affirmative action. Sanjeev
Bikhchandani, founder and Executive Vice Chairman of naukri.com, a
portal which offers a 24.3-million strong database of searchable
resumes to job providers, says: "Affirmative action has not really
caught on in India. Most private sector companies, at best, regard
this as a part of their corporate social responsibility. There are
multinational companies that look specifically for women candidates.
In fact, some of them have a target too. But caste-based recruitment
is not mainstream yet."

The CII's caste census also bears it out. Maharashtra, Gujarat,
Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and West Bengal, some of the most
industrialised states, show a sharp mismatch between SC/STs as a
percentage of the total workforce in the private sector and SC/STs as
a percentage of the state's population. In Maharashtra, SCs and STs
make up 19.1 per cent of the total state population, but their share
in private sector employment is only 5 per cent. In Gujarat and
Karnataka, SCs and STs constitute just 9 per cent of the staff
strength, but account for 22 per cent and 23 per cent, respectively,
of the state population. Ironically enough, these are the states that
rank high in the pecking order, both in terms of the number of
factories and employment. The only exception is Tamil Nadu, which
ranks number one in industrialisation and employment and where SC/STs
account for almost 18 per cent of the industrial workforce and 20 per
cent of the state's population.

The states in east India, where jobs are far and few, have the highest
percentage of SC/STs. So, in Bihar, which has little to show in terms
of industrialisation, SCs and STs constitute a fourth of the total
workforce, much higher than their 16.6 per cent share in the state's
population. Similarly, the private sector in Chhattisgarh has almost
half its workforce from the SC/ST community, comparable to their
strength in population (See map).

SERVICES, THE SILVER LINING

Services today account for almost 60 per cent of the country's
economy. In Maharashtra, according to the same CII survey, banks,
financial institutions and information technology or software services
companies contribute almost 18 per cent to the total employment. And
within services, SC/STs account for a quarter of the total workforce.
"Most private sector is caste and religion agnostic," says K Ramkumar,
Executive Director, ICICI Bank, who is responsible for human resources
in the country's largest private sector bank. "In Maharashtra, Tamil
Nadu and Karnataka, a lot more people are eligible to apply for jobs
because they are graduates," he says.

Down south, barring Karnataka, private sector in the other three
states—Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala—can pull their collars
up. Infosys board member Mohandas Pai, who is responsible for human
resources in the most-celebrated software company, says, "If you look
at fresh hiring at Infosys, much of it is from the disadvantaged
section. Both the parents of 17 per cent of our fresh hires in Mysore
are non-graduates. Almost 40 per cent of these hires had only one
graduate parent." A silent revolution seems to be happening from the
bottom. "And this is happening in high-paying jobs, going right up to
the top," says Pai.

Indeed, according to the CII survey, in all four southern states
combined, the share of SC/STs among trainees in the IT and IT-enabled
services sector is 10 per cent of the total trainee strength. If you
look at the total employee stock across all levels of management, then
it is only 5 per cent. IT and ITeS account for 26 per cent of the
total employment in southern India and CII members alone employ about
1.5 lakh in the region.

DRAWING THE RIGHT LESSONS

Manish Sabharwal, Chairman, TeamLease Services Ltd, the country's
biggest player in the temporary staffing industry, notes that the only
macro economic variable that has stayed where it was in 1991 is the
high proportion of labour force in the unorganised sector—at 93 per
cent. "The organised sector that accounts for a mere 7 per cent of the
labour force enjoys disproportionately the fruits of higher incomes.
Economic reforms, at the end of the day, is not just about goofy rich
guys buying Mercedes."

Sabharwal and Infosys' Pai are least surprised by India Inc's good
show in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh. These two states have blended
huge capacities in higher education with generous scholarships. "Tamil
Nadu's 300 colleges have 1,20,000 seats. A larger proportion of
disadvantaged population goes through colleges," says Pai. "Even
Karnataka has reservation, but the key is to create large capacities.
Otherwise, even from the SC/ST communities, the upward layers crowd
out capacities," he points out. That, in a way, explains the private
sector's poor show in affirmative action in Karnataka.

Uttar Pradesh, in another 10 years, will fare better than most other
states. Mayawati has started 270 engineering colleges this year. The
UP Technical University has added 1,00,000 seats in the last three
years. "But the Ayatollahs of education have tried to control quality
by controlling quantity," says Sabharwal.

All this is not to say that India Inc is doing a great job on
affirmative action. "But in board rooms, there is serious awareness
today," says Ramkumar, who sits on the board of ICICI Bank. Only
better education and skill development will expand the catchment area
for SC/ST recruitment. In India, there is no shortage of jobs, only a
scarcity of qualified people.


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[ZESTCaste] Caste in GOND

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/Caste-in-GOND/740177/

Caste in GOND
Vandana Kalra Posted online: Sat Jan 22 2011, 16:46 hrs
New Delhi : Gond artists Durgabai Vyam and Subhash Vyam take the
graphic narrative out of the box in Bhimayana, a book on BR Ambedkar.

When navayana Publishing's S Anand arrived at their Bhopal studio with
works of the world's most accomplished graphic artists — Joe Sacco,
Osamu Tezuka and Marjane Satrapi — artist couple Durgabai and Subhash
Vyam were appalled. How could they do the artwork for a graphic
narrative? "There were so many boxes, we did not know how to work in
that pattern," says Durgabai.

How, indeed, could there be a graphic book without panels? In
Bhimayana, an account of the life and experiences of Dr Bhimrao Ramji
Ambedkar, the Vyams have ended up achieving the impossible. The
rectangular, boxy panels have gone. Instead, traditional digna
patterns of

Gond art breathe freely on the open spaces of the pages.

"I knew that they looked at things in a different manner," says Anand.
Three years ago, he had approached the Vyams to design the book on
Ambedkar and his fight against the caste system. Durgabai has known
Anand since the time they worked together for a children's book,
Turning the Pot, Tilling the Land: Dignity of Labour in Our Times
(2007). She suggested that Subhash be roped in to illustrate the
Ambedkar book.

Bhimayana recounts different episodes from Columbia University
graduate Ambedkar's life. He is shown as a young student who is forced
to go thirsty because of segregation in school; he is a traveller who
is denied a bullock-cart ride in a strange city; and he is a student
who is denied shelter because he is "untouchable". Contemporary
incidents of discrimination have been woven into this historic
biography. "The issue is still relevant," says Anand, who has
co-written the text with Canada-based Srividya Natarajan (author of No
Onions Nor Garlic).

The real heroes of this publication are the Vyams, whose illustrations
comment and don't merely describe. Ambedkar gets a pointillist
makeover in a Gond setting. When thirsty, he is depicted as a fish
without water. Ambedkar's loneliness in Baroda is compared to an ox in
an oil-press, walking in circles. In the illustration of his famous
Mahad speech, when Ambedkar led Dalits to draw water from a public
lake in 1927, the microphones become sprinklers — quenching the thirst
of thousands.

This is an animistic world where dancing peacocks represent joy, and
trains run on coiled snails. Speech bubbles are shaped like sparrows
when the words are

spoken by 'good' people, and are scorpion-like when the speakers spew
bitterness. "These are natural associations. Man and animals share
similar traits," says 41-year-old Subhash.

In an earlier painting they had done depicting the 9/11 attack, they
drew mud huts and birds instead of skyscrapers and an aeroplane. "We
heard about the incident on the radio," says Durgabai.

Legendary Pardhan-Gond artist Jangarh Singh Shyam mentored Subhash and
Durgabai, 37, when they shifted to Bhopal more than a decade ago.
Subhash, a native of Sanpuri village, once used to work with clay and
design sculptures in wood. As a six-year-old, Durgabai learned digna
from her grandmother. Years later, Shyam encouraged her to pick up the
brush and paint. "I used to draw gods and goddesses," says Durgabai,
of her formative years of painting.

Gradually, under Shyam's guidance, she started to paint more intricate
patterns. Durgabai is today a familiar name in the publishing
industry, with international exhibitions to her credit, and has been
illustrating books for almost 10 years. In 2006-07, she was awarded
the IGNCA scholarship, and in 2008, she and two other Gond artists Ram
Singh Urveti and Bhajju Shyam were presented the Bologna Ragazzi Award
in Italy for their illustrations for The Night Life of Trees.
Remarkably, this mother of three is illiterate — Subhash can read only
partially. Family members read out the storyline to her when she
works. "It's all because of the support of my family,"

she says.

The couple live in Bhopal's Kotra Sultanabad, in a two-storey,
six-bedroom home which stands on a 450 square feet plot bought under a
government scheme for low-income groups. "We always have a full
house," says Subhash, adding, "At any time, there are more than 10
guests at home."

While the couple were vaguely familiar with Ambedkar before working on
the publication, the assignment added to their knowledge. The Vyams
started taking note of similar incidents in the news and also drew
from their own recollections. "People used to discriminate against
others in our village too," says Subhash, who was once barred from
entering Anand's office. "The landlady did not approve of how we
looked," says Durgabai.

The couple also ran into trouble during the making of the book. They
struggled initially with the unconventional panels, and then Subhash
fell sick with dengue. But today, with the book on the shelves, the
duo is proud. "It has a moral stand. Even today people are suffering
because of the age-old discriminatory system," says Durgabai. The two
are now working on another book, for Jackfruit Research and Design,
"It is about marriages in villages," says Durgabai, who is now famous
in her own neighbourhood.

Back in his office in Delhi, Anand is midway through his next project.
The protagonist of his next book is Mahatma

Jyotirao Phule.

(With inputs from Milind Ghatwa)


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[ZESTCaste] A Chronology of Caste Struggle

http://www.financialexpress.com/news/a-chronology-of-caste-struggle/740982/

A Chronology of Caste Struggle
Harish S Wankhede
Posted online: 2011-01-23 23:52:22+05:30

Caste is not just a sociological element meant to describe the nuanced
stratification of Hindus into various categories. Within the power
relationships, caste is also seen as an effective social capital, used
by one group to dominate another, thereby producing justified
reactions from the oppressed group. The bi-polarity of Hindu social
order into the 'lower and upper' castes creates two distinct and
conflicting sets, each having its own cultural and social values.
However, the ideals represented by the Brahmanical elites were always
considered as a 'great tradition' and the representative face of
India, whereas assertions and resisting voices from the other groups
were belittled as narrow gestures.

Gail Omvedt's Understanding Caste: From Buddha to Ambedkar and Beyond
situates the caste question in a historical perspective, showcasing
the political prudence of the social movements in developing an
alternative tradition of resistance. The author's main objective in
the book is to free the alternative tradition developed by the
anti-caste movements from the hegemonic clutch of Hindu elite and
provide it a separate and equal space in the history of ideas. The
chronology of social movement, mainly from 'Buddha to Ambedkar,' is
vast, which covers all the three epochs of civilisation. In the
contemporary discourses on caste questions, the term 'Dalit' is
located as the representative voice of the oppressed masses in this
journey.

However, the author states the limitation of this popular term in
representing the varied nature of caste struggle, which belongs to so
many, including Buddha, Phule and Ramabai.

Omvedt presents an impressive chronological account of various
traditions, which contested the inequalities persistent in Hindu
religion and promoted concrete revolutionary values to replace them.
The struggle against Hindu orthodoxy has a majoritarian appeal which
includes the Dalits (against untouchability), Shudhra castes (question
of social backwardness), women (for its patriarchal domination) and
Dravidians (against the hegemonic rule of north India-centric Hindu
culture). Omvedt locates the continuation of this conflict in the
current political context also, and argues that the political Hindutva
represents the official voice of traditional Brahmanism and movements
like the Dalit Panthers and Bahujan Samaj Party follow the progressive
legacy of anti-caste movement in India.

The author presents a crisp anthology of these oppositions and claim
they form a 'great tradition' in a parallel way. There are very few
books available that narrates the historical journey of anti-caste
struggle from the perspective of the oppressed castes.

Omvedt categorically emphasises the importance of rewriting social
history from a Dalit perspective. Therefore, its academic merit rests
with its ideological orientation without really making a dent in the
current scholarships on caste. This work should be treated as an
introductory guide book to understanding the essential elements of
anti-caste struggles in India. It tries to discuss most of the popular
assertions, movements and leaders, who contributed immensely in making
the 'Dalit vision' for a just society.

On the critical part, the book is very condensed, mostly with
political judgments, without really going into the debates of the era.
Further, in the section on BSP, the author only presents a factual
narration of the political movement, but never explains what makes BSP
a leading representative agency of caste struggle in India today?

To mention one typographical error, Gyan Pandey is spelled as Cyan
Pandey (page no. 4). However, the book is a valuable piece for early
students of caste politics, social history and religio-cultural
movements.

—The writer teaches political science at Delhi University


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