Monday, June 14, 2010

[ZESTCaste] What chance for Dalit girls?

 

http://www.guardian.co.uk/journalismcompetition/what-chance-for-dalit-girls

What chance for Dalit girls?

guardian.co.uk

Durga Sob knows she is taking a serious risk. She is strictly
forbidden to drink at her school because of widespread fears over
pollution.

Her throat is so parched that she cannot resist, but someone sees her.

Within seconds every pupil has gathered to stare while their teacher shouts:

"How dare you do this! You are untouchable!"

Lack of clean water is one of many factors behind the deaths of
thousands of children in Nepal who do not survive to celebrate their
fifth birthdays.

Most are due to easily preventable diseases and conditions, like
diarrhoea and malnutrition.

But the water here is safe, it is Durga who is treated as a contamination risk.

As a Dalit, the least ritually pure caste or social group, she is
'untouchable', banned from drinking at public water sources.

Contact with Dalits and anything they 'infect' through touch is
believed to 'pollute' people from so-called higher castes.

In Nepal, children have among the worst chances of survival in the
world thanks to geography, poverty, corruption and civil war.

The caste system makes Dalits even more likely to die, with girls
doubly discriminated against.

Yet against all the odds Durga not only survived but grew up to become
an internationally recognised human rights activist.

She says: "What happened to me at school is still happening
today.....Dalit women's voices are growing but Dalits still have the
worst health comparatively.

"They have the worst malnutrition problems because of absolute poverty
and discrimination.

"Government health provision is expensive. Dalit children are dying
because Dalits don't have awareness or access to services."

With laws banning caste-based discrimination rarely enforced despite
ongoing violence, Durga's crusade highlights both what she has
achieved and how much still needs to be done.

Efforts to stop Nepalese children dying have also brought significant
success amidst dire circumstances.

When Maoist rebels launched the 'People's War' against the Nepalese
army in 1996 to 'liberate' Dalits, Dalits arguably suffered most yet
again as both sides committed atrocities in the decade-long conflict.

But another battle to save the next generation was quietly waged in
the background.

The Nepalese Government, working with charities and communities,
increased Vitamin A handouts and more than doubled immunisation and
treatment programmes for diarrhoea and pneumonia.

The number of children under five dying almost halved from 117 per
1000 live births in 1991 to 61 per 1000 live births in 2006, putting
Nepal on course to meet the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) on
reducing deaths of under-fives by two thirds by 2015.

The goal, one of eight set by world leaders in 2000, is the furthest
from being achieved globally.

Around nine million children still die each year worldwide from the
same preventable diseases and conditions.

While vaccinations and vitamins are simple, affordable solutions,
there are many barriers to overcome.

Remote landscapes make access to city hospitals impossible, and caste
discrimination can be as insurmountable as the terrain.

Nepal's success is largely credited to Female Community Health
Volunteers (FCHV) , a group of women villagers trained to deliver
basic lifesaving treatment from their homes.

Manisha Kami, 14, is among thousands of children born as war started
who received crucial healthcare from the FCHV.

But as a Dalit girl, Manisha recalls sitting alone and being seen last.

Now more Dalit women are educated and some are health volunteers whose
growing role is improving lives.

Dr Neena Khadka, programme director with Save the Children in Nepal,
says: "These women are bringing their issues forward and there is
general awareness that discrimination is wrong.

"The bigger problem is demand for services, which is low because
communities still don't know what is available, or they know but don't
trust them."

The issue of trust is not just about discrimination.

More than 90% of births are at home and traditional beliefs
unintentionally jeopardise children's survival.

Mothers and babies are considered impure during the period around the
birth so women are often sent to a cowshed to deliver their babies
alone on a cold, dirty floor.

Newborns are bathed, regardless of the weather, because they are
deemed unclean. They are not breastfed immediately because mother's
milk is also thought to be impure.

In 2002 a Save the Children study found that 60% of all infant deaths
were newborns, giving Nepal the third worst neonatal mortality rate in
the world.

Renewed efforts to drive down deaths were clearly needed. Save the
Children helped the Nepalese government create a national newborn
strategy and began spreading health messages.

Some of the most successful mediums are reading and writing groups
where women indirectly learn the benefits of timely breastfeeding and
contraception.

Malnutrition remains a serious killer. The latest national demographic
health survey in 2006 found that nearly 50% of children were stunted.

Lack of food is a major problem and Dalits still suffer
disproportionately with many denied land for growing crops.

Recent figures provided by the Feminist Dalit Organisation, of which
Durga is president, highlight the impact of discrimination. Infant
mortality rates are 116.5 per 1000 births for Dalits, compared to 75.2
per 1000 births for non Dalits.

There is every reason to believe that Nepal can meet its target on
reducing child deaths in five years' time.

It is far less certain that enough of those saved will be Dalits.

A new constitution currently being drawn up could finally make Dalit
rights a reality.

Meanwhile campaigners like Durga and now Manisha, who belongs to a
Save the Children youth club and child rights committee, are making a
difference.

Professor Smita Narula, of New York-based Centre for Human Rights and
Global Justice, says: "There is something inspiring and hopeful about
the way in which Dalit voices are rising up to rightfully demand a
seat at the table."

Manisha herself says: "I think the practice of untouchability will
disappear and Dalit children will enjoy the right of education and
survival."

This feature was written between 6 March and 30 April 2010 as part of
the Guardian International Development Journalism Competition

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[ZESTCaste] Dr. Ambedkar statue desecrated, tension in TN village

 

http://www.ummid.com/news/2010/June/14.06.2010/ambedkar_statue_desecrated.htm

Dr. Ambedkar statue desecrated, tension in TN village

Monday, June 14, 2010 12:11:18 PM, UNI

Cuddalore: Tension prevailed at Kuyavanpettai village near Chidambaram
in this district of Tamil Nadu following desecration of the statue of
Dr B R Ambedkar, this morning.

Locals, who came out of their house at around 0500 hrs, found that the
bust of Dr Ambedkar, mounted on a two ft high pedestal, was found
desecrated and informed the Annamalainagar police, who acted swiftly
and removed it.

As the news spread about 150 to 200 people, including local villagers
and activists of the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) resorted to
a snap road roko agitation, demanding action against the culprits
involved in the incident.

Tension prevailed in the area for nearly an hour.

Senior Police officials and Revenue officials held talks with the
agitators, pacified them and promised that culprits would be nabbed
soon.

After a garland of flowers was put on the Statue by the police
officials, the crowd dispersed.

Traffic in the area was affected putting school goers and office goers
to a lot of hardship.

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[ZESTCaste] Camera Obscura

 

http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/2010/06/3583

Camera Obscura

Dalit films are inward-directed expressions of dissent, a chronicling
of marginal lives with a searing sense of humiliation
Neerja Dasani Chennai

Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi is obviously playing the Dalit
card to save the scam-tainted Union Telecom Minister A Raja. In
February, Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar played the 'mahadalit'
card at a 'mahadalit ekta' rally in Patna. Also in February, Nitin
Gadkari, leader of the Hindutva-toting upper-caste BJP, played the
Dalit card in Indore to counter the Dalit-Brahmin card that Rahul
Gandhi played in UP. Meanwhile, elite analysts believe Mayawati has
overplayed the Dalit card by placing all the bets on herself. Isn't it
time to shuffle this pack of canards?

Dalit politics as conducted in the mainstream media (now
interchangeable with PR, post paid-news) is all symbolism and no
substance. This might explain the lack of outrage at the government's
opposition to the inclusion of caste in the UN's 2009 draft principles
and guidelines for the effective elimination of discrimination based
on work and descent. The comprehensive framework - the first of its
kind - could have led to the establishment of an international
monitoring mechanism on caste discrimination.

Some might question the need for global guidelines, believing that we
live in a peaceful post-caste world with the occasional cacophony of
vote-bank politics. But a three-day documentary film festival in
Chennai recently, Imaging Dalit Reality: Politics of Visual
Representation, challenged such notions.

In his inaugural address M Madhava Prasad, professor of cultural
studies at the English and Foreign Languages University, Hyderabad,
pointed out that in their current nascent form, Dalit films are
primarily inward-directed expressions of dissent, a chronicling of
marginal lives with a searing sense of humiliation. What is needed
now, according to him, is for a critical language of film-making to be
developed - a Dalit perspective through which "everything in the world
can be discussed". Perhaps a reason for the insulation is that to be
outward-looking today means seeing either miles of empty rhetoric or
row upon row of silent stone walls. For instance, not one of the
English papers carried a single report on the festival, which,
ironically, coincided with Republic Day.

At the festival, the ruthlessness of this power structure was the
sinister background score to each film.

Of Inhuman Bondage, Gopal Menon's 2005 film on manual scavenging,
showed women and children cleaning up the shit of 'Shining India',
determined to salvage their soiled prides. After 17 years of the
Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines
(Prohibition) Act, there are still officially 6,76,000 people
(unofficially around 13 lakh) engaged in this work.

Nadantha Kathai, Pon Sudha's short film in Tamil, portrays the anguish
of a child unable to understand the upper castes' 'ban' on footwear.
Why is it that those who make the shoes are prohibited from wearing
them? The question enrages him to the point of rebellion. In real life
such assertions can lead to horrific consequences as the recent case
of a young boy in Tamil Nadu, who was beaten up and forced to eat
human excreta by the upper castes, clearly shows. The police took one
week to file an FIR claiming that the boy had incited the upper-caste
group.

Such impunity is the result of the institutionalisation of caste
prejudice - the Melavalavu massacre in Tamil Nadu being one of the
cruelest examples of this. In 1997, six Dalits, including the
panchayat president and vice president, were hacked to death in broad
daylight for daring to assert their political rights. Santha and
Balan's film, Melavalavu, shows how the government's half-hearted
attempts at 'reform' facilitate this violence. The 73rd and 74th
constitutional amendments in 1992 provide reservation for scheduled
castes and scheduled tribes in every panchayat and municipality. The
panchayat offices, though, continue to remain in upper-caste areas.
The constant threat of violence results in many being forced to
forfeit this mirage of a right.

Since these cases do not lead to candlelight vigils and television
news campaigns, justice, if delivered, is usually an impostor. The
police avoid registering them under the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled
Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, which although rife with
contradictions, attempts to hold accountable police and enforcement
authorities who fail to cooperate with the victims. Not that
registration under the Act ensures justice either. The less than 30
per cent conviction rate has reportedly 'shocked' even Dr Manmohan
Singh.

Hence the reality of Dukhi in Munshi Premchand's Sadgati, depicted
with such intensity and nuance by Satyajit Ray, is a narrative which
is as invisible as it is endless - relentless, driven by the passion
of upper-caste oppression across time and space, beyond and inside
feudalism and modernity. For this short story and this short film (not
shown in the festival, but a memory hanging like prejudice and angst,
anyway), the big picture remains the same. As static as suffering.

The very act of participating in films depicting this injustice is
fraught with danger. French anthropologist Nicolas Jaoul in his
article, The 'Righteous Anger' of the Powerless: Investigating Dalit
Anger over Caste Violence, notes that any public display of anger
involves expressing a conflictual emotion, one that the powerless are
inclined to avoid in order to facilitate social integration and
prevent repression and further hardships. For the oppressed people,
therefore, this is not merely cinema, but a tool for social assertion.

Festivals such as these serve as sites for reviewing and creating
movements in this direction. The post-film discussions revealed the
complexity of identity politics. One discussant suggested the next
edition of the festival be called Imaging Heterogeneity, to debunk the
mainstream myth of a 'united Indian civilisation'.

But is Dalit politics itself being appropriated into the mainstream
even while it celebrates its significant successes? "What is Dalit
politics if all one wants is a slightly larger share in an oppressive
political State?" asked cultural critic Sadanand Menon. In his
valedictory address he urged that film festivals should be directed at
the "oppressors".

For that we need to break out of the comfortable festival format where
a group of largely like-minded and privileged people deliberate on
'Dalit liberation'. These issues are not 'Dalit issues'. The images of
exploitation lay bare the hollowness of a representative democracy
that greases its palms with the sweat and tears of its own people.
That these images haven't percolated into national consciousness
proves that the much-touted 'trickle-down effect' is mere trickery.

JUNE 2010

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[ZESTCaste] Centre to introduce Communal Violence Prevention Bill soon

 

http://sify.com/news/centre-to-introduce-communal-violence-prevention-bill-soon-news-national-kgnqEehbifb.html

Centre to introduce Communal Violence Prevention Bill soon

2010-06-13 16:40:00

Union Home Minister P Chidambaram on Sunday said the Centre would soon
introduce the Communal Violence Prevention Bill.

Chidambaram said the new Bill aimed at preventing violence in the name
of caste and religion.

Addressing a gathering after unveiling Dr. B R Ambedkar statue here,
Chidambaram said the parliamentary standing committee has suggested a
few amendments to the Bill, and the Home Ministry is studying those
suggestions and the draft bill would be ready soon.

Chidambaram further said that Congress president Sonia Gandhi had
suggested to make the law tougher for those instigating caste and
communal violence.

Chidambaram expressed anguish over continuation of caste and communal
violence even after several decades of Independence.

He said caste and communal violence had no place in the land where
great leaders like Kamaraj, Annadurai, and Periyar lived.

Chidambaram informed that the Bill would help security agencies to
take stringent action against those instigating and spreading communal
violence. (ANI)

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[ZESTCaste] Rise of India’s caste warrior

http://www.livemint.com/2010/06/13200224/Rise-of-India8217s-caste-wa.html

Posted: Mon, Jun 14 2010. 1:15 AM IST
Economy and Politics

Rise of India's caste warrior

Even as caste continues to puzzle and infuriate many, caste-based
organizations show remarkable resilience, promote philanthropy

Pallavi Singh

Dubai, Ghaziabad: Caste is most often seen through the prism of
conflict—the heated national debates about reservations, the political
polarization on the census and the attacks on young couples that have
been blessed by caste panchayats.

But far away from the spotlight, there is the more benign world of
organizations and activists who continue to nurture informal networks
based on caste, to help fledgeling businesses, build educational
institutions and promote philanthropy.

Consider the case of Avneesh Dahiya.

Dahiya owes his three-year journey from Bhojpur, a small village about
187km from New Delhi, to the National Capital Region (NCR), to the
commitment of one man to use personal success to help other members of
his caste.

Help at hand: Choudhary Chhotu Ram Girls' Inter College manager Sunil
Chowdhry. Pradeep Gaur / Mint

Yashpal Malik is a real estate developer from the Jat community who
made it big in the Capital. When Malik began the construction of
Vasundhara Plaza in Ghaziabad, the shopping complex where Dahiya now
runs a busy Mother Dairy outlet, he visited Bhojpur as the convenor of
a series of workshops on caste-based reservation for the Jat
community.

Malik, also national president of All India Jat Arakshan Samiti
(AIJAS), a caste-based outfit demanding recognition of Jats as Other
Backward Castes (OBC) at the national level, met Dahiya in 2007.

"What do you do?" he asked Dahiya, who had already spent more than
three decades in the village, landless and jobless. With Jats rallying
to demand reservations for their community, AIJAS had just been
formed, and Malik invited Dahiya to join.

In order to help a fellow Jat, Malik also helped Dahiya procure a
licence to run the dairy outlet and waived the rent for the shop. The
dairy helped Dahiya meet two fond aspirations: to earn a livelihood
and send his children to college.

Caste continues to puzzle and infuriate many modernizers, but the
institution has survived and changed in the six decades after
independence even as it continues to whip up passions that can split
most political parties down the middle.

But away from the heated arguments whether the government should ask
citizens details about their caste, the institution itself has shown
remarkable resilience and acts as a magnet for identity and
philanthropy.

And while the government struggles with the issue of caste-based
headcount, caste organizations carry on their work under the national
radar, even as officials at these outfits draw a subtle line between
caste organizations and casteist politics on the one hand and worry
about the failure to attract young members on the other.

Malik's focus, for example, is not just Masscon India Pvt. Ltd, the
real estate firm of which he is the managing director. As a leader of
AIJAS, Malik says he finds his true calling. "The business is
important because it helps you make money, but AIJAS is what takes the
money where it truly belongs—back to the community."

Malik is a caste leader, of sorts. His caste outfit and business firm
collectively serve the community in two ways: while AIJAS helps needy
people from his community who approach him, Masscon becomes the
employment generator.

Since the company was set up in 2000, it has recruited around 40
people from the Jat community as office staff alone.

Sociologists view the rise of caste-based organizations as an
after-effect of post-Mandal politics in India, the period after 1989
when the Indian government introduced 27% reservation for OBCs in
government jobs. "Caste remained unattended before that. Prior to
Mandal, there was no reason for individual backward castes to be
assertive at the national level. Post-Mandal, caste-based
organizations are using caste as an effective instrument of community
building and its social and financial upliftment," Anand Kumar,
professor of sociology at the Jawaharlal Nehru University in New
Delhi, says.

While there are no hard numbers to measure the spread and appeal of
such caste organizations, a search on the Internet throws hundreds of
names of such outfits with regularly updated websites. While most of
them claim extensive membership, many admit that finding issues
relevant to the youth of their communities is a big challenge these
days.

The Chitragupta Kalyan Sangathan, an organization for Kayasthas, who
are traditionally known as the caste of the account keepers, in
Delhi's Shahdara, has a helpline for jobs and marriages. The small
office tucked away in an old dilapidated building is remarkable
because it has no staff, except a peon and a typist to answer the
telephone, no photocopier and no conference room. "We do most of the
work in the field," its convenor Santok Saxena says. "We have a large
community pool of lawyers, financial planners and bankers. Whenever
someone needs us, we offer guidance and relevant contacts."

The Kayastha Mahasabha in Mumbai helps entrepreneurs start their own
ventures. "We help them in securing bank loans from our contacts,
because it is very difficult for a new entrepreneur to get loans.
Sometimes we act as guarantors as well," says Pramod Srivastava,
convenor of the organization.

Over the years though, organizations admit much of their appeal has waned.

"What we do is very traditional, such as organize mass marriages and
religious festivals, which don't attract the youth of our community.
While forward castes are capable of financial means to dispense with,
there is lack of unity," says Praveen Sharma, secretary of the Brahman
Samaj Sanstha in Delhi.

Sociologist Anand Kumar says unlike the backward caste organizations,
associations of forward castes today are on the defensive owing to the
rise of OBCs. "They are suffering downward mobility. In the 1950s,
they were 70% in elected positions. Now, it is down to 30%. In the
changed situation of coalition politics, they are adjusting and have
no individual identity," he points out.

At the same time, analysts feel that the caste organizations'
co-option into politics and vice-versa has led to trivialization of
the groups' roles such as their activities remaining limited to
distributing medals and organizing dinners to community members.

Some of the examples of this co-option, where caste groups made way
for political voices, are the Bharatiya Lok Dal, which was led by Jat
leader Chaudhary Charan Singh in Uttar Pradesh, and the Rashtriya
Janata Dal led by Lalu Prasad in Bihar, which acted as growth engines
of caste-based politics in India.

Avneesh Dahiya at his outlet in Ghaziabad.Pradeep Gaur/Mint

Sometime in 2005, the decadence was visible through several small,
unorganized protests in Delhi. As Amar Chauhan, a member of the Gujjar
community, seen as a rivals of Jats, and a postgraduate student of
sociology at Delhi University, recalls, hundreds of volunteers from
the community agitated over a little black stone plaque on National
Highway 24 in east Delhi. "The plaque was put up after the road was
renamed after noted Gujjar leader Mihir Bhoj and generated a lot of
heat as it later became invisible due to plantation of trees and road
construction," Chauhan says. "This was sad enough. As if we had no
issues to raise any more."

Ajay Navariya, Dalit writer and assistant professor at Jamia Millia
Islamia University in New Delhi says caste organizations got
politicized after independence and expected the government to provide
for everything. "They have lost sight of more pertinent issues at hand
and have become victims of casteist politics," he adds.

About 40km away from Delhi on National Highway 58, Choudhary Chhotu
Ram Girls' Inter College (CCRGC) in Duhai is perhaps a near-perfect
example of what may have gone wrong with social work centred around
caste and community welfare in the last six decades.

Since 1946 when Jat leader Chaudhary Mukhtiar Singh set up the school
for girls' education, the village of Duhai hasn't seen the
establishment of any other institution of higher education by a member
of the community. Around the time the college was founded, the western
Uttar Pradesh belt, particularly Muzaffarnagar, saw a spurt in schools
and colleges set up by Jat businessmen and leaders.

Since then, the pace of educational work slowed only to stop
completely in the 1980s, say educationists.

In his rhetoric on the diminishing role of caste-based organizations
in social welfare, Sunil Chowdhary, manager of CCRGC, is quick to lash
out at caste-based politics, especially by parties such as the Bahujan
Samaj Party and the Rashtriya Janata Dal in north India. "Earlier,
caste-based organizations were set up to work for social uplift. After
the 1980s, almost each one of them rallied with a political outfit to
assert themselves politically," Chowdhary says. "There was a time when
even Jat leaders like Choudhary Charan Singh laid foundation of a
degree college by Gujjars. Is it possible today?"

Listening intently to the entire debate, Balbir Singh, manager of BR
Ambedkar Primary School in Duhai, where he has been providing free
education to children of the scheduled castes, differs. "They (caste
groups) at least organize our struggle through a forum and raise a
collective voice for our causes," he argues.

Inside Chowdhary's office, dark and humid without electricity,
Singh—with his greying hair and tense forehead—is suddenly agitated by
the debate. Slowly, the gathering grows to half a dozen people in the
room. Someone quotes example of caste groups in Gujarat, which set up
orphanages, rest houses, old-age homes and colleges for the community.

Kantaben Kamdar Charitable Trust and Jhaverchand Manekchand Trust of
the Saurashtra Khadayta caste, or the trader caste, for example,
contributes around Rs30,000 every month to support 42 families in the
villages of Junagadh in Gujarat.

For what little Singh has known, this doesn't happen in his world.
"There are hardly any such groups which work for lower rungs of their
communities," he says.

His concerns are not entirely unfounded. The Ambedkar Samaj Sudhar
Samiti (or Ambedkar Social Reform Committee), founded by him, often
ends up facing resistance from upper caste groups for the work they
do: opposing child marriages, untouchability and manual scavenging.

Eleven years ago, he, then unmarried, even picked up a girl child from
the streets and brought her home after police refused to find a
shelter despite his repeated reports. "Well, what would you have
done?" he asks.

Priyanka P. Narain contributed to this story.


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