Sunday, January 29, 2012

[ZESTCaste] Dalit Christians living in fear after attack

http://www.thehindu.com/news/states/karnataka/article2840643.ece

Bangalore, January 29, 2012
Dalit Christians living in fear after attack
Mohit M. Rao

Nearly 20 days after a group of men attacked a gathering of Dalit
Christians in Kooguru village, near Sarjapur, the handful of Dalit
Christians in the village now live in fear of being ostracised.

Ever since the nine-member group barged into the house of Puttamma
when she was celebrating her son Suresh Babu's 25th birthday on
January 9 night, the four Dalit Christian families, mostly daily wage
workers, in this 300-household village have been receiving explicit
threats.

The attack, which left 10 persons — including a pastor — injured, has
largely gone unnoticed by the media. The attackers, who allegedly came
from Sarjapur town 6 km away, fled when the commotion attracted other
villagers.

"We have been threatened by a few in our village who said they would
cut off water supply from our homes and seek the removal of our names
from the ration card list," Ms. Puttamma told The Hindu on Saturday.
She herself was hit on the leg when she tried to stop the men
attacking the pastor.

Narayanamma, who was present in the house during the attack, said:
"Some villagers have also asked people not to employ us in their
farms. I haven't found work in some time."

None of these families even contemplate moving out. "This is my home.
We have no other place to go," Ms. Puttamma said.

Even though the village had not seen violence against their community
for some time — villagers recall an incident around eight years ago
where a Christian woman was forced to perform Hindu rituals and burn
of copies of the Bible. A Hindu shopkeeper, on condition of anonymity,
said that around four years ago she was threatened with dire
consequences after she was found reading the Bible.

Anatomy of the attack

It was around 11 p.m. that the group of about 20 people, after dinner,
knelt on the floor to sing religious songs. According to pastor S.
Shantakumar of the protestant church, Agape Prayer Hall in Anekal,
everyone was in prayer barring two uninvited guests. "They had told
[Ms.] Puttamma they had come for the prayer, but I could see that they
were constantly fiddling with their phones," said the pastor. He
suspects that these two sent messages to others, who barged in at the
end of the second song.

Grabbing whatever they could — curtain rods, brooms, even a keyboard
in the house — the men assaulted those gathered, tearing down pictures
of Jesus Christ put up on the walls, hurling abuses at the pastor,
asking him to "stop conversions".

Out on bail

Some victims recognised one of the gang members as being from
Sarjapur, which led to the arrest of one person. Five surrendered
before the court and three others remain absconding. The six men are
currently out on bail, a fact the victims are unaware of.

Police officials investigating the case said though they believe the
men were not connected to any organisation, they have been earlier
named in cases involving attacks on those transporting cattle.


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[ZESTCaste] BJP Dalit leaders to visit Amalapuram

 

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/bjp-dalit-leaders-to-visit-amalapuram/225174-60-114.html

Andhra Pradesh | Posted on Jan 29, 2012 at 09:04am IST
BJP Dalit leaders to visit Amalapuram
indianexpress Express News Service , The New Indian Express

HYDERABAD: A delegation of state BJP Dalit Morcha will tour Amalapuram
and Dowleswarm in East Godavari district where the statues of
Constitution Drafting Committee chairman BR Ambedkar have been damaged
by miscreants recently.

BJP state president G Kishan Reddy formed a delegation to be led by
Dalit leader Ch Samba Murthy, Dalit Morcha state president K Ramulu
and some BJP leaders.

The delegation will visit Amalapuram and Dowleswaram, near
Rajahmundry, and interact with all sections of Dalits and prepare a
report for submission to the BJP state committee.

Samba Murthy said home minister Sabita Indra Reddy should resign
forthwith, owning up moral responsibility for the demolition of
statues. He demanded arrest of the real culprits and registration of
cases under stringent law. He also demanded installation an Ambedkar
statue on the Assembly premises.

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[ZESTCaste] Statue desecration:Gadar meets CM, demands probe

 

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/statue-desecrationgadar-meets-cm-demands-probe/225170-60-114.html

Andhra Pradesh | Posted on Jan 29, 2012 at 09:03am IST
Statue desecration:Gadar meets CM, demands probe
indianexpress Express News Service , The New Indian Express

HYDERABAD: Accusing the government of failure to arrest those
responsible for damaging the statues of Ambedkar in East Godavari
district, Dalit leaders and students have demanded a comprehensive
inquiry into the incident for facts to come out.

They called upon people to make the proposed state bandh on January 30
a success. A delegation led by balladeer Gadar met chief minister N
Kiran Kumar Reddy at the Secretariat on Friday and urged him to take
necessary steps to prevent recurrence of such incidents. There was a
need to provide protection to the statues of great Indian leaders,
they said.

Talking to newsmen later, Gadar said a round table would be held at
Sundarayya Vignana Kendram at Baghlingampally on Sunday to finalise a
programme to prevent attacks on the statues of Ambedkar. Leaders of
various political parties have been invited to the conference.�
Professor Kancha Ilaiah and several students of Osmania University
also demanded protection of Ambedkar statues.

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[ZESTCaste] Who killed Suvarna?

http://www.expressindia.com/latest-news/Who-killed-Suvarna/905010/

Who killed Suvarna?
Johnson T A Posted: Jan 29, 2012 at 0326 hrs
Bangalore School girls in bright red uniforms troop down the slope in
groups of threes and fours in Koppa, the fertile sugarcane town in
southern Karnataka's agricultural district of Mandya. A teenage boy on
a motorcycle does the dim-and-dip with his headlights, the equivalent
of a wink, as he passes the girls on his way up the slope in what
seems to be a strut on a motorcycle.

"Television and mobile phones have ruined our children," says
55-year-old Chanappa, a sugarcane farmer who has hitched a 14-km ride
with me to Koppa from the highway. Through the ride, Chanappa refuses
to get drawn into any conversation relating to the November 6, 2011
death of Suvarna Ramakrishna, a 20-year-old Vokkaliga girl in
Abalavadi village, two km from Koppa town.

Chanappa, a Vokkaliga, knows about the death and is willing to point
me in the direction of Abalavadi but won't talk about what he has
heard about the death of Suvarna, daughter of a former Abalavadi
headman and local leader Davalana Ramakrishna.

Love and romance are not good words these days in Mandya despite the
mass of images they bring to life through cinema and the media. Caught
in the 120-km cleft between the modern Karnataka cities of Bangalore
and Mysore, the district of Mandya and its people continue to cope
with a feudal mindset and caste hierarchies even as their youth
attempt feebly to break out.

Every month, there are dozens of cases of couples approaching the
district police for protection against their family members, says
Mandya's young superintendent of police Kaushalendra Kumar. A week
ago, he says, the family of a girl engaged to be married burnt down
the house of a boy she was in a relationship with after the boy sent
an SMS to the parents professing his love and claiming her hand in
marriage. "It was a same caste relationship," he says.

What happened in Abalavadi village on November 6, 2011 is, however, a
far cry from what has ever been reported in recent times from
Karnataka.

Two months after she died, under what was until now considered to be a
case of suicide, the case that emerges is that of an honour killing,
with Suvarna's father and her extended family allegedly killing her
for her insistence on marrying Govindaraju, a 25-year-old who belongs
to the Scheduled Caste of Madigas.

The lid was blown off on January 5 when Govindaraju's family, who was
on the run after Suvarna's death, filed an FIR with the police naming
the girl's father and members of her extended family.

The Koppa and Mandya police who bought into the suicide story earlier
have now found prima facie evidence to show that there was a murder on
November 6, 2011 and not a suicide. "We have witnesses and we have
some of the remains of the body. Prima facie it does seem like a case
of murder," says the Mandya superintendent of police.

***

The Vokkaligas, land owners and the dominant community in Mandya
region, are by nature feudal, rustic, hot headed and in-your-face.
Beneath the veneer of coarseness, most people are simple too.
Suvarna's father, Davalana Ramakrishna, 46, according to descriptions
provided by people in Abalavadi, was the archetypal Vokkaliga—proud,
upwardly mobile, one of the 12 village wise men, a large landholder
who held the right to kick-start pujas at the temple on festival days
and a leader of the local unit of the Janata Dal Secular, considered
the political party of the Vokkaligas. "Davalana is a feared man in
the village, an authority and a landlord. He had two children, both of
whom are gone now. A son committed suicide a couple of years ago when
he was 18 after a fight with the father and Suvarna died last year,"
says a resident of the village.

Villagers say Davalana doted on Suvarna. "She was a quiet girl who
kept to herself. She was mostly home-bound. Just a few days before her
death, she was engaged to a Vokkaliga boy from another village. They
were to marry 15 days later. We don't know the details of what
happened after that. We heard she was seen with a Dalit boy," says
Narasimhachar, an Abalavadi resident and gram panchayat member.

According to details pieced together from various accounts of what
happened at Abalavadi on November 6, it seems that Suvarna had been in
love since her high school days with Govindaraju, who worked in the
village and lived in a Dalit colony.

Around August 2011, the families of both Suvarna and Govindaraju seem
to have got wind of their affair and while Suvarna was pulled out of
college by her father, Govindaraju was sent away to work in another
village by his older brother K Thimappa. Davalana also arranged for
her marriage to a Vokkaliga boy from a neighbouring village .

The story goes that Suvarna set up a rendezvous with Govindaraju at a
public spot a little outside the village on the afternoon of November
6 to plan an elopement but was spotted by her fiancé who alerted her
father and his family.

According to the police complaint filed by Govindaraju's brother
Thimappa on January 5 this year, Suvarna's family dragged the boy and
the girl back to Abalavadi village from their rendezvous point at
Arasinagere gate.

According to the FIR, Suvarna was taken to the house of one of
Davalana's relatives, Lallegowda, and thrashed there while Govindaraju
was sent back to his home after a beating, only to be dragged to
Lallegowda's house.

While she was being beaten up, Suvarna insisted that she would only
marry Govindaraju and that it was she who wanted to meet him that day,
Govindaraju told the police in a statement last week when he briefly
emerged out of hiding. An enraged Davalana, according to the police
complaint, directed his relatives to "hang this girl who is insistent
on marrying a Madiga".

Police investigators say they believe Suvarna probably died after the
thrashing from her father at her relative's house but her body was
dragged to Govindaraju's house and strung up on a rope to make it seem
like a suicide in the lover's home.

Govindaraju, who was kept waiting outside his house while Suvarna's
body was being strung up, says he feared he would be next and fled,
leaving his mother and two sisters-in-law behind as witnesses.

"Suvarna and I were in love but our families were opposed to it due to
our castes. I am a Dalit and she is a Gowda. Her parents got her
engaged. She had my phone number and kept calling me, asking me to
elope with her. She said she wanted to see me just once and I agreed,"
Govindaraju said in his statement to the police.

Police investigations have revealed that Suvarna's body was cremated
in the village under the cover of darkness on the evening of November
6. The story that went out said she had committed suicide.

According to the police complaint filed by Govindaraju's brother on
January 5, Davalana and his family "threatened to burn down houses and
to kill anybody who dared to speak the truth about his daughter's
death".

***

Despite the turn of events, Abalavadi and its majority Vokkaliga
community remain in denial.

"There was no affair between Davalana Ramakrishna's daughter and the
Madiga boy. She did not die at the boy's house. She committed suicide
at her home that day because she was suffering from stomach cramps.
Davalana was in Bangalore that day and they had to wait for him to
return for the cremation, that's why it was done after dark," says
Thimaraju, 48, a local farmer. "Those Madiga boys were contract
farming on two plots of land in the village and ran up debts. That's
why they ran away from the village," he says.

"It is Davalana who is suffering. He lost a son, then his daughter and
is now on the run. His wife Latha has fallen ill after the daughter's
suicide and has gone back to her home," says Thimmesh, another
resident of Abalavadi.

"All other castes have good relationships with each other but the
Madigas behave differently and have strained ties with the Vokkaligas
because they borrow money and don't pay back. They are into these love
affairs," says Narasimhachar, the panchayat member.

What has encouraged Govindaraju and his family to speak out is the
support of the local unit of the Bahujan Samajwadi Party and its
leader M Krishnamurthy.

So far, the police have arrested eight of the 10 family members of
Davalana named in the complaint filed on January 5. They include two
of Davalana's brothers and their sons. Davalana is still on the run.

"We are asking everyone to surrender because the episode is affecting
the village," says Thimaraju. Govindaraju and his family, including
his mother and two sisters-in-law who are the main witnesses to
Suvarna's death, have been living undercover since the killing. They
too appeared briefly before the police to record their statements.

Amid complaints that the police are going slow in their investigations
in the case because Home Minister R Ashok is also a Vokkaliga, the
minister has assured effective investigations.


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[ZESTCaste] Analyzing The ‘OBC-Minority' Sub-Quota--Part III

http://www.countercurrents.org/ansari280112.htm

Analyzing The 'OBC-Minority' Sub-Quota--Part III

By Khalid Anis Ansari

28 January, 2012
Countercurrents.org

4.5% Sub-Quota for OBCs within Minorities: The 'policy' and
'technical' dimensions

Let me state right at the outset that the recent 4.5% sub-quota was
not a demand raised by the pasmanda movement but rather is informed by
the second recommendation of the Ranganath Mishra Report which is as
follows: "[…] we recommend that since according to the Mandal
Commission Report the minorities constitute 8.4 percent of the total
OBC population, in the 27 percent OBC quota an 8.4 percent sub-quota
should be earmarked for the minorities with an internal break-up of 6
percent for the Muslims (commensurate with their 73 percent share in
the total minority population at the national level) and 2.4 percent
for the other minorities […]" (Justice Ranganath Mishra 2007, 153).
That is why the statement of the Minister of Minority Affairs in Lok
Sabha on 28 th December 2011 is misleading when it suggests that: "For
several years, members of other backward classes belonging to
religious minorities have been demanding that a separate quota should
be earmarked for them out of the 27 percent reserved for OBCs"
(Ministry of Minority Affairs 2011). Quite clearly this was never a
pasmanda demand but is much closer to the second recommendation of the
Ranganath Mishra Commission to be considered in case the first
recommendation of a blanket 10% reservation for all Muslims faced any
'insurmountable obstacles'! With this opening remark let me first of
all examine the major objections to the sub-quota raised by various
sections.

The first objection raised by many OBC groups is that
this sub-quota is eating into the existing OBC quota and that such a
provision should be made only after enlarging the overall OBC quota
once the 50% cap on reservations is done away with (Correspondent
2011). This objection can be met by stating that in this sub-quota no
new castes are being added to the existing OBC list rather the already
listed OBCs belonging to minorities are being brought within a 4.5%
sub-quota informed by differentiated levels of backwardness within the
OBC category. Since the OBC quota belongs as much to the majority-OBCs
as to the minority-OBCs the question of 'eating up' is an irrelevant
objection. Further, there can be no principled objection to sub-quotas
per se as there are already sub-quotas in place in many State OBC
lists—Kerala has 8 sub-quotas, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka have 5
each, Tamil Nadu and Bihar have 2 respectively. As far as the 50% cap
on reservations is concerned it was articulated by the Balaji judgment
(1963) of the Supreme Court and reiterated by the Mandal judgment in
1992. It is important to note what Dr. B. R. Ambedkar had said on this
issue during the Constituent Assembly debates:

Supposing, for instance, we were to concede in full the demand of
those communities who have not been so far employed in the public
service to the fullest extent, what would really happen is, we shall
be completely destroying the first proposition upon which we are all
agreed, namely, that there shall be an equality of opportunity. Let me
give an illustration. Supposing, for instance, reservations were made
for a community or a collection of communities, the total of which
came to something like 70 per cent of the total posts under the State
and only 30 per cent are retained as the unreserved. Could anybody say
that the reservation of 30 per cent as open to general competition
would be satisfactory from the point of view of giving effect to the
first principle, namely, that there shall be equality of opportunity?
It cannot be in my judgment. Therefore the seats to be reserved, if
the reservation is to be consistent with Sub-clause (1) of Article 10,
must be confined to a minority of seats (cited in Reddy, 1992).

Also, the Mandal judgment clearly states:

While 50% shall be the rule, it is necessary not to put out of
consideration certain extraordinary situations inherent in the great
diversity of this country and the people. It might happen that in
far-flung and remote areas the population inhabiting those areas
might, on account of their being out of the main stream of national
life and in view of conditions peculiar to and characteristical to
them, need to be treated in a different way, some relaxation in this
strict rule may become imperative. In doing so, extreme caution is to
be exercised and a special case made out. In this connection it is
well to remember that the reservations under Article 16 (4) do not
operate like a communal reservation. It may well happen that some
members belonging to, say Scheduled Castes get selected in the open
competition field on the basis of their own merit; they will not be
counted against the quota reserved for Scheduled Castes; they will be
treated as open competition candidates (Reddy 1992).

So, quite clearly the articulation of 50% cap on the quota has a
strong conceptual foundation and in all likelihood will meet an
adverse judicial review even if the legislature decides to do away
with it through a Constitutional amendment. However, the only option
of including it within the 9 th Schedule and thereby exempting it from
judicial review seems a very distant possibility in the present
circumstances.

The second objection that has been prominently raised
by the BJP is that it is a 'communal' or 'religious' quota and
therefore it is unconstitutional. This objection can be met by stating
that it is not a sub-quota for 'Muslims' alone but rather for the OBCs
belonging to all minorities, especially the Muslims, Sikhs and
Christians—in other words, this is a complex quota involving
identities like 'caste', 'religion' and also 'class' because of the
provision of creamy layer for the OBC quota introduced by the Mandal
judgment. Besides, in the states of Karnataka (interestingly ruled by
BJP at present) and Kerala sub-quotas for 'Muslims' within the OBC
quota have been in practise for long and no one has seriously
challenged that thus far. What is more surprising is that in both
Karnataka and Kerala even a few upper caste Muslim groups like Syeds,
Pathans, Thangals, etc., who in all likelihood would qualify as
'pseudo-communities' (a term employed by the Mandal Judgment) are also
included in the sub-quota for Muslims within the OBC category. But
this is probably due to the invisibilization of caste and the lack of
a caste-based political movement within South Indian Muslims in
contrast to the situation in North India. However, sociologically
speaking caste practises are very much alive within Muslims in South
Indian states as well (D'Souza 1973). In the more recent case of
Andhra Pradesh where a blanket 5% reservation for all Muslim groups
was appropriately struck down by the Andhra High Court as being
'unconstitutional', it will be useful to recall that a revised
sub-quota of 4% for lower caste Muslims was rejected by the Andhra
High Court not because it was unconstitutional but because "[…] the
methodology followed by the Backward Classes Commission to identify
those who would benefit was unsustainable […] the court was not
satisfied with the yardstick used to define 15 categories of Muslims
as backward and said the BC Commission's action was 'mechanical and
perfunctory'" (NDTV 2010). However, the Supreme Court later intervened
and through an interim order had upheld the 4% quota for OBC-Muslims
in Andhra Pradesh but also referred the matter to a Constitution Bench
subsequently (PTI 2010). The matter is subjudice in the Supreme Court
and the confusion will clear once the court takes a call on that.

The third objection often raised by many groups is
regarding the quantum of the sub-quota: some feel it is less while the
others feel it is probably on the higher side. It seems that the
sub-quota has been calculated from the data provided by the Mandal
Report. The Mandal Report had calculated the BC-Hindus to be about
43.7% of the total Indian population which amounted to 52% of the
Hindu population (83.84% at that time). Applying this rule of thumb,
since there was no data available on the OBC population within
minorities, it calculated the OBC-Minority population as 8.4% (52% of
total minority population of 16.16% then). Hence, the total
population of Hindu OBCs estimated by the Mandal Report was 43.7% and
that of minority OBCs as 8.4% thereby taking the total OBC population
roughly to 52%. Now in order to stay within the 50% cap the population
of 52% OBCs was granted 27% quota. If we go by this logic then 4.5%
sub-quota for OBC-minorities seems quite adequate in arithmetic terms.
However, according to P. S. Krishnan this seems to be on the lower
side. As per his calculations the OBC-Minorities should be entitled to
a 6.75% sub-quota, out of which Muslim-OBCs alone have a legitimate
claim of about 5.5% (Krishnan 2012).

In the light of the above discussion most of the
objections to the 4.5% sub-quota do not seem to be very sound ones
from a technical point of view. However, many pasmanda activists also
seem to be very sceptical with regard to the expected results and
benefits from the sub-quota. Largely because they feel the OBC Muslims
will face a real competition from the Sikh-OBCs (around 1.2%
population) and the Christian-OBCs (around 1.4% population),
especially the latter because of a strong tradition of education due
to the intervention of the Church amongst them. So, if Rashid Alvi,
the Congress spokesperson, suggested that OBC Muslims (about 11%
population) were already able to corner about 3% benefits from the
existing scheme of 27% OBC quota (Jha 2011), then one is not sure if
there is going to be any significant improvement beyond 3% due to the
4.5% sub-quota if one takes into account the competition from other
OBC-Minorities (Jha 2011). In fact, one should not be very surprised
if the actual representation goes below the 3% that the OBC-Muslims
were already able to corner within the 27% OBC quota. But one can only
wait and take a call on that once the initial results start pouring in
after the sub-quota is implemented.

To be continued.

Part I of this paper can be accessed here:
http://www.countercurrents.org/ansari260112.htm

Part II of this paper can be accessed here:
http://www.countercurrents.org/ansari270112.htm

Works cited

Correspondent. "Opposition builds up on UP 'quota within quota'."
December 20, 2011.
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[The author is a researcher working on the dalit-pasmanda movement. He
can be contacted at khalidanisansari@


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