Monday, December 26, 2011

[ZESTCaste] Pejavar Invites Nidumamidi for Public Debate on Made Snana

http://www.daijiworld.com/news/news_disp.asp?n_id=125507

Friday, December 23, 2011 4:11:22 PM (IST)
Bagalkot: Pejavar Invites Nidumamidi for Public Debate on Made Snana

Daijiworld Media Network – Bagalkot (SP)

Bagalkot, Dec 23: Speaking to reporters during his Padayatra through
the dalits habitats and slums of the town on Thursday December 22 at a
programme of interaction held at Shivanubhava Mantapa here, Pejavar
Mutt Swamiji, Sri Vishweshateertha, invited Nidumamidi Swamiji, who
he said has cultivated the habit of criticizing the former frequently,
for an open debate on the practice of Made Made Snana prevalent in
Lord Subrahmanyeshwara Temple in Subrahmanya.

"Nidumamidi Swamiji should stop the practice of hurling unnecessary
criticisms at me. I am prepared to provide suitable replies to each
and every question he may pose on this issue. He should desist from
passing remarks without knowing all the material facts. Even after I
said I have no problem if a decision to ban the above practice is
taken, people continue to target me," he explained, expressing his
disapproval.

He insisted that the Dalits have nothing to do with Made Made Snana,
and the practice was not started by them. "This practice is age-old.
Subrahmanya temple comes under the government, not my mutt. I have
no objection if the government takes a decision on Made Made Snana on
its own," he clarified. He also added that all the Swamijis barring
Nidumamidi, have been working together to erase the practice of
untouchability, protection of Hinduism, and stopping religious
conversions.

He wondered as to why no one questions the practice of having Iftar
feast by Muslims together from a single utensil, where too food tasted
by someone else is partaken by others. "There are certain customs even
among Christians. People, who turn a blind eye towards butchering of
thousands of animals at a stretch, are pointing fingers at only the
Hindu practices. Why?" he questioned. He also announced setting up of
a fund against religious conversion with a donation of one lac rupees
from his mutt, to help those who face financial exigencies. He wanted
the fund to be managed under Vishwa Hindu Parishad, and asked
activists to collect funds for the purpose and carry forward acvities
connected with it.


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[ZESTCaste] Court wonders if MLA misused SC/ST Act, grants bail to driver

 

http://ibnlive.in.com/generalnewsfeed/news/court-wonders-if-mla-misused-scst-act-grants-bail-to-driver/941826.html

Court wonders if MLA misused SC/ST Act, grants bail to driver
PTI | 08:12 PM,Dec 23,2011

New Delhi, Dec 23 (PTI) A city court today granted bail to a DTC bus
driver, arrested for allegedly making anti-Dalit remarks against a
Delhi MLA, wondering if the legislator has been misusing the law,
enacted to safeguard Dalits' interests, to settle political scores.
Additional Sessions Judge Kamini Lau granted bail to 54-year-old Om
Prakash, after examining a copy of an FIR lodged by MLA Jai Kishan at
Bahadurgarh police station of Haryana, making "virtually identical
allegation" to the ones made in the case against the driver. While
granting bail to Om Prakash, the court also noted his counsel's
submission that Jai Kishan had got registered four other FIRs against
other persons with similar provisions of SC/ST (Prevention Of
Atrocities) Act. "No doubt, the allegations made against driver Om
Prakash if proved are serious but in case if what has been submitted
by the defence counsel with regard to misuse and abuse of the special
legislation (by Jai Kishan) is correct, it is a serious matter that
the complainant who is a democratically elected representative of
people of the area should be misusing and abusing the provisions of
the Special Enactment [SC/ST (POA), Act] to score a point over his
political rivals," the judge said. Accused Om Prakash's counsel C B
Garg had submitted to the court that MLA was a habitual litigant and,
he along with his wife and son, is involved in nine criminal cases,
including those involving offences of obstructing public servants from
discharging their duties. (MORE)

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[ZESTCaste] How India's 'untouchable' entrepreneurs use capital to fight caste

 

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/how-indias-untouchable-entrepreneurs-use-capital-to-fight-caste/article2282858/

December 23, 2011
How India's 'untouchable' entrepreneurs use capital to fight caste
By STEPHANIE NOLEN
From Saturday's Globe and Mail

The country's lowest-ranking class band together to create business
opportunities long denied them by society

When Prashant Tambe sought a loan to expand his private college last
year, the bank didn't turn him down outright. "It was just
red-tape-ism," the young entrepreneur said, using a popular Indian
expression for business death by a thousand bureaucratic hurdles.

His brother, Avinash Tambe, had an identical experience seeking funds
to build his coal import firm. They have no illusions about the source
of the banks' reluctance: It began when they wrote their surname on
their loan applications.

The name Tambe identifies them as Dalits - the people once known as
"untouchables," at the bottom of the Hindu caste system. And so
despite the fact that the brothers have eight post-graduate degrees
and two successful businesses between them, they struggle to get
access to capital and chafe at the opportunities they are missing.

They recently had an opportunity to share that frustration, and to
seek out new partners, at a first-ever trade fair organized by the
Dalit Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry.

"It's a strange irony and it tells you a lot about the ground reality
of India," Prashant Tambe mused as they set up their stall in a vast
Mumbai exhibition hall - it's popular wisdom in the country today that
the booming economy will end the influence of caste, but the best way
they can find to be part of that economy is to join a caste-based
business association.

The Dalit business lobby, founded in 2005, has 1,000 members; 180 of
them came from across the country to exhibit and network at the
three-day fair. There were companies making solar-power systems,
military uniforms, car parts, pharmaceuticals, pesticides and
industrial piping; there were also small financial-service companies
and construction firms.

The DICCI slogan is "fighting caste with capital." But many business
owners at the fair said they share one key problem: They can't get
their hands on that capital.

As the Tambes and others described, Dalit business owners struggle to
obtain conventional bank loans. Sometimes it's malice from
dominant-caste bank employees who do not want to see a Dalit business
succeed, said Prashant Tambe; other times it's simply that the bankers
doubt that a first-generation Dalit business owner will have the
acumen to be a safe loan risk.

Almost always, they lack collateral - while Dalits are a sixth of
India's population, they control only an estimated 1 per cent of the
country's wealth. The vast bulk of the population continues to be
landless labourers working for occasional daily wages of one or two
dollars.

And they have no access to the other key source of funding for Indian
entrepreneurs; loans from extended family or their caste community -
"internal funding," as it's known here. The Tambes' father was the
kind of general labourer called a "peon" here and their mother was a
nursing assistant with a primary-school education; the cousin who is a
co-owner of the coal business is the son of a cycle rickshaw driver.
They pushed their sons to seek education, but they had no funds to
bankroll their good ideas.

The Indian government has attempted to address the issue through a
Dalit-focused national finance-development corporation, but it
provides only small loans of up to $5,000 - enough, as DICCI
chairperson Milind Kamble put it, to buy a large photocopier and set a
family up as a corner copy shop, but not enough to bankroll an
entrepreneur whose ambitions stretch beyond that.

Kaushal Vidyarthee, who is working on a doctoral dissertation on caste
and capitalism at Oxford University, said that one government policy
has made a difference, in cases exactly like the Tambes:
affirmative-action quotas, or reservations as they are known here,
which set aside 15 per cent of government jobs for Dalits. With even
an entry-level position, the family is able slowly to salt away enough
money to fund a small entry into business; those jobs, and reserved
seats for Dalits in educational institutions, are behind every
Dalit-owned business he has examined.

That's what Mr. Tambe found when he opened Imperial Mineral Resources
Pty Ltd. in 2008 to import Australian coal to India's hungry energy
sector. Private power plants were owned by wealthy members of dominant
castes and didn't want to deal with him, so he turned to
government-owned plants. But even there, dominant caste people made up
the senior staff. He pressed on - "999 people will say no but one will
say yes - and I started getting more contracts because I deliver on
time with less profit margin." The firm did just under $1-million in
business this year and has nine employees.

Mr. Kamble hoped the trade fair would help small entrepreneurs make
helpful connections, but the main audience he was targeting was not
Dalit: Indian society perceives Dalits only as takers, he said, who
need ration cards and a dozen other government programs - "that
without government support or affirmative action Dalits cannot walk a
single step. People don't know that in the Dalit community people are
running corporate houses and running multinationals."

Mr. Kamble, the son of a schoolteacher, is an engineer; in the early
1990s, he collected 25,000 rupees (today worth $5,000) from friends to
begin his own construction firm, now worth millions. But raising that
early cash was a struggle, and there was no one in his community to
advise or mentor him.

Hoping to pave the way for other Dalit entrepreneurs, the DICCI is
setting up a $100-million (U.S.) venture-capital fund, which Mr.
Kamble said would be operational by mid-2012. The sector-agnostic fund
will provide risk capital to DICCI-member businesses, both market
entrants and those seeking to expand. Prasad Dahapute, who will manage
the fund through a small investment-banking firm Varhad Capital, said
that the Dalit business elite had been approached to provide the
capital. The fund so far has two anchor partners: Ashok Khade, chief
executive of the $1-billion Mumbai-based Das Offshore Engineering, who
is the oft-cited business hero of many at the trade fair, and Rajesh
Saraiya, who heads the $400-million British-based steel trading firm
Steelmont Pvt. Ltd.

"Of the 180 businesses that are here, 160 of them need debt or equity
capital now," Mr. Dahapute said. The businesses they fund will need to
be Dalit-owned, but first and foremost good ideas, he said; the
venture-capital model means that new entrepreneurs will get the
assistance of experienced directors.

"Godrej or Tata have been in business for 100 years, but we have no
business history," Mr. Kamble mused, citing two of India's biggest
conglomerates. "But we are trying. Now we are making parts for the
[Tata] Nano - our dream is that in 10 years we will make our own car."

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[ZESTCaste] Dalits breaking the caste shackles with enterprise

http://www.deccanherald.com/content/213516/dalits-breaking-caste-shackles-enterprise.html

Dalits breaking the caste shackles with enterprise
Lydia Polgreen and Hari Kumar, The New York Times

Recent rapid economic growth in India has given them a chance to
overcome the old barriers

At school, he took his place on the floor in a portion of the
classroom built one step lower than the rest.

Untouchables like him, considered to be spiritually and physically
unclean, could not be permitted to pollute their upper-caste
neighbours and classmates.

But on a recent afternoon, as Khade's chauffeur guided his shimmering
silver BMW sedan onto that same street in a village in Maharashtra,
village leaders rushed to greet him. He paid his respects at the
temple, which he paid to rebuild. The untouchable boy had become
golden, thanks to the newest god in the Indian pantheon: money.

As the founder of a successful offshore oil-rig engineering firm,
Khade is part of a tiny but growing class of millionaires from the
Dalit population, the 200 million people who occupy the very lowest
rung in Hinduism's social hierarchy. "I've gone from village to
palace," Khade exclaimed, using his favourite phrase to describe his
remarkable journey from the son of an illiterate cobbler in the 1960s
to a wealthy business partner of Arab sheiks.

The rapid growth that followed the opening of the Indian economy in
1991 has widened the gulf between rich and poor, and some here have
begun to blame liberalisation for the rising tide of corruption. But
the era of growth has also created something unthinkable a generation
ago: a tiny but growing group of wealthy Dalit businesspeople. Some
measure their fortunes in hundreds of thousands of dollars, and a
handful, like Khade, have started companies worth tens of millions.
With their newfound wealth, they have also won a measure of social
acceptance.

"This is a golden period for Dalits," said Chandra Bhan Prasad, a
Dalit activist and researcher who has championed capitalism among the
Dalits. "Because of the new market economy, material markers are
replacing social markers. Dalits can buy rank in the market economy.
India is moving from a caste-based to a class-based society, where if
you have all the goodies in life and your bank account is booming, you
are acceptable."

Milind Kamble, a Dalit contractor based in the city of Pune in
Maharashtra State, said that out of the 100 or so members of the Dalit
Indian Chamber of Commerce and Industry in his city, only one was in
business before 1931. "We are fighting the caste system with
capitalism," he said.

The Dalits still lag behind the rest of India, but they have
experienced gains as the country's economy has expanded. A recent
analysis of government survey data by economists at the University of
British Columbia found that the wage premium non-Dalits get has
decreased to 21 per cent, down from 36 per cent in 1983, less than the
gap between white male and black male workers in the United States.
The education gap has been halved.

Another survey conducted by Indian researchers along with professors
from the University of Pennsylvania and Harvard showed that the social
status of Dalits had risen as well—they are more likely to be invited
to non-Dalit weddings, to eat the same foods and wear the same clothes
as upper-caste people, and use grooming products like shampoo and
bottled hair oil.

Knowledge-based businesses like information technology have attracted
large numbers of Brahmins, the traditional learned caste. The
business castes tended to focus more on retail and wholesale trade
than manufacturing. Messy industries like construction are closer to
the traditional occupations of the lowest castes.

One Dalit businessman in Pune has turned the traditionally undesirable
work of pest control in to a million-dollar company. Kamble made his
fortune in India's building boom. Dalits have started small technology
companies, installing networking equipment, while others have set up
factories to make water pipes and sugar. "In this complex society,
Dalits are turning disadvantage into an advantage," Prasad said.

Ashok Khade's rags-to-riches story stands out because of how
completely he transformed himself, with some luck and some help from
India's opening economy, from an illiterate cobbler's son to a
multimillionaire player in the booming oil services industry. He was
born in a mud hut in Fed in 1955, one of six children.

His parents were day labourers who toiled in upper-caste farmers'
fields for pennies. His father would often travel to Mumbai, then
known as Bombay, to work as a shoe repairman. He came from a family of
Chamhars, a subcaste at the very bottom of the Hindu hierarchy. Their
traditional job was to skin dead animals.

Few pennies
All through schooling, Ashok Khade endured extreme poverty. Students
had to provide their own paper to write their exams, and one day he
found himself without even a few pennies to buy the necessary sheets
of foolscap.

A teacher tore pages from the attendance ledger. Too poor to buy
string to tie the pages together, he used a thorn from a tree. None of
it mattered. He graduated near the top of his class. Khade's elder
brother, Datta, had managed to get an apprenticeship as a welder at a
government-owned ship building company, Mazagon Dock, in Mumbai. He
persuaded young Ashok to move to the big city. The tiny room where
Datta lived with relatives was already full, so Ashok slept for a time
under a nearby staircase on a folding cot.

Khade dreamed of becoming a doctor and studied at a local college. But
Datta. who supported the entire family, begged his younger brother to
drop out of school and start working. Datta helped Ashok get a job as
an apprentice draftsman at Mazagon Dock. What seemed like a setback
turned out to be a stroke of luck. His flawless drafting skills and
boundless appetite for hard work won him promotions. In 1983, he was
sent to Germany to work on a submarine project.

One day he happened to see the pay slip of one of his German
colleagues. He earned in one month more than Khade earned in a year.
"I thought about my family's needs," he said. "My sisters needed to
get married. I knew I could do better than working for someone else."
When he returned from Germany he began laying the groundwork to start
his own company. The risk was enormous, and it was almost unheard of
to leave a steady job to start a company. But his two brothers were
expert off-shore welders. They had good contacts from their many years
at Mazagon Dock.

And India''s economy was changing after years of stagnation as the
1991 reforms began to reduce the socialist bureaucracy's control of
the economy and stimulate growth. The brothers used their savings to
finance the small subcontract jobs they began with, and in 1993 they
got their first big order, for some underwater jackets for an offshore
oil rig, from Mazagon Dock.

Faster growth
Khade's hunch was right, and his timing was impeccable. Faster growth
meant India's appetite for fossil fuels grew ever more rapacious. His
company, which builds and refurbishes offshore oil rigs, has expanded
rapidly, and he is currently expanding beyond India to the Middle
East. He recently signed a deal with a member of the royal family of
Abu Dhabi to work on oil wells there, and he is building what will be
India's biggest jetty fabrication yard on the Maharashtra coast, 14
hours by ship from Dubai. He currently has 4,500 employees, and his
company is valued at more than $100 million.

Khade probably would not be in business with a prince had he not
attended a networking cocktail reception hosted by the Dalit Chamber
of Commerce and Industry at the five-star Taj Mahal Hotel in Mumbai
earlier this year. There he met the Indian businessman who introduced
him to the Arab sheik, who helped him to globalize his company.

These kinds of connections are crucial to the nascent Dalit business
community. Because Dalit businessmen often lack the social connections
that lead to business ideas, loans and other support, a group of Dalit
entrepreneurs created the chamber in 2005. It aims to build those
networks so Dalit business leaders can help one another grow. The
group has about 1,000 members, all of whom run companies with an
annual turnover of at least 1 million rupees. It recently organised a
meeting where Dalit businessmen pitched ideas to Tata Motors, one of
India's biggest car companies. Kamble, who attended the meeting, said
that of the 10 companies that attended, 4 had signed deals and 4 more
were in negotiations.

"There was a time when people like us could not even approach a
company like Tata Motors," Kamble said. "Now we go meet them with
dignity, not like beggars. We are job givers, not job seekers."

The group has persuaded the government to embrace contracting
preferences for Dalits like the ones that have helped businesses owned
by women and minorities in the United States. It also seeks to
persuade private companies to embrace affirmative action policies that
would create more jobs and business opportunities for Dalits.

Despite gains for some Dalits, a recent paper from the Harvard
Business School on caste and entrepreneurship that used government
data from 2005 found that, even after the liberalization of the
economy, Dalits were "significantly under-represented in the ownership
of private enterprises, and the employment generated by private
enterprises."

Even for those who have had wild success in business, social
acceptance has proved harder to attain. While wealth insulates them to
some degree from lingering caste prejudice, barriers remain even for
rich Dalits.

Even Khade, with all his wealth and newfound status, does not want to
offend potential upper-caste clients. His business card reads Ashok K,
leaving off the last name that reveals what he is: a Dalit.


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[ZESTCaste] Cong justifies quota, says condition of poor Muslims worse than Dalits

 

http://www.hindustantimes.com/India-news/UttarPradesh/Cong-justifies-quota-says-condition-of-poor-Muslims-worse-than-Dalits/Article1-786718.aspx

Cong justifies quota, says condition of poor Muslims worse than Dalits
Press Trust Of India
CSM Nagar, December 24, 2011

Justifying the Congress-led UPA government's proposed move of
providing a sub-quota for minorities, a union minister on Saturday
said that condition of poor Muslims and Buddhists in the county was
"worse" than Dalits. "The condition of poor Muslims and Buddhists in
the country was worse
than Dalits, therefore 4.5 % quota within quota was necessary," coal
minister Sriprakash Jaiswal today said.

The union minister alleged that corruption in Uttar Pradesh was at its
peak and blamed the chief minister Mayawati for it. "Though union
government wants to set up projects, the state is not making land
available and corruption is at its peak," Jaiswal said.

Jaiswal claimed that this time Congress is going to form government in
Uttar Pradesh, and "behenji" (Mayawati) and "bhai saheb" should shun
their lure of power.

He also said that Congress is not worried about Anna Hazare and is
ready to face him if he decides to campaign against the party in the
state. "Congress is not worried about the agitation of Anna Hazare or
anyone else, and if Anna or his team comes to Uttar Pradesh to
campaign against it, the party is ready to face them," Jaiswal told
newspersons here.

"Congress looks ahead ... In the past also many people have campaigned
against it but what happened," Jaiswal said adding that his is a
democratic party which is not afraid of any individual or agitation.

"Congress only thinks about the sentiments of the people following
which it has introduced a strong Lokpal Bill in Parliament, which
covers Prime Minister as well as employees of group C and D and would
try to get it passed," he said.

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