Tuesday, July 19, 2011

[ZESTCaste] Much to worry about violence on Dalits

http://www.thehindu.com/arts/books/article2255641.ece

July 19, 2011
Much to worry about violence on Dalits
Bhupendra Yadav

Caste is inlaid in a pre-determined hierarchy. It is something one
cannot choose, but inherits. Caste matters a lot in everyday life, and
marriages are negotiated on that basis. It plays a decisive role in
elections and, as the saying goes, 'Indians do not cast their vote but
vote their caste'!

Dalits, as is known, are a bloc of castes in the lowest rungs of the
social hierarchy that stand condemned as 'untouchables'. If every
sixth person in the world is an Indian, every sixth Indian is a Dalit.

In spite of the constitutional guarantee of civil rights and the
special law enacted (in 1989) to prevent atrocities against them, the
Dalits continue to be the victims of social discrimination and
oppression across the country.

While the 'outcast' is abhorred, there is, ironically, a craze for
acquiring the 'Scheduled Castes' tag. In fact, the demand is so high
that producing fake SC certificates has become a small-scale industry
of sorts. In the current era of liberalisation, governments are
gradually relinquishing their role as service providers and taking on
the role of facilitators or policy initiators. As a result,
governments have been tightening their fists in some crucial segments
of social sector. But they extend small tokens of help to the SCs, and
the reasons are obvious. In a sense, the 'lust' for SC certificates is
a pernicious fallout of the spasmodic pleasantness shown by
governments for their self-preservation.
Irony

In this book, Anupama Rao examines the irony of the Dalits having no
security of life or dignity, despite all the legal protection they
enjoy. She has based her work on a study of Mahars, a socially
oppressed group of western India. Members of this community rebel
against the discriminatory practices, individually as well as
collectively — both as a caste group and as a constituent of the SC
bloc. The strategy they adopt included the demand for recognition and
separate political representation as a 'minority', apart from
embracing Buddhism. The book has two sections, besides an introduction
and an epilogue. The one titled 'emancipation' contains three papers,
and the second — 'the paradox of emancipation' — comprises four. A few
of the papers have been published earlier in academic journals.

Dalit history is the "history of India's political modernity," Rao
reminds us and adds, thoughtfully, that 'Dalit democratisation' — a
term that refers to a democratic process which recognises and works
for the collective rights and group emancipation of Dalits — happened
not because of the expansion of liberal individualism or of any
violent subaltern revolution. For the 'liberals' — those who believe
in individual autonomy and least regulation by state — separation from
community will mean emancipation. For Dalits, however, individual
freedom can be achieved only by removing the 'caste stigma' that
attaches to the community. Hence, unlike any liberal assertion, the
movement for 'Dalit democracy' lunged forward seeking group
recognition and minority rights. Similarly, unlike subaltern
militants, Dalit leaders (including B.R. Ambedkar) invoked
constitutional and political rights to seek social and religious
emancipation.
Vulnerable

A question worth investigating is whether Dalits are more vulnerable
to violence after Independence than they were earlier? And if 'yes' —
as indeed it seems — is it because they have become more assertive
now? Previously, religion and tradition could be blamed for Dalits'
vulnerability and discriminatory treatment. But now, for all the help
they are getting from government, Dalits seem to have become more
vulnerable and much less self-reliant than earlier. Instead of
enhancing the level of self-confidence in them, affirmative action by
the state would appear to have rendered them unwilling to resist
domination by the upper castes. The terms of Dalit enfranchisement and
forms of governmental help have increased "conjunctural violence"
against Dalits, says Rao. If the literature of Dalit Panthers is
replete with 'warnings' and 'threats', it is because Dalits as a class
meet with so much of violence in their lives these days.

Anupama Rao, who has made a mark in Historical Anthropology, is known
for her untiring effort in ferreting out data across disciplines and
widening the theoretical expanse of her research. Sadly, some of the
passages, especially where she tries to make a theoretical assertion
or a philosophical reflection, are difficult to read. Also, she could
do with a good copy editor.


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[ZESTCaste] Aarakshan Gets Clean Chit from Censor Board

 

http://news.outlookindia.com/item.aspx?728187

Aarakshan Gets Clean Chit from Censor Board
PTI | Mumbai | Jul 19, 2011

Filmmaker Prakash Jha's upcoming Amitabh Bachchan starrer 'Aarakshan',
which deals with the sensitive issue of reservation, has been passed
by the Censor Board with a U/A certificate.

The film was embroiled in controversy after the National Commission
for Minorities and National Commission of Scheduled Castes and Dalit
bodies had sought a special screening to confirm the film did not
misinterpret the constitutional provision for reservations of the
socially backward classes.

The certificate was awarded after an examining committee, set up with
representatives from the Dalit, OBC, SC and ST community reviewed the
movie, said an I&B Ministry official, addding "they unanimously agreed
to clear it."

"Aarakshan" gets a clean chit from the Censor Board: Silences the
critics. 'Aarakshan' seen by Censors today and gets a UA Certificate
without a single cut... (sic)," Bachchan said on micro-blogging site
Twitter.

"This speaks volumes about the responsibility and sensitivity with
which the film has been written and directed. This certification
should silence all critics who thought the film will upset sentiments
of people from backward castes.

"National Commission for Scheduled Castes sent notice to Censor Board
that the film should not be cleared by Censor Board without the
approval of the Commission. However, Censor Board did not comply with
this notice. Instead, it formulated an expert panel of its own to
review the film," Bachchan said.

Member of Central Board of Film Certification Pankaj Sharma was the
chairperson of the examining committee.

"The examining committee had a total of nine members and two
officials. Retired Justice Mr Mukul Mudgal, Chairperson of Censor
Board Ms Leela Samson, Mr Pankaj Sharma, Dalit activist, Ms Rajni
Tilak were expert committee members who came from Delhi. Examining
committee comprised of members drawn from Scheduled Caste, Scheduled
tribes and Other Backward castes," Big B said.

"Drawing on people who specialize in issues related to backward
castes, and taking people from community itself to examine the film,
is a very unusual and unprecedented move on the part of the Censor
Board," he added.

The August 12 release starring Amitabh Bachchan, Saif Ali Khan and
Deepika Padukone, is a drama based on the policies of caste-based
reservation system in educational institutions and government jobs.

Earlier, 'Aarakshan' had to face the wrath of civic administration in
Bhopal, when they bulldozed the sets of the film because it was
erected on a disputed land.

Then, a pro-Dalit group in Kanpur protested against the casting of
'royal' Saif Ali Khan as a Dalit in the film.

Dalit Suraksha Samiti had sent a letter to Jha, saying that getting
someone like Saif, a blue blood, to play a Dalit, is an insult to
their community.
Filed On: Jul 19, 2011 14:23 IST

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[ZESTCaste] Splintering dalits are no more seen as a homogenous entity

 

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics/nation/Splintering-dalits-are-no-more-seen-as-a-homogenous-entity/articleshow/9264028.cms

18 Jul, 2011, 01.48AM IST, Naren Karunakaran,ET Bureau
Splintering dalits are no more seen as a homogenous entity

MUMBAI: Scheduled castes, or dalits, who make up about 180 million of
1.2 billion Indians, are usually seen as a homogenous entity.

Not anymore. The dalits are splintering. And interestingly, our
public-policy processes are beginning to respond to some of the new
challenges. In recent times, dalit enterprise, in all its hues, has
gained traction and heft. It is revealing unique entrepreneurial
skills, products and services; it is also announcing, in a way, the
emergence of the dalit elite.

It is a class thrown up by, but distinct from, the burgeoning dalit
middle-class, which has been engendered over the years by reservations
in education and public sector jobs. Of course, the bulk of dalits
continue to battle difficult circumstances, with about 60% of such
households still depending on wage labour for subsistence.

"You can see prosperity among a fraction of dalits, but the real
situation is grim," says Anand Teltumbde , civil rights activist and
grandson of Babasaheb Ambedkar.

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/photo.cms?msid=9264063 :
Demarcations among dalits are now visible and pronounced. Quaintly, it
is akin to, though not identical to, what is happening among black
Americans in the US. Eugene Robinson , a Pulitzer Prize-winning
writer, in a recent book, Disintegration, describes the breaking up of
the black community into four parts: "the mainstream middle-class; the
abandoned underclass; the transcendent elite; and black immigrants and
those of mixed-race heritage".

While trends among dalits in India go along similar lines, what is
pertinent is that India is beginning to borrow from the US policy
responses to this hierarchy. This is especially true with regard to
support mechanisms for disadvantaged entrepreneurs. Supplier diversity
- a system of enforcing purchases from disadvantaged businesses - is
one such tool in the support kit.

A few weeks ago, Uday Kumar Varma , secretary, ministry of micro,
small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) met Karen G Mills and her team at
the US Small Business Administration (SBA) in Washington DC. He was
trying to get a fix on an American law that channelises a considerable
amount of federal contracts to SMEs and disadvantaged enterprises.

RESERVATION ROAD

In 2010, according to SBA, US federal contracts worth $98 billion were
awarded to SMEs and disadvantaged businesses; of this, $34 billion of
contracts went to businesses run by African- Americans and other
minorities. Mills, appointed by US President Barack Obama, is pivotal
to the new economic push by the American administration, focused on
job creation. As in the US, MSMEs in India are critical to employment.

Indian MSMEs employ 59 million people across 26 million units and
account for 45% of all manufacturing output, according to government
data. On June 24, while announcing the US SBA's numbers, Mills said:
"...when the federal government gets contracts into the hands of small
businesses...they have the opportunity to grow and create jobs, and
the federal government gets access to some of the most innovative and
nimble entrepreneurs".

India now wants to take this road. The ministry of MSMEs, working in
tandem with the ministry of social justice and empowerment, has put
together a plan for preferential purchases from MSMEs, and also from
businesses owned by scheduled castes (dalits) and scheduled tribes.

"Last month, the prime minister told a meeting of state ministers of
welfare and social justice that the rollout is imminent," says Mukul
Wasnik, minister for social justice, indicating that the possibility
of the plan getting stuck in policy meanderings is remote.

"The new scheme proposes 20% of all government purchases be reserved
for SMEs; within this, a 20% sub-quota is proposed for units owned by
scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs)," says Varma. If it
becomes law, the concept of supplier diversity will finally make its
formal appearance in India, though in the public sector for starters.

"It's not prudent to make it mandatory right away. We propose a
threeyear, graded, gradual approach to achieving the goal," explains
Varma. "We have to tread carefully, address possible supply
bottlenecks and capacity constraints."

The initiative is not just about purchases from SMEs. It is expected
to foster the creation of an entire ecosystem, complete with mentoring
and capacity building process, as in the US. "Progress and impact will
have to be measured each year," he says.

CAPITAL CRUNCH

The measure can make a difference to the 120,000 companies owned by
SCs across India. According to the fourth census of MSMEs, for
2006-07, they make up 7.7% of the 1.55 million MSMEs; ST-owned
companies account for another 3%. Tamil Nadu has the maximum number of
SCowned units (18,100), followed by Karnataka (17,000), and Uttar
Pradesh (14,100).

"These numbers indicate only those units registered with district
industries centres across the country," explains G Sajeevan from the
office of the development commissioner in the MSME ministry. This
census puts the number of unregistered MSMEs at 24.5 million.

Since the ministry of MSMEs is reluctant to divulge details of the
plan, it remains to be seen if the Indian move will be as nuanced as
the American one. In the US, access to capital is a key plank of the
initiative. The SBA has extended loans worth $53 billion to 113,000
small firms.

The Small Business Investment Company (SBIC) programme, for instance,
is critical to the initiative and swarms of small US firms have
benefitted over the decades. In 1969, SBIC, for instance, invested
$300,000 in a small chip manufacturer with 200 employees and a
turnover of $500,000.

Today, that manufacturer, Intel, employs 86,000 people and its
revenues exceed $40 billion. In India, many of the governmentsponsored
financial institutions supporting SCs and STs remain stuck in a time
warp, unable to capture and react to the rapid changes in dalit
dynamics. "These institutions, unfortunately, are still in the papad,
agarbatti-making and poultry support mode," laments Chandra Bhan
Prasad, a dalit writer and activist.

The failure of the state and industry to address a key issue in
entrepreneurship, access to capital, is of concern, especially when
the vast majority of dalit entrepreneurs are struggling to stay
afloat. The still wet-behind-the-ears Dalit India Chamber of Commerce
and Industries (DICCI), a grouping of dalit entrepreneurs, along with
a clutch of the dalit elite, are looking to raise a venture capital
fund to address this critical issue.

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/photo.cms?msid=9264097 : PRIVATE SECTOR ROLE

This meeting of minds among the top end of dalit entrepreneurs augurs
well. These are businessmen buying up coal mines in Indonesia, setting
up sugar plants in Africa, presiding over infrastructure companies,
exporting garments to fashion streets of Europe and the US, and
building coal and even solar-thermal power plants.

While this small set of first-generation dalit entrepreneurs has hit
big time without much support from the system or the government, they
wouldn't want the newer lot to run out of steam. Measures in supplier
diversity can only strengthen their hands.

In the US, alongside the SBA initiatives of the federal government,
the private sector too has set an example in supporting businesses
owned by black Americans, women and other minorities. In 2007, for
instance, telecom company Verizon Communication paid $3.1 billion to
diverse suppliers for goods and services.

The emergence of DICCI as an advocacy pivot is making some headway,
but much remains to be done. Milind Kamble, the moving spirit behind
DICCI, sold his plush flat a few years ago to help fund a trade fair
of dalit enterprises, the first ever.

After some prodding, he says: "I would have spent over Rs 1 crore of
my personal money in DICCI's numerous activities in recent years."
Kamble is the chairman of Fortune Constructions, a Rs 100-crore
Pune-based infrastructure company. Lately, the Centre for the Advanced
Study of India at the University of Pennsylvania has been supporting
DICCI in its many endeavours, especially with knowledge inputs and
networking opportunities.

And it is yielding results. Some sceptics criticise DICCI as a ghetto.
But its members, over 1000, are already spying and exploiting business
opportunities among their ranks, to start with. Kamble, for instance,
buys all his cement pipes from Everest Spun Pipes, a Rs 35- crore
Pune-based company run by Avinash Jagtap, a dalit.

In Mumbai, Ashok Khade of Das Offshore, a marine infrastructure
company, is negotiating an overseas joint venture with Bhagwan Gawai
of the Dubai-based Saurabh Energy, which has interests in petroleum
trading, logistics and marine engineering. They first met barely a
month ago at a DICCI meeting.

"I can easily take Khade to Eastern Europe and Africa," says Gawai,
who finds merit in an organisation like DICCI for the present. In the
long run, he would like his brethren to also go beyond the confines of
community and country, and explore global opportunities, just as he
did.

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Monday, July 18, 2011

[ZESTCaste] PPT on reservation rules [1 Attachment]

 
[Attachment(s) from uaday singh included below]

Dear Friends please find attached herewith a PPT on reservation rules.

With regards.

Dr. Uaday Singh
Assistant Professor
Deptt. of Mathematics
IIT Roorkee

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Attachment(s) from uaday singh

1 of 1 File(s)

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[ZESTCaste] Kula Nirmoolana Porata Samithi State President Duddu Prabhakar was disappeared from Vishakhapatnam on 13 July

 


 Kula Nirmoolana Porata Samithi State President Duddu Prabhakar was disappeared from Vishakhapatnam on 13 July. His family members suspecting AP and Orissa police are behind his disappearance, and fearing of false encounter. and all peoples organizations demanding to produce him before court if he involved in any criminal case.

 

Mr. Kranti Chaitanya,   Green hunt vyathireka Porata committee, demanded that the State government immediately release the Kula Nirmoolana Porata Samiti State president, Mr. Duddu Prabhakar, who disappeared on July 13 at the Visakhapatnam Bus Station. He alleged that Mr. Prabhakar was kidnapped by the Visakhapatnam Deputy Commissioner of Police, Mr. Brahmaiah, and demanded that the government produce him before any court in the State. He also criticized the Home Minister, Ms Sabita Indra Reddy, and the Director General of Police, Mr. V. Dinesh Reddy, for neglecting to trace whereabouts of Prabhakar.



--
B.Karthik Navayan, Advocate
http://karthiknavayan.wordpress.com/
https://sites.google.com/site/karthiknavayan/

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