Monday, December 6, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Father of Indian Constitution

http://www.dailynews.lk/2010/12/06/fea03.asp

Monday, 6 December 2010

Messiah of the Dalits :

Father of Indian Constitution
Dr B R Ambedkar's 54th death anniversary today:

Upali Rupasinghe

Dr B R Ambedkar
* Born: April 14, 1891
* Died: December 6, 1956 (aged 65)
* Nationality: Indian
* Title: First Law Minister of India, Chairman of the Constitution
Drafting Committee
* Political party: Republican Party of India
* Religion: Buddhism
* Awards: Bharat Ratna (1990)


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

According to the Constitution of India, Dalit Community with nearly
160 million population is identified as members of the Scheduled
Castes. It was on the October 14, 1956 Dr B R Ambedkar with his wife
Srimati Savitabai Ambedkar along with half a million followers
embraced Buddhism in an impressive and historic ceremony at Nagpur,
Maharashtra, India.


Dr B R Ambedkar

The leader who brought a promise of new life to the long down-trodden
and oppressed members of the Scheduled Castes died on December 6, two
months after the mass conversion ceremony paralysing the forward march
of his mission and vision.

Dr Ambedkar himself was the father of the Constitution of India framed
and adopted after the Independence. Speaking at the Nagpur on the eve
of his conversion to Buddhism Dr Ambedkar told that he had decided to
embrace Buddhism because of misbehaviour by those so-called upper
class society. "I am decidedly choosing something better" and asked
"why do you want us to remain perpetually untouchable to enjoy those
benefits like reservations under Constitution? Are the Brahmins
prepared to become untouchables to have these privileges?"

Ancient Buddhist shrines
Babasaheb Ambedkar was born in 1891, the year Anagarika Dharmapala
founded the Maha Bodhi Society of India for the purpose of reviving
Buddhism in the land of its birth and for restoring the ancient
Buddhist shrines at Buddha Gaya, Sanath and Kushinara.

The Scheduled Castes members were subjected to inhuman treatment by
the high-caste in the name of religion. According to them, Ambedkar
family, were not only lowest of lowly and devoid of even elementary
human rights but these unfortunate people were also damned as
unseesbles, unapproachable above all untouchables, whose mere touch,
and even shadow would pollute the high-castes. In short they were made
to suffer immeasurable deprivations and humiliations.

According to the life story of Dr Ambedkar himself, at school at Satra
he was made to sit outside the classroom on a piece of gunny bag which
he had to carry to the school everyday.

Many a time he had to go without water, because he was being
untouchable, had no right to drink from the common source. In the same
school some of the teachers would not touch his notebooks for fear
being pollute. Outside school, the position was even worse. "Touch me
not" was the rule for him everywhere.

Inhuman treatment
As a man of learning and high official in the Baroda State in 1917, he
was subjected to inhuman treatment. Drinking water was not available
to him in office.

His subordinates kept distance from him and even the peons fearful of
pollution threw the files and papers on to his desk from a distance.
There he even could not get accommodation and had to resign in disgust
and return to Bombay.

As a professor in Bombay University in 1918-1920, he was treated as a
'Parish' by the academic staff belong to high castes and was not
allowed to drink water from the pot kept in the professor's common
room.

When in 1923, he started practice as barrister in the High Court of
Bombay, the solicitors would not condescend to have any business with
him on the ground of untouchability. Even the humble canteen boy would
not serve him tea.

Caste members
This was the case of Dr Ambedkar, a highly educated person made to
think about the future well-being of his caste members numbering
millions living in rural areas all over India.

He fought bravely against the protagonists of inequality and
exploitation and made heroic efforts to inspire the downtrodden
classes to raise the banner of revolt against those strong, rich and
powerful with extraordinary social status.

He started the struggle for the liberation of the downtrodden at Mahad
on March 20, 1927 when untouchables for the first time asserted their
human rights by drinking water from a forbidden tank.

Several times he openly declared his intention to embrace Buddhism but
with pressure mounting from and within the Dalit community he finally
informed Ven Chandamoni Maha Stavira from Kushinara and Devpriya
Valisinghe, then General Secretary of the Maha Bodhi Society of India
about his final decision to embrace Buddhism.

Dalit Community
Accordingly Devpriya Valisinghe along with Ven Galagedara Pannarama
Maha Stavira (present high priest of Luknow Buddha Vihara) visited his
Nagpur residence and accompanied him to the venue.

Today, the Dalit Community has become a powerful political force and a
vote bank of different political parties rather than a religious
group, specially in Maharashtra, North India, Tamil Nadu and Uttara
Pradesh. For instance, Kumari Mayawathi, a member of the Dalit
Community became the Chief Minister in Uttara Pradesh (several times)
due to her affiliations with the Ambedkar Movement.

Ambedkar Mission remains today with different faces but with no
particular leader.


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[ZESTCaste] John Pandian released

 

http://www.thehindu.com/news/states/tamil-nadu/article935394.ece

John Pandian released
PTI

Dalit leader John Pandian was today released from the prison here
following the Supreme Court acquitting him in a 17-year-old case in
which a man was killed by the jilted lover of his wife in Coimbatore.

On December 3,the Apex court had upheld the conviction and life
imprisonment of two persons in the case but acquitted five co-accused,
including local Dalit leader John Pandian, for want of sufficient
evidence against them.

They were earlier awarded life imprisonment by the trial court
following which they had moved the Supreme Court.

John Pandian, who was received by more than 5000 supporters, is the
founder of the Devendrakula Velalar Munettra Kazhagam.

The case relates to the murder of Vivek alias Vivekanandan on August
17,1993 on Diwan Bahadur Road near Richy Rich restaurant in
Coimbatore.

Key accused Venkataraman committed suicide inside the jail and,
consequently, the appeal against him was abated.

Venkataraman was upset with the marriage of Sunita with the victim. He
allegedly conspired with others and got the victim eliminated.

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[ZESTCaste] Politicians eye Dalit vote

http://www.hindustantimes.com/Politicians-eye-Dalit-vote/Article1-634888.aspx

Politicians eye Dalit vote
HT Correspondent , Hindustan Times

Mumbai, December 06, 2010First Published: 01:07 IST(6/12/2010)

Politics is all about hitting at the right time. Many political
parties in the state have geared up to woo the Dalit community by
becoming a part of the 54th death anniversary of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar
on Monday at Shivaji Park. Usually, all political parties show respect
to Babasaheb on his death anniversary, also known as Mahaparinirvan
Din, but the presence of non-Dalit politicians is likely to be more
this year in view of the upcoming Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation
elections.

The entire cabinet, including chief minister Prithviraj Chavan and
deputy chief minister Ajit Pawar, are likely to make a journey from
Nagpur to pay homage to the Dalit leader.

Other political parties are also planning to make their presence felt
amongst the five lakh Dalit devotees who throng Shivaji Park. The
opposition parties have also prepared themselves to reach out to the
community by deploying their members at the ground to assist the
visitors.

"Our cadres will be at the ground to help the people. We will also set
up food stalls for the visitors," BJP spokesperson Madhav Bhandari
said.

Raj Thackeray's Maharashtra Navnirman Sena has set up kiosks to sell
literature on Dr Ambedkar, and also medical check-up camps for people
coming to Chaityabhoomi on Monday. "Our cadres will be manning these
stalls. This occasion gives us a good chance to serve the people," MNS
leader Sandeep Deshpande said.

The Shiv Sena too has arranged for food for the visitors.

The 12 factions of the Republican Party of India, set up by Babasaheb,
will also display their strength at the ground. Several Dalit leaders,
including, Prakash Ambedkar, Ramdas Athavale, Jogendra Kawade, Namdeo
Dhasal, Surekha Kumbhare, Rajendra Gavai, and T M Kamble, will be
present there.

Incidentally, the strength of Dalit parties has been waning, as the
RPI failed to win any seat in the assembly elections.

Political analyst Surendra Jondhale said: "It is a telling statement
on Dr Ambedkar's contribution to the Dalit community that even 54
years after his death, lakhs of people converge to pay tribute to him.
At the same time, it also shows that Dalits have not been able to find
a leader of his stature."


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[ZESTCaste] Mahaparinirvan day today, lakhs to pay respects to Ambedkar

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/mahaparinirvan-day-today-lakhs-to-pay-respects-to-ambedkar/720915/

Mahaparinirvan day today, lakhs to pay respects to Ambedkar

Express News Service Posted online: Mon Dec 06 2010, 04:28 hrs
Mumbai : Civic officials have promised to double the number of
labourers and volunteers on duty in Dadar-Shivaji Park area during the
three-day gathering in the city to mark the death anniversary of Dr
Babasaheb Ambedkar, which falls on Monday. Lakhs of Ambedkar followers
from across the state gather in Mumbai every year to pay respects at
Dadar's Chaitya Bhoomi on December 6, observed as Mahaparinirvan Din.
Over 800 workers have been deployed to maintan cleanliness on the
Chaitya Bhoomi premises and in Dadar-Shivaji Park area, where the
followers camp. "These include our workers, volunteers and NGO
labourers and they will keep the area clean as a number of people are
expected to visit," deputy municipal commissioner KS Kshirsagar said.
"They will work round the clock in three shifts."

Officials said the followers had begun to trickle into the city as
early as December 1. The BMC has, for the first time, opened an
information kiosk outside Dadar railway station. The other two control
rooms will be at Chaityabhoomi and Shivaji Park.

The civic body has put up 120 mobile toilets and 200 stationary
toilets for the gathering. Drinking water facilities have been
provided at over 350 spots, besides deploying 10 tankers and a fire
brigade unit. Voluntary organisations have opened over 80 eatery
stalls. Health camps have also been put up and doctors from KEM
Hospital will be on duty in these camps under the supervision of BMC
hospitals director Dr Sanjay Oak.

The security arrangements have also been tightened. "Besides CCTV
cameras put across the area, we have also barricaded the whole of
Shivaji Park"

The civic body released a Marathi booklet on social equality a day
before Dr Ambedkar's death anniversary. "We will ensure that no
inconvenience is caused to any one who visits Chaityabhoomi," Mayor
Shraddha Jadhav said.

Western Railway will operate two special suburban trains early on
Tuesday morning — one from Marine Lines at 2.30 am, reaching Virar at
4.10 am; and the other from Virar at 2.30 am, reaching Marine Lines at
4.06 am. They will halt at all stations in both directions. The
Brihanmumbai Electric Supply and Transport (BEST) Undertaking will
also ply additional buses on December 6 and 7.


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Sunday, December 5, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Dancehall and Dalit Poetry

http://www.caravanmagazine.in/Story/620/Dancehall-and-Dalit-Poetry.html

Watch: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nj38RJcjOkg&feature=youtu.be

Feature
Dancehall and Dalit Poetry

A Group of urban musicians comes together to immortalise a legendary
Sikh Dalit farmer's songs of rebellion

By MARGOT BIGG
Published :1 December 2010

T HE IMPLICATIONS OF FREE SPEECH have been a hot topic in India
lately. Dissent has been dismissed as sedition and opposition to the
status quo labelled unpatriotic. But these debates are, for the most
part, the reserve of urban, educated thinkers, who have the means to
make their opinions heard. After all, free speech is meaningless if
you aren't given a voice.

Imagine you are a poor farmworker, with no land, no stock options and
no Google. Your only source of income is tilling land to which you
will never hold the deed. You won't likely have the time, resources or
know-how to convey your message; you'll risk being silenced by your
very condition.

Bant Singh and locals with the Word, Sound & Power crew.

Bant Singh defies this assumption. Now in his 40s, he has been singing
revolutionary songs since adolescence. Singh is a landless Dalit
agricultural labourer from the village of Burj Jhabbar, Mansa
district, Punjab. He's also an activist with the Mazdoor Mukti Morcha
(MMM), a local affiliate of the Communist Party of India
(Marxist-Leninist) Liberation. Despite having undergone atrocious
trauma, including a brutal attack that cost him two hands and a leg,
Singh remains steadfast, refusing to keep quiet. He continues to sing
songs of protest that detail not just his story, but also that of
poor, low-caste labourers across the country.

Earlier this year, a group of urban musicians—Samrat Bharadwaj, Taru
Dalmia and Chris McGuiness—travelled to Jhabbar village. Bharadwaj,
who performs under the moniker AudioPervert and with his band Teddy
Boy Kill, had been working with the Max Mueller Bhavan's Goethe
Institut (Germany's international arts and cultural organisation) on
projects to promote electronic music across India. Dalmia, who
performs as Delhi Sultanate both independently and with the
BASSFoundation collective, is a poet and an MC whose lyrics and
performance style are heavily influenced by the Jamaican dancehall
sound. McGuiness is a DJ, producer and multimedia artist working
primarily with electronic genres. Although the men had already worked
with each other in various capacities, this is the first time all
three of them came together to produce one major project.

The men spent four days living with Singh in Jhabbar, collaborating
with him musically in what they dubbed the Bant Singh Project. With
them was videographer Lakshman Anand, who documented the process. The
result was four bilingual tracks featuring the vocals of Singh and
Dalmia, and a 12-minute 'making of'-type documentary, Word, Sound &
Power, created as part of the Goethe Institut initiative spearheaded
by Bharadwaj. The documentary, freely available on YouTube, tells the
story of the revolutionary singer through his interviews and music,
without any need for narration. "The biggest challenge we faced was
when we reached [Jhabbar] and we realised that there was a huge
language barrier," says Bharadwaj. "Once we overcame that, we saw that
our ideologies matched a lot more." The documentary is in English and
Punjabi with English subtitles, and the tracks are sung in Punjabi and
English. Dalmia collaborated with Singh through a translator, writing
English lyrics on the spot and then explaining them to Singh.
McGuiness and Bharadwaj composed the electronic beats, setting the
backdrop for the collaboration between Singh's Punjabi folk and
Dalmia's dancehall-tinged English lines. Surprisingly, the two voices
speak as one on the tracks. "I had planned for a long time to find
revolutionary singers in India and to do bilingual collaborations with
them," says Dalmia. "I read about Bant Singh and he seemed ideally
suited both because of his personality and orientation towards music
as well as his sound."

The story that the men had read about was confirmed by Singh and
retold in Word, Sound & Power. In July 2002, Singh's 17-year-old
daughter was raped by the local landlords' henchmen. Outraged, Singh
took the perpetrators to court, eventually winning justice (three of
the four defendants were sentenced to life terms). But his move was
avenged with further violence. In 2006, while returning home from an
MMM meeting, Singh was attacked so severely that he nearly died. He
was rushed to Mansa's civil hospital, where he was refused treatment,
reportedly for some 36 hours. There is considerable speculation about
why Singh was denied care, and many have believed that the refusal was
politically motivated; it was, after all, a Congress-dominated
district and many of the area's more powerful people were believed to
have felt threatened by the MMM's activities. Others argued that the
refusal of treatment was to do with Singh's status as a Dalit—that his
life was somehow not considered worthy of saving. Whatever the reason,
the doctor refused to attend to him. Gangrene set in, infecting
Singh's wounds and moving into his bloodstream. Singh was finally
transferred to PGI Hospital in Chandigarh, where doctors had to
amputate both his hands and one of his legs in order to save his life.
He also suffered kidney damage in the assault. Today, Singh lives
without hands or prosthetic limbs, and requires the help of his family
members and other attendants to do even the most basic of tasks. He
can't walk, and has to be carried around on a charpoy. Despite his
misfortunes, however, Singh remains dedicated to fighting the
injustices that are carried out against the downtrodden people of his
community. The assailants, as he puts it, couldn't take away his
voice.

"The people [in Jhabbar] took great offence to the fact that I, a
small-time labourer, had taken the landlords to court," he says in the
film. As a 'low-caste' landless labourer, Singh's choice to stand up
for the rights of his family clearly upset his town's status quo.
"Bant Singh points out a lesser-known fact," notes Bharadwaj, the
project's director, that like many agricultural workers in rural
Punjab, Singh is a Dalit Sikh. "Most people think that Sikhism is
without caste, but [Sikhs] actually have fallen prey to the caste
system. Caste distinctions exist very deeply within the culture and
landowners have taken up the upper-caste positions, while landless
labourers have become the Dalits."

Singh's ideas, however, are relevant to more than just Dalit Sikhs.
"From what I gathered, Bant Singh's songs and politics speak more the
language of class and labour rather than caste," says Dalmia. Singh
draws much inspiration from Sant Ram Udasi, a celebrated revolutionary
Dalit poet-singer from Punjab, and some of the songs he sings in the
documentary are taken from Udasi's repertoire. Despite having their
roots in the 20th-century Punjabi Dalit literary tradition, these
songs tell a story that speaks to the sentiments of a much larger
segment of the population. As one song goes:


We have broken the chains of slavery
And have endured much suffering
We want this government to know
That we will not let them sell our nation.

Although his is the story of many landless labourers across the
country, Singh's audience is limited to his community due to the
language in which he sings. True protest music and revolutionary arts
have played an important role in spreading political messages at the
local level since the early 20th century through poets such as Udasi
in Punjab and groups such as the Indian People's Theatre Association
in Bengal. However, in the large, linguistically-diverse country that
is India, language and other restrictions have kept such arts from
gaining a widespread following. Most rural revolutionaries are
virtually unknown outside of their communities and select academic
circles. In the rare cases where arts from rural communities are
brought to the attention of metropolitan consumers, they are often
perceived as folksy entertainment rather than potential vehicles for
empowerment and mobilisation. The Bant Singh Project set out to change
that.

"Music and other creative forms of lyricism have much more impact
because most people don't want to take up guns or political
propaganda," Bharadwaj points out. "Using creative forms of expression
to highlight [issues] is a fairly new phenomenon in India, where most
action is taken using social non-creative platforms, such as through
litigation or political propaganda," he continues, a nod to the fact
that the average urbanite's understanding of the rural struggle is
inextricably linked to what is showcased by national news media. "Now,
with the clever use of technology, people can see a lot more," he
adds. "A message like this is much more empowering than publishing a
book or having a seminar."

Indeed, a big part of the Bant Singh Project's appeal stems from its
accessibility. While Word, Sound & Power succeeds in making Singh's
narratives available to the net-savvy urban elite, it also has been
well-received back in Mansa district. Bharadwaj notes that some of the
people he met in Jhabbar seemed a little sceptical during the
recording of the project, but that they were relieved when the film
finally came to fruition. "They were more appreciative of it and liked
the crossover," he says.

The internet is the global agora of our era. However, even in our
text-driven information age, literacy is not a prerequisite for the
dissemination of knowledge or community empowerment. In the days
before the internet or the printing press, when man had yet to develop
any form of written language, the stories of entire civilisations were
kept alive orally, through arts such as storytelling, dance, drama and
song. Systems of writing were gradually formed, initially used as a
means to keep records and convey political information, but reading
and writing remained the reserve of scribes and learned men. When the
urban masses eventually learned to put pen to paper and, later, to
type, email, blog and tweet, the voice of the formally educated became
the presumed voice of the masses. However, any good historian will
tell you that in order to understand the way a society operates, to
truly comprehend the way its people think, you must first examine its
cultural artefacts, the fruits of its artistic traditions. The arts
are certainly not the strict reserve of literate urbanites; instead,
with the proper distribution, art can serve as a voice for those who
most of us erroneously presume to be voiceless.


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