Friday, April 30, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Contesting India’s caste system

http://www.clevelandjewishnews.com/articles/2010/04/30/opinion/commentary/doc4bd9fcdcaf276019777467.txt

Contesting India's caste system

The Pochabhai Foundation hopes to bring civil rights to India's
"untouchable" class.

By Arielle Stambler
CJN Teen Reporter
Published: Friday, April 30, 2010 1:08 AM EDT
On the first day of this new decade, I met a family of seven who face
a lifetime of discrimination because of their last name – Chauhan. The
Chauhans live in Golana, a rural slum in Gujarat, India, and because
they are Dalits, or "untouchables" in India's caste system, the
majority of upper caste members will not touch, speak to, or even look
at them.

I received Hathaway Brown's Harriet Mullin Barry Fellowship to travel
to India over this past winter break with 14 classmates. We made the
journey to Golana around mid-morning on Jan. 1. The sun was out as it
almost always is in India, but we were all covered from head to foot
because women in particular are expected to dress modestly. As we
walked along the unpaved, dusty roads behind Himat, the oldest Chauhan
brother, we fought off swarms of mosquitoes and shook people's hands
to say "Happy New Year." The mother of the family, Daniben, welcomed
us to her two-room house with chai tea and platefuls of Indian snacks
and invited us to sit on the ground with her. Then Himat began to tell
us his family's story.

In 1986, Himat's father Pochabhai started working to obtain civil
rights for Dalits. However, Golana's neighbors are an upper caste
community of people called Darbars. They live on the other side of a
straw fence, which is literally four feet tall, but the Darbars feel
such fervent animosity toward the Dalits that it is more like an Iron
Curtain reaching miles into the sky. Daniben explained to us that if
she had prepared a plate of food for a group of Darbars, they would
reject it. In fact, they would not even deign to touch the plate she
had handled for fear of becoming "contaminated." However, if a Darbar
and a Dalit ran into each other in Mumbai, the Darbar would have no
way of knowing that he had just met a Dalit unless the Dalit provided
his last name.

India's caste system is not based upon skin color or religion or
economic standing. It is based entirely upon birth, and no matter how
wealthy or educated a Dalit becomes, he will always be a Dalit because
of his family name. The Darbars saw Pochabhai's work as an attempt to
breach that Iron Curtain of caste between these two groups of people,
and they murdered him in 1986 along with four other Dalits in the
village. As Himat told us this story, he looked at the wall where the
only picture he has of his father was hanging and cried.

The Chauhans now run the Pochabhai Foundation, which strives to obtain
civil rights for Dalits and to raise awareness about the injustices of
India's caste system. The Chauhans are just one family out of the
millions who face both the cruel realities of discrimination and the
knowledge that the caste system has deprived them of the opportunities
they deserve for self-improvement. Daniben started the foundation
shortly after her husband's death and has worked tirelessly ever since
to keep it running. The foundation's main focuses are human rights,
basic education, safe drinking water, and rights to land for Dalits.
The major target groups of the foundation are Dalit youth, women, and
other poor communities. One of the foundation's most important annual
events is the celebration of the Day of Dalit Freedom on January 25.
On this day, about 5,000 Dalits from all over India come to Golana to
pay tribute to Pochabhai and to recognize his sacrifice for the whole
Dalit community. Daniben's dream for the future is to build a museum
in memory of Pochabhai to educate students interested in studying the
plight of Dalits.
But the Chauhans don't stop giving there. A tribe of nomads called
Jats, originally from Afghanistan, lives 25 minutes from Golana. They
rarely ever interact with anyone from the outside world, which means
their children cannot go to school. The Chauhans set up a straw-hut
schoolhouse on their land and even hired them a teacher. The tribe is
also facing the possibility of losing their land to the Indian
government, so the Chauhans are helping the tribe with the paperwork
they need to hold onto it. I was absolutely astonished by how much
this family was willing to give, and I want the world to see that they
truly are incredible.

I could not imagine being denied a job because of my last name. I can
barely comprehend the idea that someone would refuse to take a plate
of food from me because I might have "contaminated" it. And I am
unbelievably frustrated by the fact that when most upper-caste Indians
look at the Chauhans, they only see an invisible impurity that, to
them, justifies inhumane treatment. They don't see that, despite the
social obstacles they face, every member of this family is educated,
and they all speak beautiful English as well as Gujarati and Hindi.
But most of all, the rest of India doesn't see that they are good
people.

But the Chauhans already have an unflinching conviction that they are
worthwhile people. I know they are proud of their last name because
they want to create a world in which they can say it and be respected
for the humane, caring people they truly are. It is humbling to think
that our lives intersected and that, for a few hours, I had the
privilege of living in their world.

Arielle Stambler of Shaker Heights is a senior at Hathaway Brown
School and a Fellow in the CJN's Write On for Israel program. The
daughter of Paige Pratt and Bruce Stambler plays piano and violin and
runs cross-country.

For details on the Pochabhai Foundation, contact pochabhaifoundation@gmail.com.


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[ZESTCaste] Unlikely friends (Opinion)

http://beta.thehindu.com/opinion/editorial/article417981.ece

Editorial
Published: April 29, 2010 23:48 IST | Updated: April 29, 2010 23:48
IST April 29, 2010

Unlikely friends

The euphoria in the United Progressive Alliance camp over the defeat
of the Opposition-sponsored cut motions in the Lok Sabha is belied by
the numbers: 289 for the government and 201 against. Exclude the
Bahujan Samaj Party's 21 MPs — and it is immediately apparent that the
Manmohan Singh government is a minority regime surviving on divisions
within the Opposition, and leveraging its position to exploit the
vulnerability of some of its rivals. That the dramatic rescue act by
the BSP owes to some deft back-room understanding is plain enough. The
larger question is the impact of this quid pro quo agreement on
BSP-Congress relations in Uttar Pradesh. The BSP and the Congress have
formally aligned just once, in 1996 when neither could have foreseen a
situation where they would emerge as principal rivals in U.P. With 83
of 85 Lok Sabha seats from the State in 1984 and 269 of 425 Assembly
seats in 1985, the Congress was master of all it surveyed in India's
most populous State. Yet by 1991, the party was out of the reckoning
in U.P. with only five seats in the Lok Sabha and 46 seats in the
Assembly. While the Congress' marginalisation in U.P. was politically
humiliating, it allowed the party the freedom to throw its weight
behind whoever it perceived as a friend — the BSP in 1996 and the
Samajwadi Party in later years, with a fair amount of cross-wooing
thrown in.

Once Ms Mayawati wrested power from Mulayam Singh, the Congress's
equation with the BSP changed — from on-again, off-again friendship to
bitter rivalry accentuated by the deep personal animosity between the
U.P. Chief Minister and Rahul Gandhi. The BSP chief and the Congress
general secretary tend to bring out the worst in each other. The two
fought bitter public battles much before the 2009 Lok Sabha election.
The feud intensified after the Congress staged a surprise victory over
the BSP. Not only has the Congress' rising star set himself the task
of winning the 2012 U.P. Assembly election, he has left no one in
doubt that he means to achieve this by weaning away Ms Mayawati's
phenomenal Dalit following. But the BSP chief did not earn her
formidable reputation for nothing. She has not deviated from the
strategy of building an independent base and repeatedly testing its
strength. Following her Lok Sabha setback, she has assiduously
targeted her core constituency, placing Dalits in key positions of
power and directing resources to Dalit-specific programmes. Against
this background, it is difficult to see either party giving effect to
the new 'friendship' forged at the Centre. It is a cardinal principle
in politics that principal rivals cannot be friends. And that is how
it looks, at least in U.P.


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[ZESTCaste] From Behenji to Il Duce

http://himalmag.com/blogs/blog/2010/04/29/from-behenji-to-il-duce/

From Behenji to Il Duce
By Nandini Ramachandran

The IPL controversy has so preoccupied the Indian media this past
fortnight that they clean forgot to lampoon their favourite
whipping-woman, Mayawati. The BBC, uncomfortable with the lull and
anxious to contribute to the cause, has thus decided to jump into the
fray-http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/from_our_own_correspondent/8625337.stm.
The correspondent, who 'tiptoes around caste' and mystifyingly manages
to cover Indian politics nonetheless, evidently believes his political
correctness will eclipse (or excuse) his palpable ignorance.


The entrance to Ambedkar Udyan, Lucknow. Mayawati's chief
architectural legacy till date

The Palazzo delle Civiltà del Lavoro, popularly known as the EUR aka
The Giant Beehive, fascist Rome's most enduring image
The article follows the blueprint for Mayawati-bashing, and was
probably written by someone in London after they read a few Times of
India articles. It projects Mayawati as a megalomaniac obsessed by her
vanity projects, diverting precious resources towards irrelevant
architecture when people are starving; someone who exploits her Dalit
womanhood to garner votes (isn't she the lucky one, to be born into
such a fortuitous combination of identities) while she spends the rest
of her time being irredeemably corrupt. It is a standard-issue rant:
misleading, condescending and often plain wrong.

Just one example of this is the the article's take on the Lady's plan
for a publicly funded militia to protect Ambedkar statues across UP:
"What for, asked one incredulous opponent? Will they lose height or
weight? Is someone planning to disfigure them?" If the reporter had
done his job, he would know that these statues have a remarkable
tendency to get decapitated and thus while the move might be
extraordinary, it is certainly not ludicrous.

But the purpose of this post is not to deconstruct such a mediocre
piece of reportage. A small section of media (notably the
indefatigable Shivam Vij) has already made a good case for the
importance of iconography in empowering identity, and I will not
repeat their excellent arguments here.

What puzzles me is the lack of creativity in the mainstream ire. With
the column-space the Lady commands, surely editors would find it
prudent to break free of the dated formula and be marginally
distinctive? I find it incredible, for instance, that no one has drawn
(to my knowledge) the Mussolini analogy yet. Here is an
architecture-obsessed dictator just waiting to bestow Mayawati with
evil-fascist associations, and yet he remains an untapped resource.
Mussolini's buildings display the awesome scale Mayawati seems to be
vying for, and the man was as haunted by Augustus as Mayawati is by
Ambedkar. The Hindutva branch of bashers understandably will not want
to stir such a murky cauldron, but one would've expected liberal India
to have cottoned on to the connection years ago. It would be a project
of dubious historicity to club Il Duce and Behenji into the same fold,
but when has that ever stopped anyone in the quest for political
expedience?

Nandini Ramachandran lives and writes in Bangalore. She plans to blog
about media and politics in the region for Himal.


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[ZESTCaste] Congress cosying up to Mayawati after cut motion support

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_congress-cosying-up-to-mayawati-after-cut-motion-support_1377174

Congress cosying up to Mayawati after cut motion support

Deepak Gidwani / DNAFriday, April 30, 2010 1:55 IST

Lucknow: The Congress's terms of reference vis-a-vis Mayawati seem to
have changed overnight following her party's support to the UPA regime
on the cut motion in parliament.

On Thursday, Congress general secretary Digvijay Singh was courtesy
personified as he thanked Mayawati for her support.

Digvijay is in charge of the party's affairs in Uttar Pradesh.
"By supporting the UPA government, she has taken an important step
towards strengthening secular forces in the country," Digvijay told
reporters at the state Congress headquarters here.

The Congress leader denied that Mayawati had fallen in line because of
a disproportionate assets case against her which is being investigated
by the income tax department and the CBI. "The BSP had supported the
UPA government from Day 1… that support continues. So, where's the
confusion?" he asked.

Interestingly, this is precisely the explanation Mayawati herself gave
out while announcing her decision to support the UPA regime on the
BJP-sponsored cut motion in Lok Sabha on Tuesday.

Digvijay did not stop at that. He even went ahead and welcomed
Mayawati's drive against criminals in her party. However, he also
raised questions about how they had managed to enter the BSP.

Despite the rather mild criticism, Singh's statements clearly indicate
a change of tactics on the Congress's part towards the BSP. The shift
could change political equations in the run-up to the Uttar Pradesh
assembly election in 2012.


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[ZESTCaste] A Dalit Temple to ‘Goddess English’Search

http://blogs.wsj.com/indiarealtime/2010/04/30/a-dalit-temple-to-goddess-english/?mod=wsj_india_main

April 30, 2010, 1:02 PM IST

A Dalit Temple to 'Goddess English'Search

By Tripti Lahiri
Chandra Bhan Prasad, a Dalit intellectual, activist and a bit of a
maverick, has for several years been trying to promote fluency in
English as the key to the liberation of the people at the bottom of
India's caste system from what he sees as the caste prejudice inherent
in Indian languages like Hindi.

He usually hosts a party on Oct. 25, the birthday of Lord Babington
Macaulay, the man who got the Raj authorities to adopt English as the
language of higher education in India (he also drafted the 1860 penal
code that India still uses today). Many Indians criticize Lord
Macaulay for creating, in his words, "a class of persons, Indian in
blood and color, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in
intellect," to act as native interpreters between the British and
India's multitudes.

He was fairly successful and even today many of India's upper classes
think and write in English. For decades some Indian intellectuals have
wondered (often in English) how to gain the standing for other Indian
languages that English – and those educated in English – have.

Mr. Prasad has no time for such concerns. Today he is presiding over
the laying of a foundation stone for a temple dedicated to "Goddess
English" in a village in Uttar Pradesh state, about 350 kilometers
east of New Delhi. He hopes the temple will be completed by Lord
Macaulay's birthday.

"In cities, people are somewhat aware of the importance of English,"
said Mr. Prasad ahead of the trip. "In villages, not much. So I wanted
to trigger this sort of recognition."

The 2009 Annual State of Education in India report found that about
51% of schoolchildren in rural India can both read and understand
simple sentences in English by the time they get to Class Eight,
usually at age 13 or 14, after which many children leave school.

So why a temple and not an English teaching center, scores of which
can be seen in cities and towns all over India?

"I cannot reach large masses of people. I do not have the
infrastructure to provide English instruction to scores of people,"
said Mr. Prasad. "If you say English is a goddess, worship it, then
the message is much better."

Among the design conceits on the drawing board: the front pillars of
the temple could be mounted on concrete shaped like computers, the
steps are to resemble a computer keyboard, and a "fountain pen-shaped
elevated object" is planned on the roof. There will also be a statue
of an anonymous gentleman "in a coat, wearing a hat and who sports
specs or sunglasses," said Mr. Prasad.

"These are all symbols of modernity and I want to inject that into the
very childhood of Dalit kids," he said.

If anything Mr. Prasad, who has a flair for being polemical, seems to
think Lord Macaulay didn't take his Anglicization project far enough.
Mr. Prasad says his own aversion to Indian languages extends to
"native dress" as well as language although he hasn't extended that
injunction to people visiting his Macaulay parties. He points out that
along with many other caste-based restrictions, Dalit men were not
allowed to wear the full-length version of the dhoti, a wrap worn over
the lower part of the body.

"English attire is caste-neutral," said Mr. Prasad. "In India, the
dress of the people differs from caste to caste. But the architecture
of the trouser is same for everybody."


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