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Wednesday, August 17, 2011

[ZESTCaste] Cheat uses love, fear to grab land of dalits

http://www.deccanchronicle.com/channels/cities/chennai/cheat-uses-love-fear-grab-land-dalits-925

Cheat uses love, fear to grab land of dalits

August 15, 2011
By Pramila Krishnan
DC
chennai

A conman in Dindigul encouraged two dalit brothers to marry the upper
caste women they had fallen in love with and then exploited their fear
of reprisal from their wives' families to grab 12 acres of land from
them.

According to a police complaint, Sakthivel and Andavan were in love
with Selvi and Saraswathi, who were from upper caste families.

A distant relative of Selvi and Saraswathi, P. Natchimuthu Gounder,
encouraged the brothers to marry the women in an elaborately planned
swindle.

Gounder arranged for the marriage even though the dalit brothers had
been warned to stay away from the women by their upper caste
relatives, the complaint filed by the brothers and their wives in the
police anti-land grabbing cell said.

Gounder got the young couples to elope to Erode, promising to protect
their land from encroachment, but sold the property without their
knowledge. The brothers have now approached the DGP for help.

"We were frightened about a possible caste clash in our village and
Natchimuthu Gounder told us he would provide us protection and
arranged for the marriage," they said in the complaint.

"He asked us to move to Erode where he said we could live without
fear. He asked us to give him power of attorney for the 12 acres of
land we own in Dindugul so he could safeguard the property."

Gounder told them that a group of upper caste people had encroached on
their land and if they tried to venture to the spot they would be
beaten up.

"He said if we gave him power of attorney for the land, he would
ensure it remained safe. We trusted him and did as he said in January
2004," they added.

The director of NGO Evidence, A. Kathir, who has been helping the
brothers, said, "Natchimuthu Gounder sold the land in 2006 without
informing the brothers."

"Though they filed a complaint against Gounder, no action has been
taken against him so far. They said Gounder and his family filed a
false case against them and they had failed to attend court
proceedings, further complicating matters. They have now approached
the DGP to retrieve their land."

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[ZESTCaste] Socially boycotted dalits file case

http://expressbuzz.com/states/karnataka/socially-boycotted-dalits-file-case/304542.html

Socially boycotted dalits file case

Shivakumar Menasinakai
Express News Service
Last Updated : 16 Aug 2011 12:21:22 PM IST

HUBLI: Thirty two dalit families in Nayakanur village, Navalgund
taluk, 54 Kms from Hubli, neither celebrated the Independence Day nor
did they stay at home to enjoy the national holiday. They seem to have
lost all hope.

Upper caste people have allegedly socially boycotted these families
under the pretext that they refused to sweep cow dung at the house of
an upper caste family. Though the controversy has been there it came
to light now since one of the dalit families lodged a complaint at
Navalgund police station alleging their social boycott.

According to Police sources Basappa Madar, 64, was working as servant
with Andanigouda Patil. Basappa and his wife recently refused to
continue working for Patil family. Then, Patil allegedly asked the
other families in the village not to give Basappa and his wife any
employment. When dalit families questioned this, Patil asked his
fellow villagers not to give work to any of the dalit families and
even to boycott them socially.

When the dalit families overcame their silent suffering and lodged a
complaint the Navalgund Police have took up a case against six persons
including Andanigouda Patil. However, the Police arrested Rajugouda
Patil, Neelakanthagouda Patil, Basappa Benneppanavar, Karibasappa
Javoor and Shankarappa Hugar and not the main accused Andanigouda
Patil.

Inspector of the Directorate of Civil Rights Enforcement Sunil
Megalamani had visited the village. He told Express that the local
police had been investigating and main person was absconding. The
dispute between Basappa and Patil family is the reason for the present
controversy, he added.

District Social Welfare Officer SR Mulla, who visited the village,
told Express that the district administration was firm to provide
employment for all dalit families in the village. The social boycott
issue would be strongly dealt with, he clarified.

But the worried dalit families have started migrating out of the
village. Dalit leader Marish Nagannavar said the situation was going
bad to worst day by day.

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[ZESTCaste] Don’t ban Aarakshan, it’s just upper caste (Kancha Ilaiah)

http://www.deccanchronicle.com/editorial/dc-comment/don%E2%80%99t-ban-aarakshan-it%E2%80%99s-just-upper-caste-364

Don't ban Aarakshan, it's just upper caste

August 17, 2011
By Kancha Ilaiah

The debate around Aarakshan, Prakash Jha's movie on reservation, has
several major implications for our civil society and state. The
objections raised by several organisations, individuals and also the
ban imposed by three state governments — Uttar Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh
and Punjab — because of their suspicion that the film is against the
interests of pro-reservation forces, made it controversial.

The film has been seen by the Central Board of Film Certification
(CBFC) and certified U/A without any cuts. But the National Commission
for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes demanded to see it before it
was released. After the viewing the commission felt that there are
many dialogues that were objectionable from the dalit point of view.
However, the CBFC felt that the SC/ST commission's opinion was not
binding on them, and they did not agree to cut some of the dialogues
suggested by the commission and other organisations. However, after
some cuts were made, the film was released in Andhra Pradesh.

I watched the film on the first day of its release. It evoked a good
response from filmgoers. Aarakshan presents a paternalistic upper
caste view of balancing the problems of reservation and
commercialisation of education. Amitabh Bachchan's role of a
paternalistic Hindu teacher could well be viewed with suspicion by any
Ambedkarite.

However, a serious issue to debate is whether the right to freedom of
expression of a director/producer could be taken away by dalit/OBC
groups or individuals opposed to a film? What is the difference
between the Right-wing forces that attacked M.F. Husain's paintings
and the dalit/OBC organisations that opposed Aarakshan? I happened to
take part in a panel discussion on the issue on an English news
channel where Soli Sorabjee, a well-known Supreme Court lawyer, argued
that Mr Jha's freedom of expression cannot be taken away in this
manner.

We must understand the pro- and anti-reservation contentions from the
point of view of caste and historical oppression that the majority
population suffered for centuries.

Bollywood as a film industry still represents the upper castes and, to
a small extent, the Muslim minority. Few years ago even the best of
the Muslim actors had to adopt Hindu names (like Dilip Kumar) to
survive in the industry and the market. Now, because of strong
identity politics among Muslims, there are several visible Muslim
heroes and heroines with their own names. Even a film like My Name is
Khan was made to assert that identity. But most of them come from rich
families. Why is it that no dalit/OBC could become a visible actor in
that industry? Hollywood overcame its white hegemony and now blacks
have come to occupy a very important place (like Will Smith) in that
global industry. But blacks constitute just 12.6 per cent of the total
population of the US. Whereas dalits, tribals and OBCs constitute
about 70 per cent of the population in our country, yet there is not a
single visible person in the film industry from these communities.

Also, how many SC/ST/OBCs are in the CBFC today? Perhaps none. When
the industry itself is constituted of upper castes, and rich ones at
that, a lot of scope for suspicion about their intentions in making a
film on reservations exists. Suppose they deliberately make an
anti-reservation film or a film that treats the productive castes as
polluted people based on the Brahminic sociological premise? Should
these castes keep quiet? And if they create hurdles in the film's
release, is that "curtailing the positive freedom of expression?" When
the oppressors' right to freedom of expression impinges upon the very
right to life of the oppressed, the oppressed need to invoke their
natural right, as John Locke rightly proposed, to fight against the
oppressors' right to freedom of expression. If "castocracy" begins to
operate, using the liberal space the Constitution provides, against
the historical victims, they have to stand up and say, "No, we will
not allow this."

In democracy, if one does not examine the political position of the
oppressed seriously, if a mechanical "right to freedom of expression"
is deployed in the discourse, as John Locke himself foresaw, the
oppressed masses have no choice but to resort to the right to
revolution. For SC/ST/OBCs, the right to defend reservation (in the
absence of uniform English-medium school education for all) is
equivalent to defending their right to life.

Because of caste and cultural degradation and denial of right to
education and employment for centuries, the SC/ST/OBCs have lost many
opportunities to develop themselves. That should be the core anchor of
the debate. The problem being treated paternalistically, as has been
done in Aarakshan, is not a solution.

In a situation of rabid casteism and educational commercialisation,
Prabhakar Anand's (the character played by Bachchan) paternalism might
appear positive. But Ambedkar himself opposed such paternalism of
Gandhi and attacked it in his classic book, What the Congress and
Gandhi have done to the Untouchables.

The film, as it is being shown in Andhra Pradesh, does not warrant a
ban in any state at all. But it certainly needs to be debated.
Ideologically it does not represent Ambedkarism but Gandhism. That
itself is a major problem. A Bollywood film with an Ambedkarite
ideology on aarakshan can be possible only when aarakshan is
implemented in Bollywood itself.

Kancha Ilaiah is director for the study of Social Exclusion and
Inclusive Policy, Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad

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[ZESTCaste] MUST READ FULLY TO UNDERSTAND THE STAND [1 Attachment]

[Attachment(s) from uaday singh included below]

Dears Friends, please read attached file.

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Attachment(s) from uaday singh

1 of 1 File(s)

jlp

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[ZESTCaste] Fwd: The challenge to Prakash Jha’s vision ( Sunday Guardian)

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Manju Rao <manjudifferent@gmail.com>
Date: Mon, Aug 8, 2011 at 5:27 PM
Subject: The challenge to Prakash Jha's vision ( Sunday Guardian)
To: our-media@googlegroups.com

The challenge to Prakash Jha's vision

Aarakshan is set to kick up great controversy upon its release this Friday. Minority groups argue Jha is biased, while he says he is an impartial observer.

SABA SIDDIQUI 7th Aug

ahi hoga, hans chugega daana ghun ka, kauwa moti khayega(the swan will pick the weevil, and the crow will eat pearl).

Prakash Jha has never been one to shy away from controversy. His latest film,Aarakshan, is no different — in fact it is almost certainly going to be his most controversial. The movie deals with one of the great dividers of modern Indian society: caste-based reservations in our colleges. The line quoted above is from the theatrical trailer that has been doing the rounds on television, and the inflammatory nature of this piece of dialogue — and many others — has not gone unnoticed.

No political party in the country has the power to reduce a single per cent of reservation, so who am I to do so? But yes, it has been 30 years since the Mandal Commission, and aarakshan is still dividing society Prakash Jha

P.L. Punia, chairman of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes, has already called the movie an "anti-Dalit" film. "I've read about the film in newspapers, and some people came to me with complaints that the film could be prejudiced against the Dalit community," says Punia. "But my doubts were confirmed when I watched a discussion between Prakash Jha and Shiv Khera on a news channel. Jha said quite bluntly that he was against caste-based reservation in education, and that he would get rid of them if he could."

Saif Ali Khan (left) and Prateik Babbar in a still from Aarakshan

But Jha, a multiple National Award winning filmmaker, is adamant that he has never made such a statement. "I have never discussed my stand on reservation; it is impossible to be on one side on such a divisive issue. As a filmmaker, I see myself as an observer of society and its trends. I'm not here to make judgements. I have just tried to present the entirety of the facts in this film. Questions, if any, will emerge over time, in the rightful manner. My support or lack of support for reservation is irrelevant. It is here to stay and we have to adjust to it. No political party in the country has the power to reduce a single per cent of reservation, so who am I to do so? But yes, it has been 30 years since the Mandal Commission, and aarakshan is still dividing society."

Although Jha denies being against reservations, he does believe that caste-based reservation has paved the way for the commercialisation of education. "Reservation in government institutes like IIM, IIT and medical colleges has led to a decrease in the number of seats in colleges. This, in turn, has increased competition. Some saw this as an opportunity and it encouraged a parallel system of education to develop. The number of coaching centres is on the rise all over India and capitation institutes are flourishing; in fact, some of our politicians are even running their own colleges. Every year, when the cut-off percentages in colleges increase, this question comes up. The rich can go to private institutes or buy a degree, but there is no government subsidy or policy for those who are meritorious but cannot afford to go elsewhere," Jha says.

But Punia is not the sole opponent to Jha's take on this matter. Anoop Kumar, a Dalit students' activist who started the Insight India Foundation, says, "I haven't watched the film's trailers, but Jha has been making a number of irresponsible and apathetic comments in the media which I have read and heard. He recently said that casteism is because of reservation, whereas it is the other way round; reservation is because of casteism. If what Jha said is true and reservation is only limited to colleges, then why do Dalit students commit suicide, why are Dalit women raped in villages and why are Dalits harassed by upper castes?"

Kumar, who has made a series of startling, moving documentaries on Dalit student suicides in India's premier education institutions, says, "Reservation has given representation to the suppressed, an opportunity to the deprived and has broken the monopoly of casteism. But I'm sure Jha will not deal with these complexities in the film. He will only skim the surface of reservation as a topic; it will be a one-sided story and not the complete truth."

Anjum Rajabali, the film's scriptwriter, is amused by these allegations. "Those accusing the film of having an anti-Dalit or anti-anything bias haven't seen the film yet. Aarakshan has a humanist bias, it is biased towards improving education, it is biased towards being fair," he says.

he film stars Amitabh Bachchan as a college principal with strong ideals, torn between the supporters and non-supporters of reservation. Saif Ali Khan plays a Dalit in love with Deepika Padukone, who plays Bachchan's daughter. Prateik Babbar belongs to an upper-class family, while Manoj Bajpayee is the college's vice-principal, an opponent of reservation who also runs a coaching centre. Rajabali says, "The script includes a range of characters who reflect a wide spectrum of perspectives on the reservation issue."

(L-R) Prateik Babbar, Saif Ali Khan, Prakash Jha and Deepika Padukone on the sets of the film

This is not Jha's first political film; he has also made films like Rajneeti (2010), Apharan(2005) and Gangaajal (2003). Apharan is set against the backdrop of the kidnapping "industry" in Bihar, while Gangaajal, again set in Jha's home state of Bihar, examines the relationship between crime and politics.

But while the filmmaker refutes allegations of being biased in Aarakshan, this is not the first of Jha's films to attract controversy — it is a matter of record that of the villains in his films come from the marginalised communities of India, Muslims, Dalits, and other minorities. "Aarakshan has not yet released, so I cannot comment on what the film will be, but Jha does not have a great track record when it comes to dealing with SC/ST/OBC or minorities in his films," says Dilip Mandal, the author of books like Jatwar Janaganana (Caste Census), Jatiwar Janaganana Ki Chunautiyan (Caste Census and its Challenges) and Media Ka Underworld (Paid News). "The villain in Apharan was Tabrez Alam, a Muslim, whileGangaajal had Sadhu Yadav, a Scheduled Caste. Jha has deliberately taken the political combination of Lalu Prasad Yadav (Muslims and Yadavs). He tends to show Dalits and OBCs in a bad light in his political films and I wouldn't be surprised if he does it again."

"Films are a strong and influential medium. Millions, regardless of their background, watch these films, and history has seen this medium trigger political movements in Latin America and Europe. Considering the sensitivity of this issue, it could have a really harmful effect on college campuses in India, where students from SC/ST and OBC already face harassment and are looked down upon. It is important that the film is carefully reviewed by the Scheduled Caste Commission before its release," Mandal says.

But filmmaker Pankaj Butalia disagrees. "Political films cannot bring about such big changes in society, probably small changes in the long run, but they cannot suddenly change the mindset of the person watching it. If a Dalit supporter watches an anti-Dalit film, he will react, if someone who resents Dalits watches it, he will accept it. That's it. Bringing about political change through film is a slow process. If you watch certain kinds of political films for years or read a lot of political books, you will start accepting the change. But one film cannot change you."

Punia said he wanted to watch the movie before its release, but was denied permission. The Film Certification Board gave Aarakshan a Universal certificate with no cuts. "We wanted to watch the film and not come in the way of the Board. A summons has been issued to the chairman of the board; they approved it without showing it to us. We will watch the film on 8 August and if we find any derogatory scenes, we will ask for their deletion. If the whole film is objectionable, we plan to take serious action, even if it means stopping the film from being released." However, a Censor Board official, who refused to be identified, said only the Board can decide on such issues.

Despite the controversy, Jha is not worried. "Such protests have happened in the past too, sometimes after the release, but the final call is that of the Censor Board. Since they have passed the film, I am not scared."

Guardian 20 also discovered that Anjum Rajabali (the scriptwriter) is a member of the Censor Board, although he claims not to have any say in the process surrounding the film's release. "Members of the Film Certification Board have a responsibility to be sensitive. One has to be careful to ensure they are objective about the films being considered. I could have had no part in the Board's interaction with Aarakshan as I am an involved party. I distanced myself entirely when the board was reviewing Aarakshan," Rajabali clarifies.

Punia ends by saying he has no problem with Jha making films on sensitive topics. "Why doesn't he make a film on the SC/ST and OBC in Karnataka, who are not allowed into temples, or even about Tamil Nadu, where there are separate utensils for people belonging to lower castes? If he makes films on these issues, we would appreciate it more." As it stands, the much-debated film has been certified and will release on its decided date — next Friday, 12 August. Until then, this is a fire that will continue to rage.

--
"Rosa sat so Martin could walk; Martin walked so Obama could run, Obama ran so your children can fly"

with regards

Manju

(Helpline Coordinator)

Insight Foundation

125th 1st Floor Shapurjat,

Near Asian Games Village

Khelgaon, New Delhi- 49

011- 46695837

Dalit and Adivasi Students Helpline No - 09999 48 42 49 ( Mon - Fri, 10 am to 5 pm)

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Wednesday, August 17, 2011

[ZESTCaste] Cheat uses love, fear to grab land of dalits

[ZESTCaste] Socially boycotted dalits file case

[ZESTCaste] Don’t ban Aarakshan, it’s just upper caste (Kancha Ilaiah)

[ZESTCaste] MUST READ FULLY TO UNDERSTAND THE STAND [1 Attachment]

[ZESTCaste] Fwd: The challenge to Prakash Jha’s vision ( Sunday Guardian)

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