Sunday, November 22, 2009

[ZESTCaste] Losing the propaganda war (Sevanti Ninan)

http://www.hindu.com/mag/2009/11/22/stories/2009112250130300.htm


MEDIA MATTERS

Losing the propaganda war


SEVANTI NINAN


Information and its flow and control play a major role in combating
terrorism and militancy. And the government doesn't seem to have a
well-defined policy in place…


Yesterday it was a handful of men holding different groups of people
in a large city to ransom, today it is several bands of men in
contiguous jungles holding the State to ransom. In both circumstances
the media is both pawn and spoiler, a force to be handled if the
battle is to go your way. What is interesting is how a year later the
government and security forces are as clueless about handling them as
they were last November.

The channel 4 film on 26/11 shown on HBO last week ("Terror in Mumbai:
Dispatches") has established, if indeed proof was needed, that
television coverage helped the terrorist handlers during the unfolding
of the operations at the Taj Mahal and Oberoi Trident to direct their
men on the ground. It showed excerpts from the intercepts, of the
handler watching TV and deducing how the impact of the attack was
shaping up:

Handler: Start the fire now, nothing is going to happen until you
start the fire. When people see the flames they will begin to be
afraid.

And later he exults,

This is the most important target. The media is covering the target
Taj Mahal more than any other.


Tackling conflict situations


So did the government use the year between then and now to figure out
how to deal with live television in a terror situation? We do not know
if some sharp minds are actually tackling the question of an
information policy that adapts itself to different conflict situations
as they emerge. But if you contrast the three days in November last
year with the confrontation with the Naxals that has been unfolding on
TV since October this year, it is obvious that between an untrained
media eager for a story and the police official in Chattisgarh who is
reported to have told reporters that if they go into the jungle to
cover how the conflict is affecting people, they could become dead
meat, another propaganda war is being lost by the government.

Do TV channels now have rules in place on what they will show and not
show? Judging from the manner TV covered one police officer's beheaded
torso and another's release from captivity by the Naxalites, it does
not seem so. The State's enemy currently makes a better story than the
State's counter insurgency efforts do, so reporters let the Naxal
bosses dictate the terms in gaining access to them.

When TV panel debates posit the Naxals as champions of those who are
losing their land to industrialists and their compensation money to
middlemen, and of people who are victims of non-development, the State
has no counter to this psychological theme.

Does a country fighting fires on many fronts need a cogent information
policy? The answer can hardly be no. What should its elements be?
Prescriptions abound. A both pithy and comprehensive list of what an
information policy should cover comes from former Lt. General Arjun
Ray, the man who handled the media a decade ago as the Kargil war
unfolded, the government's point man for India's first TV war. He says
the main objective is, what are the government's strategies for
information dominance and how are we going to achieve them? So what
you need is a clear policy covering the following: accessibility of
media to combat zones, whether in Chattisgarh or in a city under
terror attack, or in a border war. A policy on media briefing. Media
structures required at different levels — state level, battalion
level, district level. Background briefings — what is the policy on
rank and file? Is a solider allowed to talk to the media or is he not?
How do you protect your own people from hostile propaganda?

A beginning


On the first three points the central government says it has done some
work: as compared to last year there is a standard operating procedure
that has now been drawn up, that includes who will do the authorised
briefing at what level, and a control room at the press information
bureau that will go into 24 hour mode when necessary. Some structures
are still being put in place, some ends tied up. But not much beyond
that, as far as this column could gather.

Says Ray, all terrorist organisations have a powerful media unit.
Their job is to conduct propaganda, you are here to counter it. We
need a policy on the use of the Internet. What is your policy on
Facebook? Today a large number of military personnel are on it,
writing about their experiences and they should not be. What is your
policy on censorship? What news should be censored or should not be?
What are the key components of psychological themes to be developed in
a given situation, in countering Naxals, for instance. Who will
develop conflict specific psychological themes? The army does psy-ops,
but does the effort need to go beyond the army when you contemplate
something like Operation Green Hunt? How will you handle the regional
media, how will you handle blogs? Who will create your websites and
what should they contain? A psychological war, says Ray, demands the
establishment's best brains. An average General can handle the troops,
but you can't have an average guy handling the media.

Media offensives


The amendments to the Information Technology Act of 2001 have taken
care of banning websites as soon as a relevant ministry gives an
order. But what about influencing opinion on the Web? That is a taller
order.

So between the government, army and security forces, is there, post
26/11, any urgency on putting together a bunch of people with
competence and flair to handle information in a variety of situations
ranging from terror attacks to ongoing militancy to counter
insurgency? Given the way the government functions, the answer is
probably no.


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[ZESTCaste] Dalits taken into Rama temple

http://www.hindu.com/2009/11/22/stories/2009112256340400.htm

Andhra Pradesh - Kadapa

Dalits taken into Rama temple

KADAPA: Upper caste persons took Dalits of Kothanellore village into
Sri Rama temple on Saturday, following counselling by Mala Mahanadu
and Ambedkar Mission leaders. Earlier, the Dalits complained to Mala
Mahanadu district president J.V. Ramana and Ambedkar Mission secretary
Sampath Kumar that they were not being allowed into the temple and
expressed their desire to build a Rama temple for themselves.

— Special Correspondent


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[ZESTCaste] Ambedkar in Hungary

http://www.hindu.com/mag/2009/11/22/stories/2009112250120300.htm

IN THE NEWS

Ambedkar in Hungary


PARDEEP ATTRI


The Romas, a discriminated minority in Hungary, turn to Ambedkar and
Buddhism in their quest for dignity and equality.


Romas constitute one of the biggest minority blocks in Europe and have
a history of being constantly… discriminated against, persecuted and
stigmatised by white Europeans.

A fight against injustice: Romas protesting at Heroes Square in Budapest.

Lost rights are never regained by appeals to the conscience of the
usurpers, but by relentless struggle.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar

O n April 14, 2008, when Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's birthday was being
commemorated across India, I got an email from an unknown person —
Derdák Tibor from Hungary — appreciating my article, "Schools, Toilets
or Temples?" which he had read on an e-group. My article had lamented
that "at every street corner we have built temples, but not toilets or
schools." Tibor said he was a sociologist, and a former member of the
Hungarian Parliament now working for the Roma community (derogatorily
referred to as gypsies across Europe). Over endless emails, I
gradually learnt about the lives of and the problems faced by the Roma
community in Hungary, while I explained to him the conditions of
Dalits in India.

Striking similarities

What intrigued me was Derdák Tibor said that he and another Roma
leader, Orsós János, had been inspired by the philosophy of social
transformation of Dr. Ambedkar and his work among the Dalits, and that
they were now trying to deploy Ambedkarite ideas in their struggle for
equal rights for the Roma community. How and why Ambedkar? Tibor had
chanced upon a book on Babasaheb in Paris and a new world opened up.
He immediately could see the similarities between the discrimination
faced by Dalits in India and Romas in Europe.

Romas/'Gypsies' are normally considered to be "members of nomadic
people of Europe with dark skin" with a worldwide population of about
12 million, originally from North India. With their eight million
population in Europe, they constitute one of the biggest minority
blocks in Europe and have a history of being constantly opposed,
refused, discriminated against, persecuted and stigmatised by white
Europeans. They constitute about seven per cent of Hungary's
population.

After discovering Ambedkar, Tibor and János visited Maharashtra in
2005 and 2007. They felt a deep connection with the Dalits of India
and with Dr. Ambedkar's emancipatory agenda. After returning to
Hungary, in 2007, they founded the Jai Bhim Network, embraced Buddhism
and opened three high schools named after Dr. Ambedkar in Sajókaza,
Ózd and Hegymeg for Roma children. One of the activities of the
Network is to invite young Dalit activists to Hungary and provide them
with opportunities to interact with the Roma community. Recently, I
was part of one such three-member delegation and lived with the Roma
community in the village Sajókaza for almost a month.

Life in Sajókaza

Sajókaza is a beautiful village about 30 km northeast of Miskolc, with
a population of 3,300 people, half of them Romas. The majority of the
Romas live on the outskirts of the village in ghettos. In their
neighbourhood, there is no tap water, no street lighting and no sewage
disposal. A few meters away, in the adjoining non-Roma streets, all
these basic amenities are provided. There was a time when all the
Romas of the village were employed in the nearby mines but now almost
all of them are unemployed and live on a monthly dole from the
government. During our stay, it became evident that the Romas suffer
as much everyday discrimination as Dalits. There are three churches in
Sajókaza, but not even a single Roma visits them. It immediately
reminded me of the Hindu temples in India where our entry, though
guaranteed in law, is prohibited in practice.

The foremost hurdle in the education of Romas in Hungary is the
segregation of Roma children, who are forced to sit in separate
classes. They attend different schools/classes in dilapidated
buildings without basic amenities, whereas Hungarian children attend
regular, fully equipped schools. Tibor says there were separate cups
and plates for Roma students till 10 years ago. Roma children grow up
constantly dehumanised, humiliated, persecuted and rejected. They are
declared 'mentally challenged' and are sent to special schools; so
much that about 90 per cent of special school students in Hungary are
said to be from this community. Segregation is not limited to schools.
In 2003, the European Roma Rights Center (ERRC) conducted field
research in Hungary and documented 44 cases of so-called "Gypsy rooms"
—segregated maternity wards.

Stereotypes are potent tools of hatred. And the Romas suffer from the
worst kind of stereotyping by the whites. The 'Gypsies', for the
average white European, are necessarily cheaters, beggars, thieves,
pickpockets, nomads, people who live in dirty conditions and don't
like to work. It is believed by non-Romas that the Romas cut their
forefingers so that they could easily pick pockets; and that ' Roma'
children wear long clothes to hide the chickens they steal from white
farmers' homes. These prejudices are thriving today.

Websites that promote tourism in Europe offer gratuitous advice on
'Gypsies'. One site, under the heading 'Personal security in Rome',
says: "Gypsy children could surround you, and shamelessly start
robbing your belongings, taking advantage of your surprise. They would
then pass the belongings to older gypsy women…" The image of 'Romas'
being thieves is so entrenched that they are the first to be rounded
up by the police if there is a crime in the neighborhood.

One of the most horrific stories I heard white Hungarians cook up was
about pregnant 'Gypsy' women. In September, Oszkar Molnar, the Mayor
of Edeleny in Northeast Hungary, accused Roma women in his town of
intentionally harming their unborn babies in order to secure extra
child benefits. The Equal Opportunity Authority issued sanctions
against Oszkar Molnar, a representative of main opposition party
Fidesz, but he has vowed to launch a legal appeal against the
Authority.

On October 11, 2009, about 1,500 Romas gathered at Heroes Square in
Budapest to protest Mayor Molnar's views, and to demonstrate against
segregation in schools and discrimination in everyday life. One slogan
caught my attention: "A child's head is not a pot that has to be
filled, but a torch that needs to be ignited." Says János, president
of Jai Bhim Network, "After our turn to Ambedkarite Buddhism, people
ask, 'How can you teach Buddhism to gypsies?' What we are doing seems
odd since Buddhism in Europe is largely the leisure hobby of the
middle classes. But it is easy to answer them: they don't offer
effective secondary education for Gypsies, and we do! Whatever people
say, we just carry on with our work."

Email: pardeepattri@gmail.com


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Friday, November 20, 2009

[ZESTCaste] Nitish trying to divide Dalits: Paswan

 

http://www.ptinews.com/news/386865_Nitish-trying-to-divide-Dalits--Paswan

Nitish trying to divide Dalits: Paswan

STAFF WRITER 20:15 HRS IST
Patna, Nov 20 (PTI) Two days after the Bihar government included
Ravidas community in the list of Mahadalits, Lok Janashakti Party
president Ram Vilas Paswan today alleged that Chief Minister Nitish
Kumar was trying to create a divide among the scheduled castes.

LJP will resist the government move "from the road to Parliament" and
his party members along with RJD would raise the issue forcefully in
Lok Sabha, Paswan said.

The state government has already listed 20 of the total 22 scheduled
caste communities in the list of Mahadalits on the basis of the
recommendation of the Commission.

"Only the dussadhs, the caste which I belong to has been kept out of
the purview of the Mahadalits ... It shows Kumar's animosity towards
the community," LJP chief alleged.

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[ZESTCaste] Nobel thoughts

http://beta.thehindu.com/life-and-style/society/article51249.ece


Nobel thoughts


She walks alone from village to village in Thanjavur to the beat of
Gandhiji's favourite song 'Ekla cholo re,' the very embodiment of the
Gandhian philosophy of Satyagraha and non-violence. In Chennai earlier
this month at the inaugural function of the Micro and Small
Enterprises Support Workshop, organised by Fair Trade Forum India,
SIPA and IFFAD, among the luminaries present none stood taller than
Krishnammal Jagannathan, winner of the Alternate Nobel Prize 2008.

A Dalit whom the citation hailed as the 'soul of India' and a lifelong
Satyagrahi working for social justice and sustainable human
development, Krishnammal has achieved what has been called a non-
violent social transformation of the lives of the landless poor,
particularly Dalit women.

This frail and beautiful lady of 85 who walked shoulder to shoulder
with Vinoba Bhave in his Bhoodan Movement, ushered in a silent
revolution of land distribution to Dalit women in remote parts of
Tamil Nadu. She is the winner of Swami Pranavananda Peace Award given
by the Gandhi Peace Foundation, the Jamnalal Bajaj Award (1988), the
Padma Sri (1989), the Women's World Summit Award, Switzerland (1989),
the Opus Award, The Right Livelihood Award also known as the Alternate
Nobel Prize (2008) and a host of other prestigious awards. She wears
them all lightly.

Krishnammal came to the inauguration, where she was chief guest,
clutching a fly ash brick in her hand. Manufactured by the Dalits of
Kuthur village, she wants this eco- friendly hollow brick to be used
by them to build their homes on the land which is now theirs, thanks
to her relentless efforts. The fly ash hollow brick is a symbol of a
collective dream which she hopes will translate into reality with the
5,000 homes for Dalits of the village. In this interview, she talks
about her cause, her philosophy and the award…

What was the defining moment when you embarked on your mission of land
distribution to the landless, particularly women?

Gandhiji dreamt of 'gram swaraj'. I strongly feel that as long as land
is held by landlords, there can be no freedom for those tilling the
land. By tradition, Dalits are tillers of the land and are attached to
it. Every day, women leave their houses early in the morning and plant
paddy till late evening, yet they have no right over the land in the
existing system. I was part of Vinoba Bhave's padayatra and was
walking with him pleading for land when news came on December 25,
1968, of the mass killing of 44 Harijan women and children at
Keelavenmani in Thanjavur district, following a wage dispute between
landlord and tiller. This horrific incident changed my life's
direction and I decided to go to Keelavenman and not leave till Dalits
got their land. And I am still there! My husband and I began our
movement by getting the temple land owned by a benami landlord
distributed among the women with much struggle. About 12,000 acres of
land were distributed among the Dalit women. This was my first fight
against the system. I walked from village to village in the region to
meet the women and slowly they became the wind under my wings.
Although I was harassed, arrested and even jailed, I never lost faith.
I used to gather children who worked in the fields and give them basic
education.

The NGO Land for Tillers' Development or LAFTI has become the
cornerstone of your movement. How did it come about?

In 1981, I formed LAFTI, an NGO working for the socio-economic
development of the marginalised classes. I decided to form
village-based co-operatives for Dalit women to save money and
collectively purchase the land which they tilled, from the landlords.
I heard that the Government was helping Dalits buy land by giving them
loans. I began to avail of these loans. Rajiv and Sonia Gandhi came to
my office. Rajiv Gandhi created a separate wing for Dalit uplift
called the National Scheduled Caste Development Corporation. Now that
the Government gives us loans, I approach landlords, bureaucrats and
other functionaries to purchase land and redistribute it among the
women. They often pay back the loans in one installment. It is
heart-warming to watch them cultivate their own land, and drink in the
sight of green paddy fields and children playing there. Some 13,000
acres have been redistributed to women, and 11,000 will be distributed
shortly. It has been a people-based action, a non-violent transfer of
land through LAFTI. We use Satyagraha as a tool of liberation. We sing
bhajans in front of the landlord's houses in the mornings. We have
been brutalised, attacked and once they even tried to pour petrol over
me. But I just meditated and carried on.

What are LAFTI's other activities?

LAFTI also runs village industries. We teach women mat weaving,
tailoring, carpentry, masonry and run computer classes. We have built
three hostels in Vallivalan for girls and boys. The students are doing
well, with 20 studying to be doctors, engineers etc. We have also set
up a brick kiln,which has helped in building 'people participatory'
eco-friendly houses for 2000 families so far. My next goal is to build
5,000 more houses, to humanise the dwellings of Dalit families.

So that is your next goal…

When I first came to Keelavenmani, it was an act of desperation to
give Dalits their land, to provide them livelihood and restore their
dignity. Now my dream is to give every woman a house on her land with
some modern facilities.

Is this fly ash brick which you have brought with you a first step in
your commitment?

Yes. The brick is made out of fly ash which we get free. I approached
ONGC and they donated the eco-friendly brick making machinery. The
electricity took six months to come and our first fly ash bricks were
made on 30 October. I brought this brick, freshly made straight from
the village of Kuthur.

Tell us more about your propose LAFTI house…

My aim is to build 5,000 such homes measuring 200 sq.ft. each. The
villagers themselves will make the hollow bricks and provide labour
for construction. The house 'patta' will be given to the women. We are
looking at sponsors for each house which will be named after them.

What do the Awards, specially the Alternate Nobel Prize mean to you?

What can they mean to me? I really don't want these awards. Without my
work, my life is a waste. I want to give dwellings to the homeless and
the award money helps. I want every woman to have a dignified life and
a home. All this will surely abolish caste and give them hope. I
listen to Bhave's Thiruaruppa song every morning at 2.30 a.m. and shed
tears. When I am blessed to sit near him and listen to these words,
what are these awards?

Your message to the people of the country which you so diligently serve…

Please help me financially to realise my dream of giving Dalit women
homes. I appeal to every genuine heart to join me in this yagna.


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