Thursday, March 1, 2012

[ZESTCaste] Uttar Pradesh: The caste inertia

 

http://www.newstrackindia.com/newsdetails/2012/02/29/271537-Uttar-Pradesh-The-caste-inertia-.html

Uttar Pradesh: The caste inertia
Lucknow , Wed, 29 Feb 2012 ANI

Lucknow, Feb.29 (ANI): In Uttar Pradesh, you can spot an anti-Dalit
(socially backward Hindu caste) village from a distance.

In a state where 21.5 percent of the 35.1 million population consists
of Dalits, and all political parties beg for their votes, this caste
should have been able to rise above abject poverty and deprivation.

There is almost never a functional road leading to a village in UP,
and more so to a Dalit village. I walk half-a-mile on the dirt track
and head to an Ambedkar village where a transformation of sorts is
supposed to have taken place.

A water tank, which has never been cleaned, is the primary source of
drinking water. Next to it, women in bright coloured synthetic saris,
wash clothes, the dirt water flowing into the tank.

The stench of rotting garbage, animal and plant waste is overpowering.

Young children in shoeless feet and uncombed hair play on the
outskirts, instead of being in school. Dilapidated huts are
illuminated by cobwebbed light bulbs, as there is no electricity in
the village due to a broken transformer, and no washrooms.

The only house that has a gas cylinder belongs to the pradhan (village
headman). Goats are tied at random corners in the village. Only two
families own buffaloes, none own land. They work in the farms and
orchards of Pathans or Yadavs. Some have moved up a level to work in
lands owned by upper caste Rajputs. Their nails are chipped, as they
are farm labourers.

There is a small 'prathamik vidhyalay', a primary school in the
village, set up a few years ago under an Ambedkar Gram Sabha
Integrated Development Scheme introduced by Chief Minister Mayawati.

There are forty children who study here at any given time. There is
just one class for all of them from age four to ten, one teacher for
all subjects. A mid-day meal is cooked in a shed on a 'chullah'. The
kids bring their own plates. There is a mound of garbage in one corner
of the yard .On seeing my camera team; the headmistress gets around to
getting it cleaned.

Rukayya Khan, the teacher here, says, "it is very difficult for us to
keep the children interested in studies. They come from very poor
homes where both parents are uneducated. Some suffer from alcohol
abusive fathers. Very few of them go forward to middle school. They
drop out after the fourth grade. Some of the kids are sent to school
just because they get mid-day meals. Hopefully, with the 'Right to
Education Act', more funds will come into this sector and more middle
schools will be built closer to rural areas. I might get better
teaching aids."

Saroj Kumar Gautam is a Shiksha Mitr or "Education Friend" who is a
government appointee, and his sole job is to go from house to house,
everyday, urging reluctant parents to send their children to school.
He also helps children with their studies and chips in to do odd jobs
in the primary schoolhe disinterest is evident in the village.
Mithibai, a grandmother, thinks education is a waste of time. She
tells me that it gets them no jobs. Ultimately, the kids can only grow
up to be landless labourers, a fate similar to their forefathers.

I walk half a mile from the village to a mangrove where some men are
digging up a hard stone-covered ground. They are building a 'catch
road' under the Mahatma Gandhi Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme. They
earn Rs.125 per day. Two of them have headphones on and are listening
to Bollywood songs on their cell phones. None of them have been to
school or held jobs.

I am warned not to venture further into the mangrove as there are wild
dogs there and a tiger was spotted in the area some weeks ago.

I hastily head back to the village and catch up with the Shiksha Mitr
who is doing his final lap before reporting for election duty.

In the kuccha homes that I visit with him, there is no furniture, no
rugs, no books, and no toys. Some have stringed cots (charpoys), and
aluminium vessels. The job cards and voter ID cards are kept locked in
a trunk. Those are prized possessions.

Has there been any change in their lifestyle in the past five years?
No. Who do they blame? Government and fate. Who will they vote for?
Mayawati. Why? Because the Thakur and the Brahmin don't harm them
anymore. Is that because they fear Mayawati? Could be. Why not
Samajwadi Party? No particular reason. And the Congress? So long as
Indira Gandhi was around, not any more. BJP? They only take care of
Swarn Jaati (upper caste).

Mayawati, the Dalit icon, is in her fourth term as chief minister, yet
U.P. still tops in crimes against the backward castes and communities.
Atrocities continue; development is at a snail's pace. Uttar Pradesh
is a state where caste is the single most dominant factor in society.
Inter-caste marriages are rare even in towns and cities. In
classrooms, everybody is aware of each other's caste.

Political parties promise change and development, but in its villages
and towns, Uttar Pradesh seems to have given up.

In the India Shining, India Emerging, India Growing story, this state
has lagged behind and shows no signs of picking itself up and joining
the rest of the country. By Smita Prakash (ANI)

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[ZESTCaste] Maya faces irony of empowerment

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1120301/jsp/frontpage/story_15198544.jsp

Thursday , March 1 , 2012

Maya faces irony of empowerment
- Assertion gives voice to impatience
MANINI CHATTERJEE

Holi, heralding the onset of summer, is barely a week away but there
is still a chill in the air. The late afternoon sunshine casts a
mellow glow over the waters in the canal that runs neatly through the
fields that spread out to the far horizon. The narrow road that snakes
through green fields of swaying wheat shot with the bright yellow of
mustard in full bloom is equally neat and well laid.

It takes us barely 10 minutes to reach the interior village of
Lodhipur, about 4km off the main Akbarpur-Tanda road. Just a few years
ago, it would have taken hours of trudging through mud and slush to
get there.

The village comes as a bigger surprise. It is clean and sparkling,
lanes of brick or concrete have been laid out to connect the houses,
most of which are "pucca" and not the mud-and-thatch hovels of yore.
The primary school stands out prominently — glistening beneath a fresh
coat of white wash and boards displaying alphabets and numerals. On an
outside wall, details of the MNREGA scheme have been written down,
complete with numbers of a helpline for those who haven't got their
job cards. Of the 500-odd houses that fall under the gram sabha, more
than 350 have television, with TataSky dishes on every other roof.

Lodhipur, a village with over 45 per cent scheduled caste population,
qualifies to be declared an Ambedkar Village — the special scheme
which ensures targeted development of villages that had been cesspools
of squalor and neglect before the "social empowerment" in Uttar
Pradesh gathered pace.

It was given the tag but doesn't have it anymore. Even without that
special status, Lodhipur, in the heart of Mayawati's bastion of
Akbarpur district — which she has renamed Ambedkar Nagar — is a
heartwarming advertisement of what governments can do.

But an even bigger surprise awaits us. As a large group of villagers
gather, a young man with an air of easy confidence steps up to answer
our queries. "Badlav ka lehar chal raha hai, is baar to hum sab cycle
ko vote diye hain, (there is a wave for change and we have voted for
the cycle"). Is he a Yadav, by any chance, a stray supporter of
Samajwadi Party in a belt that is synonymous with Mayawati's "haathi"?

"Oh no," he says, and introduces himself as Rakesh Kumar Chamar — his
caste name no longer something to be ashamed of but referred to
matter-of-factly as a badge of identity.

But hasn't there been a lot of development here? "Haan, vikas to hua
hai par saath saath ghotala bhi bahut hua hai (Yes, there has been
development, but also a great deal of corruption)."

Now that Rakesh has spoken, others too join in. Their anger is
directed at the Akbarpur MLA, Ram Achal Rajbhar, who served as
transport minister in the Mayawati government.

"He would never do anything for us. He only helped his community of
Rajbhars, not us Chamars. And his men asked for money for every little
thing."

Of course, many Dalits will still vote for the BSP but Rakesh and his
kinsmen make it clear that they are not the BSP's "bandhua mazdoor"
(bonded labour) anymore.

Everyone wants change this time, and that includes a section of
Dalits, too. "When Behenji (Mayawati) was CM earlier, she was much
better because Kanshi Ram was there to guide her. But after she got
full majority, she depended on her ministers and they gave her wrong
advice," he adds, to approving nods of those around him.

The irony is that without Mayawati's politics of assertion, Rakesh
would never have acquired the confidence he has today. But empowerment
has also meant awareness and aspiration, impatience and restlessness.

An earlier generation was eternally grateful for the crumbs of
patronage that came their way; Rakesh takes it as a matter of right
and does not feel beholden to anybody, including "Behenji".

Lodhipur, we discover, is not an isolated pocket of rebellion. In all
of Ambedkar Nagar district — which has the five Assembly seats of
Akbarpur, Tanda, Katehari, Alapur and Jalalpur — incumbent BSP
legislators are facing a wave of anti-incumbency and the Samajwadi
Party is the biggest beneficiary.

This despite the fact that it has been, possibly, the most pampered
district in all of Uttar Pradesh. Mayawati had won the Akbarpur
parliamentary seat twice in the past. In 2007, the BSP won all five
Assembly segments and three of the five MLAs were made ministers.

Apart from rural development, the district has acquired a medical
college in Tanda, an engineering college near Akbarpur, two degree
colleges named after Ramabai and Savitribai Phule and a number of
polytechnics.

Yet, tales of BSP corruption have become part of local folklore. "Men
who could not afford a cycle now drive around in Scorpios" is a common
refrain. In Akbarpur town, a labourer who, like Rakesh, introduces
himself as "Paras Chamar", refers to minister Ram Achal's Man Friday
Daya Ram who charged money for every small thing. The local saying, he
adds, is, "Mantri ko vote chahiye, Daya Ram ko note chahiye". That is
why many in his village have voted for either the Congress or the
Samajwadi Party this time, to teach "Behenji" a lesson.

Our visit to Akbarpur is an eye-opener in other ways too, settling
many puzzling questions in the Uttar Pradesh elections as a whole. It
answers, for instance, why people talk about the "cycle" racing ahead
even though most have a lot more goodwill for the Congress and Rahul
Gandhi.

Two men we meet in Akbarpur town are confident that the Samajwadi
Party is set to win at least four of the five seats in the district
this time, Congress has a chance in the fifth. And no, they aren't
Yadavs either. One is Naveen Tripathi, a Brahmin, and his friend is
Mohammad Anis, a Muslim.

"Frankly," they tell us, "we were both backing the Congress this time.
We are no fans of Mulayam Singh Yadav or his son Akhilesh. But our
main objective this time is to defeat the BSP. Cycle ke liye lehar
nahin hai, is baar Baspa hatao ki lehar hai aur jo bhi baspa ko hara
sakta hai, usi ko log jitayenge (there is no wave in favour of the SP,
it is an anti-BSP wave and whoever is in a position to defeat the BSP
is getting all the votes)."

"And," they elaborate, "a couple of days before polling (on February
8), we realised that Congress candidate Amit Jaiswal was too weak to
defeat both the SP and the BSP. So we switched our vote to the SP."

But isn't there a danger of the return of SP's "goondagardi" that had
fuelled the Mayawati wave five years ago? "Yes," says Naveen, "we are
aware of that danger, though Mulayam has said he won't allow that to
happen this time. But if it does, we will vote them out too and bring
in the Congress next time. The Congress is waiting in the wings. We
all know that, don't we?"


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[ZESTCaste] Rahul engineers a Dalit touchstone to get a boost within the cabinet

 

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/indiahome/indianews/article-2108478/Rahul-engineers-Dalit-touchstone-policy.html?ito=feeds-newsxml

Rahul engineers a Dalit touchstone to get a boost within the cabinet

By Kay Benedict

Last updated at 1:23 AM on 1st March 2012

Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi's pro-Dalit agenda got a boost
with the Cabinet secretariat directing all ministries and departments
to consult the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) on
major policy matters affecting the community.

The secretariat, in its February 16 communiqué, has pointed out that
the NCSC and the Commission for Scheduled Tribes (CST) have not been
consulted, as envisaged under the Constitution, on major policy
initiatives affecting the two backward sections of the society.

Sources said Lok Sabha MP and NCSC chairperson P.L. Punia, who was
earlier Mayawati's Dalit strategist before joining the Congress and
was later handpicked by Rahul for his 'Mission 85' (to win maximum
reserved constituencies) in Uttar Pradesh, had pointed out the issue
of ministerial indifference towards Dalit issues.
Rahul Gandhi having dinner at a Dalit's house in the Mendki village of
Jhansi district

Rahul Gandhi having dinner at a Dalit's house in the Mendki village of
Jhansi district

The ministries and departments have been told to confer with the NCSC
through the social welfare ministry, under which it falls.

The ST commission, meanwhile, falls under the tribal affairs ministry.

The move has acquired political overtones with Rahul micro-managing
the issue of Dalit empowerment ahead of the crucial 2014 Lok Sabha
polls.

With UP accounting for about 22 per cent Dalits, Rahul had set up a
core team of four MPs, headed by Punia, to manage the assembly
election campaign in the 85 reserved constituencies in the state.
Rahul with the then UK foreign secretary David Miliband at an Amethi village

Rahul with the then UK foreign secretary David Miliband at an Amethi village

Young Lok Sabha MPs Ashok Tanwar (former president of Youth Congress
and NSUI), Manicka Tagore and Ponnam Prabhakar are other members in
the group.

The state, which sends 80 MPs to the Lok Sabha, is crucial to the
formation of government in Delhi in 2014. Punia, who is away
campaigning in UP, welcomed the circular.

Denying any political motive behind the move, he said: 'There is a
provision in the Constitution which makes it binding on the
ministries/departments to consult the commission.'
Rahul shares a meal at a Dalit hamlet in Shravasti district

Rahul shares a meal at a Dalit hamlet in Shravasti district

For proper empowerment of Dalits, action need to be taken at the
policy-making level, he said.

The government note inter alia said: 'The ministries/departments are
advised to ensure that the National Commission for SCs or STs, as the
case may be, shall mandatorily be consulted by them before the
finalisation of notes for consideration of the Cabinet.'

Section (9) of Article 338 of the Constitution stipulates that 'the
Union and every state government shall consult' the commissions while
Clause 5(c) of the same article requires the SC and ST commissions to
advise ministries on 'the planning process for socio-economic
development' of the two sections and evaluate the progress of the
policies.
Realty dreams weigh heavy on UP's 'green'

By AJAY KUMAR

What is described as the Harit Pradesh of Uttar Pradesh is fast
becoming a concrete jungle, courtesy the unholy nexus between the
administration and the builders.

Mathura, Noida, Meerut have fallen to the insatiable greed of the
builders who are dictating the agenda for the 'development' of these
towns, in which farmers are the direct casualty.

The twin towns of Mathura and Vrindawan are a case in point.

Over 700 crores have been spent by the Mayawati government to repair
roads, improve drainage, and plant trees in Vrindawan.

Contrast this with Mathura. Rickety roads, chocked drains, just seven
hours of power supply a day and traffic jams.

But the reason behind the difference in the infrastructure of two
cities lies more in the realty demand than the indifference of the
administration. Builder Purushutam Sharma alias Lalu Gayawale said:
'It's a one-window corruption system. Pay money to associates of the
CM, get your project approved.

BSP rule is far better as compared to the SP regime in which we had to
run from pillar to post and pay bribe to a number of people.

Not anymore. Builders never had it so good in UP.' Baanke Bihari
Temple head priest, K.D. Goswami, blamed it on state administration
and local politicians. 'Nothing has changed for the past 15 years.

Industry is shutting down and the unemployed youth either takes to
crime or migrate to Delhi.'

Sitting BSP MLA Ashok Aggarwal, who is contesting on a SP ticket this
time, claimed that CM Mayawati's ill-treatment to his constituency
forced him to leave the party.

Former minister and BJP heavy weight, Ravi Kant Garg, said since
nearly 35 per cent of voters in Harit Pradesh are Muslims no party is
talking about development.

'All they talk about is quota. But it is us who are blamed for
polarising the Hindu voters.'

In Meerut - which has nearly 40 per cent Muslim voters - several
fringe parties such as the Muslim League and Peace Party have fielded
candidates and will play spoilsport for Congress or the SP. Adil
Chaudhary, SP candidate from Meerut, said: 'Development of Meerut is
linked with the fate of Muslims. Muslims form the backbone of the
area, as they are the landless workers, artisans and do most of the
menial jobs.'

Meerut district Congress chief Salim Bharti, claimed that builders
were doing a good job, but cautioned that 'Rahulji has promised that
Bhatta-Parsaul will not be repeated here'.

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Wednesday, February 29, 2012

[ZESTCaste] Are We Ready For Spiritual Democracy? (Kancha Ilaiah)

http://www.eurasiareview.com/29022012-are-we-ready-for-spiritual-democracy-oped/

Are We Ready For Spiritual Democracy? – OpEd

Written by: Eurasia Review
February 29, 2012

By Kancha Ilaiah

Whether the concept "spiritual democracy" is tenable and has the
potential to reform the spiritual systems that are locked up in caste
cultures is being debated in certain intellectual circles in India of
late. In my view this debate has global implications as well.

The concept of democracy came into play with the notion that power
relations cannot be stagnant and hereditary. Though the concept of
republic has its roots in the tribal socio-spiritual and political
set-up, it had something to do with the notion of creating collective
consent around the hereditary spiritual, social and political power of
tribal heads. Democracy and republicanism, though, are interrelated:
one relates to the question of power rotations and the other basically
relates to the process of electing the power wielder.

Once the spiritual system transformed from the totemic worship stage
and moved on to become a largely organised priesthood in the spiritual
realm and monarchy in the political realm, what laid the foundation
for authoritarianism in the entire socio-spiritual and political
domain was spiritual dynasticism, casteism and authoritarianism. The
masses, for the most part of human history, feared spiritual authority
more than political authority. Spiritual authority always invoked the
power of a supernatural entity in one form or the other. It is that
which made people unnaturally obedient.

For a long time in the history of human power relations, spiritual
power controlled political power and social power. The debate on the
centralised, hegemonic Roman Catholic papacy is all too well known.
The stranglehold of that most powerful papacy was shattered by Martin
Luther King's spiritual reformation revolt.. Earlier, Machiavelli's
secular-theoretical revolt and Henry VIII's rebellion had led to
separation of the Church of England from the Roman Catholic Church.
Buddhist spiritual thought held sway from the days of King Ashoka to
Pusyamitra Sunga's (the first Brahmin ruler, 185-151 BCE) violent
overthrow of the Buddhist Mauryan dynasty. The real Kautilyan state,
with Manu dharma as its legal code, came into existence during
Pusyamitra Sunga's regime.

In this period, the Vedic spiritual agency was kept above the king. As
Kautilya himself suggested, in every Hindu (at that time, Brahminic)
state, the priest should be above the king. Neither Indian Buddhism
nor Hinduism could produce a secular revolutionary of the stature of
Machiavelli or Henry VIII in the political realm at any time.

In the pre-Christian era, one could notice a major difference between
the European and Indian processes of power relations. In the
Greco-Roman systems there does not appear to be any firmly established
spiritual power structure and hence the state operated on its own. But
in India, since the days of Vedic authority, spiritual
authoritarianism established a very hegemonic control over the
political authority. Buddhism tried to weaken the Vedic hegemony,
leading to constant conflicts between Vedism and Buddhism. But that
conflict never unsettled the caste hierarchy.

After 900 years of Muslim and British rule, a modern Indian, Pandit
Jawaharlal Nehru, became the first ruler playing a very modern
Machiavellian role and created an Indian secular state within the
Hindu spiritual system. This was done in many nuanced ways, and that
is what has moulded Indian democracy into a semi-secular system.

In the Islamic world also, the spiritual power controlled the
political power, and that continues even now. Hence, separation of the
mosque from the state through the subordination of religious power to
state power remains an unresolved problem. All the Muslim nations that
encountered the Arab Spring are in a philosophical crisis of
separating spiritual power and political power. It's difficult to say
what kind of secularism will come into operation in these nations.

The modern Buddhist world — of course, India now is outside of it —
hangs between Marxist democracies (China, Vietnam and North Korea) and
monarchical democracies (Japan and South Korea). The state in those
countries controls religion more than in any other political system.

Political systems where the spiritual system faced ideological
upheavals transformed along with the spiritual system. Christian
spiritual societies in the West have shown this inter-relationship,
where spiritual reformation and political revolutions went hand in
hand. The Islamic world is now undergoing spiritual and political
transformation. In India, now that democracy combines in itself the
power shift from colonial authority to the common citizen, that too
through elections, the spiritual system will have to transform in a
commensurate manner.

The Brahminic intelligentsia is facing that challenge seriously. Hindu
religion and Catholic Christianity in India have not yet become
individually mobile or caste-wise transformative. If the Hindu
spiritual hierarchy is in the firm grip of Brahmins, the Catholic
hierarchy is in the grip of Brahmin-Sudra upper castes. While the
Hindu temple system is under the government endowments department, the
Catholic diocese are run by autonomous bodies.

The only way to democratise caste-controlled spiritual institutions is
to introduce reservations into these structures to break the monopoly
of castes, and train spiritual personnel through an open, transparent
admission into theological schools and colleges. One definite
condition that should be followed when one seeks admission into such
schools is that candidates should belong to that religion. In this
case religion should be treated like nationality.

History shows us that unless religion gets de-casteised, the caste
system does not go. Western Christianity got democratised by creating
structures of mobility of classes within the spiritual system. It
helped, of course, that there was no caste system. But in India, caste
and class are so intertwined that we need to strike at the base of
caste immobility.

The introduction of measures for mobility of caste in political,
educational and employment spheres is not changing the social value of
caste because its spiritual value has not been changed. Even in Indian
Islam there is influence of caste culture. Christianity and Indian
Buddhism (the Navayana Buddhism is essentially Dalit Buddhism now)
also suffer from it though this is not as visible as it is in
Hinduism. Such mobility of castes and individuals within the spiritual
system, in my view, is part of spiritual democracy.

Spiritual democracy would change the basic relation between God on the
one head and caste and individual on the other. It would address
frozen modes of dress codes, food culture and man-woman relations. It
would address, more fundamentally, the notions of purity and
pollution. The role of the Indian democratic state in this sphere is
critical.

One significant thing that happened during colonial and post-colonial
political reform was that religion was institutionally subordinated to
the state. This is a great change that took place in India. The credit
for putting that course firmly on track goes to B.R. Ambedkar and
Nehru. But from here on, we need to push democratic mobility into
institutionalised spiritual structures. This is not an impossible
task.

The writer is director, Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion and
Inclusive Policy, Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad

This article appeared at The Asian Age
http://www.asianage.com/print/129807 and is reprinted with permission.


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[ZESTCaste] Dr. D. Purandeswari Launches Portal for Implementation of NSIGSE

http://pib.nic.in/newsite/erelease.aspx?relid=80578

28-February, 2012 17:03 IST
Dr. D. Purandeswari Launches Portal for Implementation of NSIGSE

Dr. D. Purandeswari, Minister of State for Human Resource Development
launched a web portal for implementation of the National Scheme of
Incentive to Girls for Secondary Education (NSIGSE) here today. Also
present were Smt. Anshu Vaish, Secretary, Department of School
Education & Literacy and Shri A.K. Gupta Executive Director, Canara
Bank.

The Centrally Sponsored Scheme 'National Scheme of Incentive to Girls
for Secondary Education" was launched in May 2008 with the objective
to establish an enabling environment to reduce the drop-outs and to
promote the enrolment of girl child belonging mainly to SC/ST
communities in secondary schools. As per the scheme, a sum of Rs.
3,000 is deposited in the name of eligible girls as fixed deposit, who
are entitled to withdraw it along with interest threon reaching 18
years of age and after passing out in 10th class examination. The
scheme covers (i) all girls belonging to SC/ST communities , who pass
class VIII and (ii) all girls who pass VII examination from Kasturba
Gandhi Balika Vidyalayas (irrespective of whether they belong to
SC/ST) and enroll in class IX in Government, Government –aided and
local Body schools. 100% funds are provided by the Central Government
for the Scheme. Canara bank is the implementing agency for the scheme.

Sanctions covering 843026 girls from 26 states/UTs have so far been
issued since launch of the scheme in May 2008 involving an expenditure
of Rs. 252.90 crore. Approximately 105000 beneficiary girls have
become eligible to receive the maturity amount and are being paid the
incentive amount subject to fulfilling the conditions.

The Canara Bank has developed a web based portal to implement the
scheme. The portal will facilitate on line submission of data of the
beneficiaries and on line disbursement of the amount on the day of the
maturity into their accounts directly after certification by the State
Nodal Officer on line that the beneficiary is 18 years old and passed
class X examination.

With the operationalization of the web portal, the proposals under the
scheme will be submitted by the State Governments on line. This will
eliminate the possibility of feeding incorrect data and bank account
numbers which was the major cause for delay in the processing of the
proposals and ensure error free entry of data and timely release of
funds. The on-line system will also ensure total transparency and
quicker disbursement of benefits to the beneficiary girls and on time
submission of proposals by the State Governments.

MV/GK
(Release ID :80578)


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