Tuesday, November 2, 2010

[ZESTCaste] What drives the Dalits to Christianity?

http://www.hindu.com/br/2010/11/02/stories/2010110253351700.htm

What drives the Dalits to Christianity?

BHUPENDRA YADAV

DALIT THEOLOGY IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY — Discordant Voices,
Discerning Pathways: Edited by Sathianathan Clarke, Deenbandhu
Manchala, Philip Vinod Peacock; Oxford University Press, YMCA Library
Building, Jai Singh Road, New Delhi-110001. Rs. 745.

Although Christian missionaries of various denominations have been
active in India for several centuries, the 1941 Census placed the
number of Christians in colonial India at just 1.6 per cent of the
population. This clearly indicates that the main objective of the
British rulers was colonial domination and economic exploitation, not
religious conversion.

According to the 2001 Census, Christians constituted 2.3 per cent of
India's population. This rise of 0.7 percentage point in their numbers
over six decades has been a matter of debate. Starting with the Niyogi
Commission (1956) down to a Supreme Court's 1977 ruling, conversion
has been a highly contentious issue, sometimes inviting frowns from
officialdom and the judiciary. Hence the interest in the question
whether the Dalit converts to Christianity have indeed been seduced by
proselytising missionaries to "change Gods."

Urban artisans and people in the lower middle class have generally
turned against their established faiths throughout history.
Urbanisation gave these people a "greater access to religious
preachers, to literacy, to education and books, to a great variety of
personal relations, and to greater riches of urban culture," says
David Lorenzen in his introduction to Bhakti Religion in North India:
Community Identity and Political Action (1995). A distinct feature of
the Dalits who embraced Christianity is that a vast majority of them
are from the poorest sections in villages, not urbanites.

According to John Webster ( Religion and Dalit Liberation:1999),
changing the religion is one of the 'strategies' the Dalit communities
adopted in their struggle to secure social justice and equality. The
other four were: acquiring political power; securing as much
independence as possible from the dominant castes; initiating
reformist measures to reduce prejudices among themselves; and
deploying cultural modes of communication, like literature and
theatre, for conscientisation. Dalit theology has grown out of this
practice of changing religion. We have Christological reflections in
M.E. Prabhakar-edited Toward a Dalit Theology (1989), and
methodological formulations in Arvind Nirmal's Reader in Dalit
Theology (1992), and biblical reinterpretations in V. Devashyam's
Frontiers of Dalit Theology (1997).

This book presents, in three parts, 16 well-researched essays on
different themes by theologians and teachers and is a mine of profound
concepts and serious ideas on ecumenical social thought, myths of
Dalit origins, and so on. Does the 'Dalit Theology' have anything to
do with 'Liberation Theology'? Sadly, the points of
convergence/divergence between the Dalit Theology and the South
American Liberation Theology are not discussed in this book. One of
the reasons could be that Sathianathan Clarke, an editor of this
volume, has already authored a tome on the subject titled Dalits and
Christianity: Subaltern Religion and Liberation Theology in India
(1998). Yet, the omission is a real shortcoming.

From Punjab to Tamil Nadu, there have been a lot of conversions for
well over a century. What leads the Dalits to Christianity? Does
anything change for the better after conversion? It emerges that,
despite conversion, the Dalit Christians continue to be denied "land,
water and dignity." And the women among them have to bear the double
cross of 'lowest caste' and 'womanhood.' Sujatha, a woman tricked into
unwed motherhood, is told: "The palm leaf is torn, whether it falls on
a thorn or a thorn falls on it."

The relevance of the book stands enhanced in the context of the spate
of violent attacks by the Hindutva forces as a backlash to religious
conversions in recent years. The worst of these were witnessed in 2007
and 2008 in Kandhamal (Orissa), the target being the meek Dalit
Christians from the Pana caste. Dalit conversions are not a calamity
but they throw up situations of "slippery identities and shrewd
identifications," say Clarke and Peacock epigrammatically.


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[ZESTCaste] Geetha Uses Dalit Card To Counter-attack TRS

http://www.greatandhra.com/viewnews.php?id=24600&cat=15&scat=16

Geetha Uses Dalit Card To Counter-attack TRS

Published Date : 01-Nov-2010 08:05:54 GMT

The attempted attack by the Telangana Rashtra Samithi activists led by
Siddipet MLA T Harish Rao on the residence of Information Minister J
Geetha Reddy led to a tense situation in Hyderabad.

Early in the morning, Harish Rao led hundreds of party workers and
stormed Geetha's residence at Marredpally. They blocked the entrance
of the house and ransacked the premises. They raised slogans like
"Geetha Reddy Telangana Drohi," and "Down Down Geetha Reddy." But
before she was gheraoed, she went out through the rear gate and rushed
to Sangareddy to participate in the AP Formation Day celebrations.

Later, Geetha Reddy tried to turn tables on the TRS activists. She
alleged that the TRS leaders had attacked her house and hospital only
because she was a Dalit woman. "They had no concern for Dalits and
women. It clearly shows their contempt towards me," she alleged.


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[ZESTCaste] Former manual scavengers demand apology from government

http://www.hindu.com/2010/11/02/stories/2010110252320900.htm

Front Page

Former manual scavengers demand apology from government

Vidya Subrahmaniam

They narrate their accounts of pain and humiliation

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
"We will never again go back to that life of shame and indignity"

Provide quota for community in higher education: Aruna Roy
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

New Delhi: The capital's Constitution Club resounded on Monday to
cries of "Jai Bhim" as a huge gathering of former manual scavengers
rose as one to demand an apology from the government for the wrongs
done to the community. "Apologise now for the violation of our
dignity," they said.

The choice of venue, with portraits of Babasaheb Ambedkar forming the
backdrop, was perhaps intendedly ironic. It was to remind the country
of its failure to redeem its pledge towards the most wretched of its
citizens — the Scheduled Castes, and among them, those condemned to
the obnoxious practice of manual scavenging. Sixty years after the
Constitution abolished untouchability and decreed all citizens to be
equal and free, one section continued to be subjected to the most
abhorrent of all human rights violations.

Expectedly the audience roared in approval, each time a liberated
"safai karamchari" narrated her personal story of sufferings and vowed
never again to go back to "that life of shame and indignity." The
speeches were punctuated by shouts of sukhi roti khayenge, maila nahi
uthayenge (it does not matter if we have nothing to eat, we will not
do manual scavenging) and "apologise, apologise." Each speaker spoke
in her native tongue but the accounts of pain and humiliation were
similar.

Anita, a former manual scavenger from Uttar Pradesh, said she and her
mother worked long hours, often without water, because they were
outcasts who could not touch any utensils. Anita wanted to know if
India had really gained Independence. "I will celebrate Independence
Day when we are treated as equals." Saroj from Haryana spoke of people
covering their noses and waving her away in disgust. Anita from Punjab
said she once slipped and fell while in an advanced stage of
pregnancy. As no one gave her a hand, she lay covered in excreta.

The star of the day was the spit-fire Umayal from Tamil Nadu.
Recalling her school days, she said she used to be made to stand in a
corner and was ordered to bring her own plate because her mother
cleaned human excreta. "This is happening even today. I want to ask
the government: You spend so much money on advertising on TV. Why
can't you use some of it to spread awareness about us? Why can't my
children study? Why can't they become Collectors? Why not? Why not?"
The tearful Umayal was led away to screams of "apologise, apologise"
from the audience.

Social activist Aruna Roy asked for reservation for the community, not
in sweeper categories, but in higher education and in the higher
bureaucracy.

Communist Party of India general secretary D. Raja said the clean-up
should begin from the Railways which was the largest employer of
manual scavengers. "If this is not a national shame, what is," he
asked, wondering at the paradox of a government willing to spend
Rs.70,000 crore on the Commonwealth Games but not mustering the will
to uplift the manual scavenging community.

The Safai Karmachari Andolan has demanded a comprehensive
rehabilitation package, including stringent punishment to those found
to be employing manual scavengers in violation of the Manual
Scavengers and Dry Latrine Construction (Prohibition) Act, 1993.


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[ZESTCaste] Former manual scavengers demand apology from government

 

Former manual scavengers demand apology from government

Vidya Subrahmaniam

http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article863436.ece

The capital's Constitution Club resounded on Monday to cries of “Jai Bhim” as a huge gathering of former manual scavengers rose as one to demand an apology from the government for the wrongs done to the community. “Apologise now for the violation of our dignity,” they said.

The choice of venue, with portraits of Babasaheb Ambedkar forming the backdrop, was perhaps intendedly ironic. It was to remind the country of its failure to redeem its pledge towards the most wretched of its citizens â€" the Scheduled Castes, and among them, those condemned to the obnoxious practice of manual scavenging. Sixty years after the Constitution abolished untouchability and decreed all citizens to be equal and free, one section continued to be subjected to the most abhorrent of all human rights violations.

Expectedly the audience roared in approval, each time a liberated “safai karamchari” narrated her personal story of sufferings and vowed never again to go back to “that life of shame and indignity.” The speeches were punctuated by shouts of sukhi roti khayenge, maila nahi uthayenge (it does not matter if we have nothing to eat, we will not do manual scavenging) and “apologise, apologise.” Each speaker spoke in her native tongue but the accounts of pain and humiliation were similar.

Anita, a former manual scavenger from Uttar Pradesh, said she and her mother worked long hours, often without water, because they were outcasts who could not touch any utensils. Anita wanted to know if India had really gained Independence. “I will celebrate Independence Day when we are treated as equals.” Saroj from Haryana spoke of people covering their noses and waving her away in disgust. Anita from Punjab said she once slipped and fell while in an advanced stage of pregnancy. As no one gave her a hand, she lay covered in excreta.

The star of the day was the spit-fire Umayal from Tamil Nadu. Recalling her school days, she said she used to be made to stand in a corner and was ordered to bring her own plate because her mother cleaned human excreta. “This is happening even today. I want to ask the government: You spend so much money on advertising on TV. Why can't you use some of it to spread awareness about us? Why can't my children study? Why can't they become Collectors? Why not? Why not?” The tearful Umayal was led away to screams of “apologise, apologise” from the audience.

Social activist Aruna Roy asked for reservation for the community, not in sweeper categories, but in higher education and in the higher bureaucracy.

Communist Party of India general secretary D. Raja said the clean-up should begin from the Railways which was the largest employer of manual scavengers. “If this is not a national shame, what is,” he asked, wondering at the paradox of a government willing to spend Rs.70,000 crore on the Commonwealth Games but not mustering the will to uplift the manual scavenging community.

The Safai Karmachari Andolan has demanded a comprehensive rehabilitation package, including stringent punishment to those found to be employing manual scavengers in violation of the Manual Scavengers and Dry Latrine Construction (Prohibition) Act, 1993.

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[ZESTCaste] Throwing off the yoke of manual scavenging

 

Throwing off the yoke of manual scavenging

-Vidya Subrahmaniam

http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article850934.ece


The obnoxious practice will continue in one form or the other, as long as the government and society treat certain so-called menial jobs as the preserve of one community.

On November 1, a unique journey will come to a ceremonious end in Delhi. Earlier this month, five bus loads of men and women headed out from different corners of the country with one slogan on their lips: honour and liberation for those still trapped in the horror of manual scavenging.

When the protesters (most of them former manual scavengers) set out on their mission, they knew that the Samajjik Parivartan Yatra (national rally for social transformation) would have to be more than a petition to the government. A comprehensive rehabilitation package was undoubtedly at the core of the yatra's demands. But there was equally another objective: To motivate the remaining members of the scavenging community to throw off the yoke â€" on their own, without waiting for a package. Bezwada Wilson, convenor of the Safai Karamacharis Andolan (SKA) and the brain behind the rally, explains the concept of self-liberation: “Manual scavenging is a blot on humanity, and if you engage in it, it is a crime you commit on yourself. So, don't wait for the government, break free.”

Given the depth of emotion in this message, it will be a double crime if the government does not do everything in its power to hasten the process of liberation. Perhaps that is why, on October 25, the Sonia Gandhi-led National Advisory Council proposed a far-reaching package of reforms to end the practice. Nonetheless, the irony is inescapable. Sixty-three years after Independence, India is still debating the best way to lift manual scavengers out of their collective misery.

Mr. Wilson was a young boy when his family in Karnataka sent him away to study in a school across the border in Andhra Pradesh. He came home for holidays but felt out of place in a community whose defining feature was the uncontrolled violence of its menfolk. It was the early 1970s and they lived in a large, grimy neighbourhood around the edges of the Kolar Gold township. The evenings were always the same. The men would get into a drunken rage and assault the women senseless. The pattern of male aggression and female submission was common to most feudal, patriarchal societies, but even by this yardstick, the violence was excessive.

The teenager knew he had been born to a family of sweepers. The local school he went to as a child was segregated and was known by a swear word. But that still did not explain the anger that erupted around him. His father, a retired government employee, and his brother, mysteriously employed in an unnamed place, stonewalled his questions. Determined, the boy followed his brother to his workplace, where the horror of manual scavenging hit him like a million lashes.

Mr. Wilson learnt that he and his family were part of a huge community of manual scavengers that serviced the Kolar Gold township. They physically lifted and carried human excreta from the township's network of dry latrines. He could now see where the violence came from. But he could also see the unfairness of it all on the women who formed 85 per cent of the manual scavenging workforce. The women of his community were victims thrice over: they were outcasts even among Dalits; they were despised and shunned for the work they did, and they were physically abused by the men who saw the beatings as an outlet for their frustrations.

The employment of humans to clean human faeces was unarguably the worst violation of human rights anywhere in the world. The degrading act stripped the individual of her dignity while the constant handling of excreta brought in its wake crippling illnesses and infections that went untreated because the community bore the cross of untouchability. Over the next decade-and-a-half, Mr. Wilson worked at educating the elders and spreading awareness about the dehumanising aspect of their occupation. But it was difficult to organise a community that was simply unprepared to give up its job.

This was a baffling paradox. On the one hand, there was the daily ritual of the men drinking and getting violent to forget the pain and humiliation of manual scavenging. At the same time, there was a sense of ownership about the job. “It is our job,” they told Mr. Wilson, vastly complicating his effort simultaneously to organise them, fight the company management that employed them, and push the government towards banning the occupation and rehabilitating the workers.

Mr. Wilson told The Hindu, “Our people had internalised their oppression. They saw themselves as a condemned lot, it was their fate, they had to do this work.” If the manual scavenging community, now included among the safai karamcharis (sweepers) to diminish the ugliness of the act, owned up its work due to an acute lack of self-worth, those higher in the caste hierarchy compounded the injury by perpetuating the myth that toilet cleaning and allied activities, like sweeping and picking up garbage, could only be done by the valmiki Dalits, also known as dom, hela, hadi, arundatiyar, madiga, relli, pakhis, chekilliyars, etc.

Incredibly, the ridiculous notion prevailed even at the level of governments â€" and it continues to prevail â€" with job reservation for the Scheduled Castes translating as the Dalit castes forming the majority of workforce in Class IV and lower categories. Whatever the official explanation for this, this was nothing if not the Varna system by diktat.

The insensitivity of officialdom to manual scavenging can be seen from the length of time it took India to formally ban the practice. The Constitution abolished untouchability once and for all in 1950. The Protection of Civil Rights Act, which prescribed punishments for untouchability, followed in 1955, and The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act came in 1989. But manual scavenging, which is untouchability at its most violent, was prohibited by legislation only in 1993. The Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act came into force 46 years after Independence.

Far worse, manual scavenging continues to this day, with many Central and State government departments themselves employing manual scavengers in violation of the 1993 Act. The worst offender in this respect has been the Union Ministry of Railways: the open discharge system of toilets in train carriages results in excreta having to be manually lifted off the tracks. Many municipalities too continue to use dry latrines.

In 2003, the Supreme Court directed all the State governments to file affidavits on manual scavenging, taking a serious view of a PIL petition filed by the SKA and 18 other social action groups. The Uttar Pradesh government admitted to the practice as did the Railway Ministry. But most other State governments brazenly lied that their States were “free from manual scavenging.” The SKA, which has an entire library devoted to the documentation of the practice, has clinching photographs and data that establish the lie. The Andolan estimates that there are currently over 3 lakh manual scavengers, down from 13 lakh a decade ago. However, it attributes the declining numbers as much to voluntary liberation as to official intervention.

So far, manual scavenging has been tackled at two levels: The conversion of dry latrines into pour-flush toilets and the rehabilitation of those engaged in the practice. The rehabilitation itself has been terribly half-hearted; a shocking report in The Hindu shows that the district administration in Ambala fired manual scavengers it had re-employed as sweepers. The crucial issue, therefore, is a vital third element: the de-stigmatisation of the so-called menial jobs via changes in recruitment patterns and policies. Without this overhaul, manual scavenging will continue in one form or another.

It is also necessary to expand the definition of manual scavenging to include other kinds of unhygienic toilet cleaning. The Union Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation has been overseeing the elimination of dry latrines since 2004. According to the Ministry, the numbers of dry latrines have declined from a total of 6 lakh in six States to about 2.4 lakh in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Uttarakhand.

But significantly the Ministry makes the point that while dry latrines may be on their way out, this does not necessarily mean the end of manual cleaning of excreta. A recent paper prepared by HUPA says that in the poorer areas in many towns and cities, the dry latrines have given way to “bahao” latrines. These are not connected to septic tanks or underground pits but flow out directly into open drainage, resulting in the “sludge and excreta” having to be manually removed. Says the paper: “These unsanitary latrines require continuous cleaning, which is done by municipal staff and almost always manually, with the most rudimentary appliances.”

And no prizes for guessing which castes form the municipal staff. As Union Minister for HUPA Kumari Selja says: “It is ultimately about attitudes. As long as society treats toilet cleaning and sweeping as menial jobs to be done only by certain members of the caste system, it will be difficult to end the obnoxious practice. The scavenging and sweeping community will be truly liberated when cleaning jobs become respectable with the workforce drawn from all communities.”

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