Latest News Update

Wednesday, June 30, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Parliamentary Committee to visit Mirchpur on July 2

http://www.ptinews.com/news/753524_Parliamentary-Committee-to-visit-Mirchpur-on-July-2

Parliamentary Committee to visit Mirchpur on July 2

STAFF WRITER 16:53 HRS IST
Hisar (Har), Jun 30 (PTI) Parliamentary Committee on the Welfare of SC
and ST will visit Mirchpur village on July 2, which had witnessed a
caste violence in April, to take stock of the steps taken by the state
administration to provide relief and rehabilitation to the victims.

The 30-member Parliamentary team will meet the affected families, take
stock of relief and rehabilitation measures taken by the state
government and will suggest steps for resettling the victims in their
own village, an official spokesman said here today.

On April 21, a 70-year-old man and his teenaged physically challenged
daughter were burnt alive and several others were injured when members
of a particular community torched several houses belonging to dalits
in Mirchpur.

The incident was triggered when a dog barked at a youth, belonging to
the pre-dominant Jat community, when he was passing by some dalits
houses in the village.

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[ZESTCaste] Hills show way forward for tribals

http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Swaminomics/entry/hills-show-way-forward-for?utm_source=twitterfeed&utm_medium=twitter

Hills show way forward for tribals

S A Aiyar, 27 June 2010, 12:30 AM IST
So you think that Indian tribals are utterly downtrodden, oppressed
and bypassed by national economic development? You think activists are
right to view Maoist insurgency as a tribal blessing and the only way
forward for such an oppressed group?

Think again. No less than 17.1% of tribals own colour TVs, 46.6% have
bicycles, 20% have two-wheelers, 12.5% have life insurance and 8.5%
have refrigerators. That is below the national average of course, but
nothing like the stark deprivation painted by activists.

These startling figures come from Caste in a Different Mould by
Rajesh Shukla, Sunil Jain and Preeti Kakkar. The book draws on major
household surveys by the National Council on Applied Economic
Research, especially one in 2004-05. Its main finding is that caste
matters much less than people think, while education and location
matter much more.

That is good news. The OBCs (other backward castes) show no sign of
suffering from discrimination — their income and durables ownership
shares are roughly in line with population share. The share of dalits
and tribals is below the national average, but not nearly as far below
as activists and Maoists would have you believe.

India's average annual household income in 2004-05 was Rs 65,041.
Upper caste households averaged Rs 86,690, higher than the national
average but not dramatically so. Tribals averaged Rs 40,753, lower
than the national average but not dramatically so.

Cynics will say this is too good to be true. Academic Pratap Bhanu
Mehta expresses surprise in an introductory chapter that inequality
seems so low. Tribals account for 8% of the population and 5.2% of
national income. This inequality is strikingly modest.

In the US, the bottom quintile (bottom 20%) of the population gets
only 3% of the national income. In India, the bottom quintile gets
twice as much. Tribals and dalits account for 24.8% of the population
and as much as 17% of national income, clear evidence that some are
well off.

One-third of tribals are in the lowest quintile, but as many as 4% of
them are well off and in the top quintile. Differences between
tribals are as great as all-India differences. Hence block benefits
for all tribals (such as job reservation) are not warranted.

Tribal households in hill states average an annual income of Rs
72,052, well above the national average. In other states, tribal
income rises in line with state incomes. Tribals average Rs 30,939 per
year in low-income states, Rs 44,533 in middle-income states, and Rs
53,176 in high-income states.

Laws on reservation (and most analyses) make no distinction between
tribals in different areas. That is a terrible mistake. Tribals in
hill states are privileged, not deprived. The tribal north-eastern
states have the benefit of low population, high literacy (boosted
initially by Christian missionary schools), and extensive road
networks built for defence purposes in these border areas. The
north-east also benefits from huge infusions of Central money and
substantial income from smuggling. Violent clashes are common in the
north-east too, but these are not Maoist: they relate to secession
(Nagaland) or inter-tribal tensions (Manipur and the Bodo
territories).

Hill tribals constitute a creamy layer, absolutely non-comparable with
illiterate tribals in the central Indian jungles. Missionaries worked
in the central jungles too, but the number of tribals there was
infinitely larger, so the impact on literacy was correspondingly
small.

Tribals in low-income states like Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh earn
slightly less than half the national average. This is a pity, but
hardly represents a hopeless state of deprivation justifying violent
insurrection. Like me, most readers will be astonished that tribals
are not worse off in even the most inhospitable locations. Tribals in
these locations can double their incomes by migrating to higher income
states, and even more (to Rs 85,023 per year) by migrating to big
cities.

Illiterate upper castes earn 1.4 times as much as illiterate tribals.
This suggests a modest degree of discrimination. But a graduate tribal
earns 3.7 times as much as an illiterate one. Among upper castes,
graduates earn 4.2 times as much as illiterates. Clearly education
provides a way forward for everybody.

This suggests the foundation of a proactive strategy to combat the
socio-economic appeal of Maoism in tribal areas. First, roads and
other infrastructure are needed to improve economic possibilities and
migration opportunities. Second, education is needed to create skills
and lift potential incomes.

The combined effect of infrastructure and education can lift tribals
above the national average, as has been achieved in the hill states.
The task will be much harder in the central Indian jungles. But it can
be done. And it will benefit tribals far more than the supposed
blessings of Maoist rule.

------------------------------------

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[ZESTCaste] Fwd: MA in Gender, Culture and Development Studies [3 Attachments]

[Attachment(s) from Siddhartha Kumar included below]

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: <wsc@unipune.ac.in>
Date: Wed, Jun 30, 2010 at 9:42 AM
Subject: MA in Gender, Culture and Development Studies
To: wsc@unipune.ac.in

Dear Friends,

Jai Bhim from all of us at Krantijyoti Savitribai Phule Women's Studies
Centre, University of Pune. We would like to bring to your notice
information regarding our interdisciplinary postgraduate programme - MA
in Gender, Culture and Development Studies. The admission process for this
course shall begin in another fortnight.

Krantijyoti Savitribai Phule Women's Studies Centre at the University of
Pune is one of the few centres which sees the gender question as
essentially linked to the caste question in India. The courses and
research at this centre have focused on Phule-Ambedkarite/abrahmani
feminisms in India. The Centre's MA course has been planned in ways that
will encourage students to think critically, develop
reading,comprehension, argumentation skills through bridge courses. The
Course is a part of the centre's commitment to reinventing higher
education to address the question of
egalitarianism in the practices and content of higher education.

We are keen to have students who want to join us in this exercise of
transforming Higher Education. The Navajbai Ratan Tata Trust offers 4
Fellowships to students in the Masters and Diploma Programme. Limited
seats in the university hostel for both boys and girls are available. The
Centre may assist informally in finding suitable accomodation for other
out-station students. The Earn-and-Learn Scheme of the University can also
be availed by students.

We request you to pass this information to members of your network and
others who you think will be interested in doing an MA in Gender, Culture
and Development Studies. We have attached the following with this email
which can be forwarded to those interested:

1. Write up on MA course (introducing the course and the centre)
2. MA course flyer (capsule shot of the entire course)
3. MA course handbill (detailing the papers in the various semesters)

For more information please call 020-25601300 or check out:
http://www.unipune.ac.in/snc/womens_studies_centre/default.htm

Warmly,

Dr. Sharmila Rege
Director
Krantijyoti Savitribai Phule Women's Studies Centre

__._,_.___

Attachment(s) from Siddhartha Kumar

3 of 3 File(s)

MA flyer 2010.doc

MA handbill 2010.doc

write-up on MA 2010 course.doc

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[ZESTCaste] A survey recorded an astonishing 80-odd practices of untouchability—new, bizarre, vintage

http://www.openthemagazine.com/article/nation/untouchability-declassified

12 June 2010
Untouchability Declassified
Discrimination is a dynamic industry in India. A survey recorded an
astonishing 80-odd practices of untouchability—new, bizarre, vintage.

BY Pallavi Polanki

Two thousand years and counting. We must hold the record for
perpetuating one of the worst crimes on humanity for the longest time
running. The practice of untouchability has an unbroken history. A
record the Indian state, in violation of its own Constitution, has
become a collaborator to. Not hesitating to lie, even denying it at
times, the state machinery stands guilty of turning a blind eye to
this inhuman practice.

A grave failure, seen most recently in Haryana, where the Supreme
Court had to warn the government with "serious consequences" if it
further delayed justice to the Dalit community in Mirchpur, where two
citizens were burned to death and houses of 150 others reduced to
ashes by the upper caste Jat community.

To call the bluff on sanitised official reports that feign ignorance
about an ugly social truth, the Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication
Front, an umbrella group comprising nearly 150 labour, Dalit and human
rights movements, set off on a comprehensive survey three years ago.
They started documenting all manifestations of untouchability, circa
2010. They visited 1,845 villages in 22 (of 32) districts in the
state.

A new village, a new can of worms. Exposing the rot of oppression and
its myriad crippling ways. Discrimination is a dynamic industry in
India. The survey recorded an astonishing 80-odd practices of
untouchability—new, bizarre, vintage. It further recorded 22
atrocities committed against Dalits.

The list, titled 'Cruel Manifestations' was released at the Front's
first state conference held in Pudukottai district on 28 May. Here's
an abridged version of that list

THE LIST

»Not allowed to speak on the cell phone in the presence of caste
Hindus. (A practice reported in the Nilgiri constituency, a reserved
Lok Sabha seat, the current incumbent of which is, ironically, Union
Telecom Minister A Raja.)

»Not allowed to keep male dogs. (Why? They might breed with female
dogs from upper caste neighbourhoods.)

»Separate work timings under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme.

»Refusal to rent houses to Dalits in certain neighbourhoods in urban
areas. (Reported in Madurai, Tamil Nadu's second largest city.)

»No door delivery by postmen; postal department prevented from hiring
Dalit postmen.

»No access to the common crematorium, burial grounds.

»Prevented from having their clothes washed or ironed, or assigned
separate cupboards at the laundry for clothes of Dalits.

»Refusal by barbers to cut their hair, or separate chairs for Dalits.

»Separate ration shops, or queues, or timings for Dalits.

»Offered tea in coconut shells which they can drink only by squatting
on the ground.

»Prevented from renting private marriage halls, public address systems.

»Forced to cut out portion of the name that suggests respect
(Madaswamy will be called Mada, Muniyaswamy Muniya).

»Attacked if they call any caste Hindu as annan (brother).

»Erecting walls (as was seen in Uthappuram) to deny Dalits access to
common places.

»Elderly members of the Dalit community addressed by children of the
dominant caste as poda, vada (denoting lack of respect).

»No access to temples, public streets, public taps (separate timings
to collect water), public tanks, temples.

»Sapparam (temple car) not driven through areas where Dalits reside.

»Not allowed to participate in pookkuzhi (a ritual of walking on fire)
during festivals.

»Two, in some cases four, tumbler system in tea-shops, one set for
Dalits and categories within them, another for caste Hindus.

»Separate neighbourhoods for Dalits in villages.

»Preventing the opening of milk dairy near Dalit neighbourhoods.

»Dalit (Arunthathiyar) students compelled to clean bathrooms in schools.

»Opposition to hiring Dalit cooks in mid-day meal school kitchens.

»Engaging Dalits, Arunthathiyars especially, in conservancy work.

»Dalit workers to bring their own food-plates while others need not.

»Boycotting meetings held by Dalit Panchayat presidents.

»Preventing the opening of panchayat office buildings in Dalit areas.

NOT ALLOWED TO...

»Wear shoes or chappals

»Wear polyester dhotis

»Ride bicycles or travel in bullock carts

»Sit under bus shelters at village bus stops

»Wear a cloth headgear or carry a towel over the shoulder (as is the
local practice)

»Sport a thin moustache

»Sit on benches in hotels and tea stalls

»Burst crackers during festivals

»Rear cattle

»Sing or speak at village functions or participate in auctions

»Dine with caste Hindus

OBLIGATED TO

»Offer goats gratis to descendants of past andais (landlords in the
feudal age) during festivals

»Carry dead bodies

»Work in crematoriums and at burial grounds

»Sound the parai ( drums)

»Carry message of death to people of the dominant caste (to be paid
only bus fare, food only if offered)

ATROCITIES ON DALITS

»Forced to eat faeces.

»Urinating into the mouth.

»Murdered if elected as Panchayat President against the wishes of the
dominant caste.

»Sexual assault on Dalit women.

»Burning alive if a Dalit fights for rights.

»Setting fire to Dalit huts.

»Tied to a tree and beaten up.

»Killing all dogs in a Dalit area if a dog of the Dalit area bites a
dog that belongs to an upper caste community.

»Obstructing the common passage (if won through struggle) with mortar,
grindstone and washing utensils there.

»Killing by poisoning one who inter-marries.

»Ostracising those Dalits who raise their voice for human rights.

»Attacking Dalits if they insist on using community halls.

»Making Dalits prostrate before members of the dominant caste and
imposing fines on them.

»Refusal by the state administration to enforce access to burial grounds.

»Harassment and brutal attacks on Dalits by the police for fighting
for their rights.

»Dalits driven away by the police for trying to enter temples

------------------------------------

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[ZESTCaste] Tehelka School of Journalism is looking for sponsors to train Dalits

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Source <source@tehelka.com>
Date: 30 June 2010 12:21
Subject: Re: Hi
To: CHITTIBABU PADAVALA <afchittibabu@gmail.com>

Dear Mr Padavala,

Thank you for the mail. Yes, I do understand the pressing need to ensure equal representation and participation of Dalits in mainstream media and totally support your idea.
However, since Tehelka does mainly non-commercial journalism, it's very tough for us to offer any scholarships as of now but I do really want to help make the media a more accessible profession for Dalits. So I have already initiated the process of looking for sponsors and as soon as I have something lined up, I will inform you.
In the meanwhile, in case there is any development on your side, please do let me know.

warm regds
Gunjan

----- Original Message ----- From: "CHITTIBABU PADAVALA" <afchittibabu@gmail.com>

To: "Source" <source@tehelka.com>

Sent: Monday, June 28, 2010 2:01 PM
Subject: Re: Hi

Dear Ms. Gunjan Batra,

Let me first thank you for your kind and positive response. A couple
of days ago Tehelka reporter Ms. Sanjana called me up and told me that
Tehelka School of Journalism decided to reserve five seats for dalits
but I was to get the funding for the students. While I assure you that
I shall do everything in my capacity to contribute to your efforts, I
am baffled by this idea. What is the point of reserving 5 seats for
Dalits if they have to pay fees?
Probably a look at ACJ's Dalit scholarship scheme is useful. I think
ACJ's model is good enough to emulate, and if you want to, can even be
bettered.

On top of waiving the fees and providing free meals and accommodation,
ACJ also offers Rs. 4,000 nominal stipend per month per each Dalit
student. Now that an organisation came forward to top the stipend up
with 4,000 more, Dalit students will get 8,000 per month.

From this year on, we are ( a group of Dalit and non-Dalit journalist,
activists and students campaigning for (larger) presence of Dalits in
mainstream English journalism) also planning to conduct a 3 month
intensive English coaching for Dalit applicants for ACJ before
entrance test/interview. Many distinguished journalism trainers came
forward to become part of this program. ACJ is providing meals and
accommodation for the students during this period and an NGO
notionally agreed to bear the travel expenses for the students.

I am narrating the whole thing in detail just to give you an idea of
one of the important components of our campaign. I am particularly
encouraged by your assurance that you would consider any suitable
candidate we refer to you. Is it possible for you to write an
endorsement such as the one written by Sashikumar or N. Ram in
whichever way you think could serve the purpose of inviting potential
dalit candidates to enter journalism and also to create
non-discriminatory atmosphere among the media houses?

Here, a highly discouraging fact is that despite an intensive campaign
involving many journalists, Dalit organizations, email groups,
students unions and progressive individuals through presentations and
counseling sessions across the country and individualized
"brainwashing", we managed to get only 107 applications for ACJ
entrance test and sadly not many of them could attend the exam and
only a handful of them cleared it and not more than five got seats.
Mr. Sashikumar told me about a joke among the teachers that even most
of them would fail if they were to take the GK component of the ACJ
entrance test. And, the Dean is planning to soften the criteria to
make test less exclusivist.
This unfortunate state of affairs - unwillingness among young Dalit
people to become journalists and unwillingness of the media houses to
recruit Dalits - is not likely to change immediately but we are
positive about change if many more hands join the effort. Your
contribution to this will really, really make a difference.

Luckily, Tehelka Journalism College's dates could actually help many
unsuccessful candidates for ACJ to make use of the intervening time to
prepare more seriously and get into the course. We are in touch with a
majority of the 107 Dalit students applied for ACJ this year. We can
reach out to them and encourage them to apply for Tehelka School of
Journalism.

An invitation and assurance from you in your name would really help
these young people. Mr. Tejpaul himself could consider writing one if
he thinks it is an important issue. Meanwhile, if you authorize me to
do so, I shall find out from my contacts among the NGOs - among whom
an organization which offered monthly stipends and laptops for Dalit
students to study at ACJ- if they could extend the same to Tehelka
Journalism College.

I have not discussed it with anybody involved in the campaign yet but
you can even think of making at least the certificate program in
writing open to Dalit students for free. It is easy for us then to get
some sponsors for providing accommodation and monthly expenses for
costly stay in and travel within Delhi. My experience is- I am an
activist for the last one and half decades besides being a journalist-
it is not realistic to expect many Dalit students to pay fees to study
journalism.

I assure you that even if you announce this course to be free for
Dalits, your college is not going to be inundated by too many
applications. I request you to kindly scrap the application fee for
Dalit students, to begin with. It is unusually high. Not a single
institute in the country charges so much for an application from
Dalits for any course. As you know, this year ACJ scrapped application
fee for Dalits altogether.

One might wonder why then the private colleges should go out of their
way to help Dalits study journalism courses and enter the profession
if there is not much enthusiasm or ability among them. This is so
partly due to the limit on the Dalits forced upon by others in which
most of the time we end up demanding or hoping for fair representation
by others than to think of ourselves representing the world. On top
of that, the Dalits who already managed to enter the mainstream
journalism are not treated well and there
are organizations in the fields without ever letting a single Dalit
journalist work for them. Some of them do write good stuff about
Dalits as long as non-dalits do it.

Many of us think that presence of dalits in the process of news
gathering, framing, presenting brings with it new ways of looking at
things, enriching not only the products but also the process of
news-making. I don't know if Tehelka ever recruited any Dalit as a
journalist to work for them. Probably, you might not have found
anybody good enough to work with you. If it is the failure of Dalits
rather than your own unwillingness to be inclusive, one useful way of
correcting it is to at least make your journalism course accessible to
Dalits.
You can actually train some Dalit journalists in your vision of
journalism and the skills your magazine needs. I am very happy to know
that your journalism training is not for any profit-making. But, that
admirable fact should not be allowed to hamper any
affirmative action to provide a cost-free journalism education for
Dalits. I hope you agree with me that Media needs Dalits as much as
Dalits need media, not just as its consumers but also as contributors.
Tehelka takes pride in being different and in some important ways
innovative and daring in its approach to news. The Tehelka School of
Journalism could be a story of immediate success with its ability to
draw on the experience and excellence of doing journalism. I am
hopeful that any bold gesture of announcing the courses at Tehelka
School of Journalism free for Dalits would prove to be successful in
attracting, training and employing a decent number of Dalits.

Specifically,
1) Scrapping the application fee
2) Announcing all 3 courses free for Dalit students
3) Issuing a public appeal to funding organizations for helping you in
providing hostel and other expenses for the students you select for
the training
4) Including the Dalit concerns as a major component of your syllabus,
lectures, field work and assignments and highlighting it in the next
round of notifications( I am sure you must have already thought about
some of the above suggestions and necessary ground work has been done)
As of now, further consultations with my comrades in the campaign
pending, I offer:
1) Lobbying with the media organizations for recruiting from Tehelka
School of Journalism
2) Lobbying with the NGOs, individuals to contribute and set up
scholarships for Dalit students
3. Persuading funding organisations and other sources for other help
in the form of equipment, books and other help
4) Providing publicity for the program among our contacts through our
Networks
And, of course, any other specific form of help within our capacity.

Please notice that there is nothing on your website about how you
select the candidates. Is there an entrance test? Is it based on
interviews alone or in combination with grades or any other criterion?
If there is a test, do you have examination centres all over the
country? If not specific model papers, at least could you provide a
broad outline of the test?
The above is a bit too broad and refers to programmatic concerns. As
to my specific contribution to recommending candidates for the course,
I assure you to spread the word among the members of the campaign for
Dalits in journalism and also spread the word among my contacts. The
financial support I referred to in our conversation was clearly about
helping Dalit candidates study at Tehelka School of Journalism in the
form of sponsoring laptops, stipend, books, coaching. If you are
unwilling or unable to offer free education to Dalits it is difficult
to persuade funding organizations to chip in. Yet, let me find out if
there are anybody who would come forward to do so.

Thankfully,
Chittibabu Padavala
0-9818321055

On 28/06/2010, Source <source@tehelka.com> wrote:

Hi Chittibabu,

The admission process at Source The Tehelka School of Journalism has already
begun.
When we last spoke you mentioned that you would find some sponsors who would
financially support the deserving Dalit candidates and I was wondering
whether you have shortlisted the deserving students and their sponsors.
In case you have, please do submit their forms.

Thanking you
warm regds
Gunjan
M: +91 9717707740

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Wednesday, June 30, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Parliamentary Committee to visit Mirchpur on July 2

[ZESTCaste] Hills show way forward for tribals

[ZESTCaste] Fwd: MA in Gender, Culture and Development Studies [3 Attachments]

[ZESTCaste] A survey recorded an astonishing 80-odd practices of untouchability—new, bizarre, vintage

[ZESTCaste] Tehelka School of Journalism is looking for sponsors to train Dalits

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