Sunday, June 27, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Scrap political reservation for Dalits, Adivasis says Dalit academician

http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Mangalore/article410721.ece

Published: April 26, 2010 21:14 IST | Updated: April 26, 2010 21:14
IST MANGALORE, April 26, 2010

Scrap political reservation for Dalits, Adivasis says Dalit academician

Staff Correspondent

Kannada columnist and Special Officer in-charge of the Scheduled Caste
and Scheduled Tribes' Welfare Cell at the Mangalore University M.P.
Umeshchandra has called for an end to the political reservation for
Dalits in the electoral system.

He said that those elected through reserved constituencies have become
symbolic figures, he pointed out that these leaders rarely take up
Dalit issues and tend to toe the party line after being elected. "The
complete lack of a pro-Dalit political voice is proof that this system
has not worked," he said.

Delivering a lecture at a function organised by the Dalit Sangharsha
Samiti (Ambedkar Wada) to mark Ambedkar Jayanti, Mr. Umeshchandra said
that reservation for Dalit candidates in the electoral system has only
created slavish representatives who are subservient to political
parties with a casteist agenda. "These reservations were created for a
period of 10 years in 1951 but they have been periodically extended
through amendments to the constitution. They have outlived their use,"
he said.

According to Mr. Umeshchandra reservations should continue in jobs and
education but not in the political arena since it leads to
"ghettoisation" of Dalit politicians and sidelining of Dalit causes.
Alleging that political reservations are a way to deprive political
power to Dalits and Adivasis, he pointed out that anti-reservation
politicians such as Arun Shourie never talk against political
reservations.

He also pointed out powerful political blocks created by communities
such as the Lingayats, Vokalligas, Yadavs and Jats and said that the
political assertion of Dalits could grow only when seat reservations
are scrapped.

"In the political arena, the need is to restart the agitation for
separate electorates for Dalits and Adivasis as envisioned by B.R.
Ambedkar," he said.

Meanwhile, he also said that political reservations should be extended
to other communities such as Brahmins and Muslims as well as Other
Backward Castes for a short term period of 10 years.

Earlier, he also reminded the audience that Ambedkar was strongly
against adulatory and symbolic politics. "It does not matter if you
cannot celebrate Ambedkar Jayanti on April 14. Make sure you spread
his message," he said.


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[ZESTCaste] Class is the issue

http://www.hindu.com/mag/2010/06/27/stories/2010062750140400.htm

Viewpoint

Class is the issue

HARI NARKE

The OBC census is not a caste census and one that is necessary to
formulate policies vital to their development.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
OBCs are not a caste but a socially and educationally backward class.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

While the demand for census of Other Backward Classes (OBC) is being
criticised for promoting casteism, it was the Planning Commission's
report on the Eleventh Five-year Plan ( Vol 1, pg 118, 120, 2008)
which stressed the need for such a census. "Like SCs, STs, Minorities
and persons with disabilities, there is an imperative need to carry
out a census of OBCs now or in the next census in 2011. In the absence
of exact assessment of their population size, literacy rate,
employment status in government, private and unorganised sectors,
basic civic amenities, health status, poverty status and human
development and HPIs, it is very difficult to formulate realistic
policies and programmes for the development of OBCs."

The Commission said that "State-wise, OBC-wise data on populations as
well as vital and demographic variables are not available, which is
the main hurdle in the formulation of policies and programmes for the
development of the Other Backward Classes."

Before this, the Standing Committee on Social Justice, 2006, headed by
Sumitra Mahajan and comprising 28 MPs, "strongly recommend that
Ministry should vigorously pursue with the Registrar General of India
to conduct a survey of OBCs and the persons living below double the
poverty line in this category so that the Ministry could prepare its
Action Plan so that the required amount of funds can be made available
to the State Governments for effective implementation of National
Backward Classes Finance Development Corporations various schemes for
the development of backward classes". In addition , the three Backward
Classes Commissions in 1955, 1980 and 2004-05, apart from the National
Commission for Nomadic Tribes, Semi Nomadic Tribes & Denotified Tribes
[Renke Commission], 2008, was in favour of an OBC census.

Crucial distinction


A major issue that needs to be clarified here is that the OBC census
is a class census and not a caste census. It has to be pointed out
that OBCs are not a caste but a socially and educationally backward
class. Just as there is a special provision in the budget of the
states and the Centre for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
(SC/ST), the OBCs also need a separate budget for their upliftment.
They have a constitutional right to basic amenities, employment, and
shelter and unless we know their exact population, it will be
difficult to make plans for them. The OBC census is required for two
reasons. While budgeting and planning for the OBCs is one aspect, the
other crucial one is to silence the repeated attack, in numerous writ
petitions, against reservation for OBCs on the grounds that their
exact population is not known. The Supreme Court has on every occasion
rejected this argument but it will pop up again and again. There is a
misconception that SCs and STs are Constitutionally recognised
categories but OBCs are not. This is not true. The Constitutional
recognition of SCs and STs are articles 341 and 342 and for OBCs it is
article 340. Only, there was gross delay in implementing article 340
at the central level till as late as 1990, though lists of OBCs were
made in the peninsular provinces and princely states even before
Independence. The total number of OBCs for all states in the central
list is only 1963, not a formidable number compared to SCs and STs.

There has been a religion-wise census for 140 years. India was divided
because of religion, not because of caste, but the religion-wise
census continues. There is a census of SC/ST without any objection. If
SC/ST census is not opposed, why then is a classwise census of more
than 52 per cent of the population being opposed? Even today, there is
endogamy in this country. All castes have their organisations. Those
organisations hold their conventions, they have their own banks,
educational institutes etc but no one complains against them.

Those who say that casteism will spread due to the OBC census forget
that the caste system has been in existence for thousands of years and
continues regardless of any Census. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar himself had
insisted on an OBC census along with separate SC/ST census in
independent India. This has been categorically mentioned in his book
Who Were The Shudras?There were serious debates in the Constituent
Assembly on this issue. Dr. Ambedkar played a seminal role for the
rights of OBCs. Jyotiba Phule and Dr. Ambedkar have given the
blueprint for caste annihilation in this country. Social justice to
all, equality and adequate representation in the power structure are
prerequisites in a casteless society. There is no shortcut. To
recognise the rights of a large percentage of people, they have to be
counted first.

Strong provisions


One doubt is raised that people may furnish false information. If they
do this, there is stringent punishment in 1948 census act of up to Rs.
1,000 fine and three years imprisonment. This provision is
deliberately ignored by the opponents of the OBC census. The Akhil
Bharatiya Mahatma Phule Samata Parishad, headed by Maharashtra Deputy
Chief Minister Chhagan Bhujbal had demanded an independent census of
OBCs in the presence of the President of India Dr. Shankar Dayal
Sharma in a national convention on December 12, 1993 at Pune. The
Samata Parishad has also filed a PIL in the Supreme Court seeking
justice for this demand in February 2010 and the Union Government has
been ordered to submit an affidavit in this regard by Supreme Court.
Our demand is not to mention caste or sub-caste but the class only.
Since the census is being carried out by the central government, there
is no possibility of any conflict over the list prepared by National
Commission for Backward Classes (NCBC).

The question then boils down to who should conduct the OBC census. The
Census organisation says that it cannot take on the additional burden
and wants it to be left to state Backward Class commissions. These
commissions and the NCBC are far behind the census organisation in
infrastructure and capability. It is only the central Census
organisation that can undertake this. It should be strengthened to the
extent necessary for this vital task.

Hari Narke is Professor and Head, Mahatma Phule Chair, University of
Pune and a member of the State Commission for Backward Classes,
Maharashtra.


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[ZESTCaste] Honour killings: Chickens of identity politics come home to roost (Comment)

http://www.thaindian.com/newsportal/politics/honour-killings-chickens-of-identity-politics-come-home-to-roost-comment_100386636.html

Honour killings: Chickens of identity politics come home to roost (Comment)
Sunday, June 27, 2010 11:22:37 AM by IANS
By Amulya Ganguli
Even a decade ago, khap panchayats - the caste-based village councils
with their kangaroo courts functioning mainly in Haryana - were
virtually unknown, and sporadic "honour killings" were reported only
from northwest Pakistan. Now, these make headline news in India almost
every day.

To understand this regressive phenomenon, it may be necessary to go
back to 1990 when caste-based identity politics received a boost.
Although caste was always a feature of Indian politics, except in
areas like West Bengal, it was generally a muted affair before that
fateful year.

Even if the parties selected their candidates on the basis of the
caste composition of the constituencies, especially in the Hindi
heartland, they pretended that they were motivated more by merit and
organizational strength than by caste. It was the same where the
religious communities were concerned.

A seminal change took place with the V.P. Singh government's
implementation of the Mandal Commission report on reservations for
Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in government jobs in 1990. This was
followed by L.K. Advani's rath yatra to "remove" a mosque at the
supposed birthplace of Lord Ram in Ayodhya to prevent the Hindu vote
bank of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) being split by the upsurge of
casteist sentiments.

The BJP's rise at the time was accompanied by the rise of parties like
the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and the Samajwadi Party, which
championed the cause of the OBCs, and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP),
which was associated with the Dalits. The politics of identity, based
on religion and caste, had suddenly acquired more importance than ever
before.

A key feature of the segmented politics was the aggressive flaunting
of one's religious and caste identity. Since aggression requires a
target, the minorities faced the BJP's provocative campaign while the
parties of the OBCs and Dalits targeted the upper castes. "Tilak,
tarazu aur talwar, inko maro jootey char" (beat the Brahmins, Banias
and Rajputs with shoes) was the BSP's belligerent advice to its
followers.

Indian politics had never before seen such vituperation in public
life. Inevitably, the strengthening of such divisive sentiments
infected the social scene as well.

Hence the appearance of khap panchayats, which are not strictly legal
entities like the three-tier panchayat system which operates in the
rural areas. Instead, they are an informal gathering of village elders
of one community, mainly the Jats.

Had these been a congregation of wise old men giving sage advice
against moral turpitude, there would have been no cause for alarm. But
the boost received by the caste system in 1990 has strengthened their
traditional prejudices, resulting in the issuance of directives
against inter-caste or even inter-village marriages. These panchayats
have also forbidden marriages between boys and girls of the same
gotra, a system of clans in Hindu society.

What is ominous is that these illegal bodies haven't stopped after
issuing their regressive diktats. The excessive importance which the
caste system has received has emboldened the khap panchayats to order
even the killings of defiant couples to save the "honour" of their
families. This repulsive practice has now spread from the villages to
the towns, including Delhi.

It will be a mistake to believe that such outrages are the result of a
generation gap or of a religious or class divide, the usual reasons of
disagreement between parents and grown-up children. Such divergence of
views can lead to estrangement, but not murder. The killings are the
result of the whipping up of an intense antipathy towards perceived
opponents.

The belief at the time of independence was that the caste system would
gradually wither away with the spread of education and modern,
scientific ideas. There was wide agreement among the intelligentsia
about the reprehensible nature of the system with its concepts of
ritual purity which made the Dalits untouchables in the eyes of the
upper castes.

As a form of affirmative action, therefore, the founding fathers of
the constitution had called for reservations in jobs and education for
only the Dalits and Adivasis - the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes - and that, too, for a period of 10 years.

Unfortunately, not only has this restriction been consistently
bypassed with extensions being provided every 10 years, but the scope
of reservations has been widened to include, first, the OBCs, and then
the women in panchayats, which will be extended to parliament and
state assemblies as well.

Quotas for the OBCs along with those for Dalits and Adivasis are also
being set aside in the higher educational institutions. Now, to give
further importance to the caste system, castes could form a part of
the census data.

Earlier, the fear was that the quotas will keep out the meritorious
from employment and education, thereby affecting the quality of
services and academic degrees. Now, as the "honour killings" show, the
emphasis on caste can have other horrendous consequences, which were
evidently anticipated by the politicians because of their eagerness to
exploit the divisive sentiments to build up their bases of support.

(27-06-2010 Amulya Ganguli is a writer on current affairs. He can be
reached at aganguli@mail.com)


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[ZESTCaste] Dalits celebrate boycott withdrawal

 

http://epaper.hindustantimes.com/ArticleText.aspx?article=27_06_2010_002_005&kword=&mode=1

Dalits celebrate boycott withdrawal
June 27, 2010
BARNALA:

The activist of Mazdoor Mukti Morcha on Saturday organised a `victory
rally' at Nangal village after some landed leaders apologised for
having used derogatory remarks against village Dalits. The leaders
also announced withdrawal of alleged boycott of Dalits through the
public address system of the local gurdwara. Morcha state leader
Gurpreet Singh Rooreke, while addressing the rally, con- demned the
role of the administration, blaming them for the 20-day stale- mate
that preceded the apology.
The activist of Mazdoor Mukti Morcha on Saturday organised a `victory
rally' at Nangal village after some landed leaders apologised for
having used derogatory remarks against village Dalits. The leaders
also announced withdrawal of alleged boycott of Dalits through the
public address system of the local gurdwara. Morcha state leader
Gurpreet Singh Rooreke, while addressing the rally, con- demned the
role of the administration, blaming them for the 20-day stale- mate
that preceded the apology.

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[ZESTCaste] Mahalaxmi temple built by dalits opens for public

 

http://www.newkerala.com/news/fullnews-134614.html

Mahalaxmi temple built by dalits opens for public

Kendrapada, Jun 26 : A Mahalaxmi temple built by dalits inside the
famous Baldevjew temple premises here was opened for public, almost 83
years after its foundation was laid.

Much to the delight of religious activists, Gajapati Maharaja of Puri
Dibya Singha Deb graced a religious function this evening amid
chanting of mantras as he was the first devotee to enter the temple.

The construction work of the 47-feet tall Laxmi temple was completed recently.

According to Endowment Official sources, due to the paucity of funds,
the construction work was delayed by the fishermen community,
especially the Kaibartya Samaj (fishermen society) of undivided
Cuttack district.

''The temple work was taken up with the contributions by each
fishermen family of the undivided Cuttack district. The Fisherman
Society has collected funds from every household of undivided Cuttack
for this purpose,'' sources added.

--UNI

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