Saturday, April 2, 2011

[ZESTCaste] girl shortage world beware- economist

 

http://www.publishaletter.com/readletter.jsp?plid=26775

why a dalit issue one may aks... dalit girls being bought and sold more.. read chowdhry ranjani

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Friday, April 1, 2011

Re: [ZESTCaste] Dalit Socialists Via Dalit Capitalists: A Response To Anand Teltumbde

 

Dalit Socialists Via Dalit Capitalists: A Response To Anand Teltumbde 
Marxism is Refuge For Brahmins  By- Nagesh Chaudhary  
The debate on Dalit capitalism is being discussed by some well known Dalit
writers and activists. My observation is - as long as caste system,
untouchability is alive in India Dalits cannot become capitalists. Even OBC
capitalists are Shudras and they (Shudras)  cannot succeed unless they serve the
upper castes or Brahmins. Mr. Teltumde is in the company of upper caste
Marxists. Marxism is the refuge of Brahmins in India. My observation is, as you
climb the caste model you find increasing number of Marxists. In Maharashtra for
example, you will find Dalits as supporters in Toto of  Jotirao Fule and his
Satyashodhak movement. Acceptance to his ideology decreases as you go upward in
the caste hierarchy. Dalits, OBC follow Fule but Marathas do it with
reservations. For example Sharad Patil, a Maratha and one time card holder of
CPI(M), does not accept Fule completely. He supplements Fule with Marx. Baba
Adhao, a socialist Maratha accepts Fule attaching Progressive word to Fule's
Satyashodhak movement. He runs 'Purogami Satyashohak' magazine in Marathi.
Sharad Patil edited for some years the Marathi monthly 'Styashodhak Marxwadi'.
(Satyashodhak movement was launched by Fule and his confidents in 1873 which was
against Brahman domination.)
 When you come up in the caste ladder- to Brahmins, they do not consider Fule at
all. Brahmins consider accepting Fule or Ambedkar with Marx as inferior ideology
or contamination of Marx. They considered them as stooges of British imperialism
and that was and is the view of RSS Brahmins, too.

As Marxism is an ideology for classless society and does not touch upon the
caste system. It is helpful to maintain the caste hierarchy and also talk of
classless society. Brahmins feel safe in Marxism as it does not touch caste
system. Dr. B R Ambedkar's observation, -'priestly Brahmins and secular Brahmins
are arms the same body and if one is injured other comes to its rescue.'
Upper caste capitalists in India are under the Brahmanic governing class. So, no
capitalists can oppose Brahmins; on the contrary they respect Brahmanism. If
Dalits want to become capitalists they will have to fore go the ideology of
annihilation of Caste. Why Jain  capitalists started adoring Brahmanism is for
this. Become capitalists but under our cultural control. (Jainism was one time
against Hinduism but now subscribes to it  completely.) So the idea of Dalit
capitalism can not be a reality in the present system which is Brahmin dominated
or when as said by Dr. Ambedkar that in India 'governing class consists of
Brahmins and Banias' The process of becoming governing class or changing the
present system to that of casteless system is the precondition. Only when Dalits
will win the war against caste system then only they will be able to become
capitalists. Capitalism with castes is contradictory. No crusader against caste
has thought of capitalism because it supports class division and class division
will not entirely abolish caste.

----- Original Message ----
From: Siddhartha Kumar <mailsiddhartha.k@gmail.com>
To: zestcaste <zestcaste@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Wed, 9 March, 2011 1:31:05 PM
Subject: [ZESTCaste] Dalit Socialists Via Dalit Capitalists: A Response To Anand
Teltumbde

http://www.countercurrents.org/karthick080311.htm

Dalit Socialists Via Dalit Capitalists: A Response To Anand Teltumbde

By Karthick RM

08 March, 2011
Countercurrents.org

This article is intended as a response to Anand Teltumbde Dalit
Capitalism And Pseudo Dalitism on Countercurrents dated 7th March,
2011

Fanon writes in The Wretched of the Earth that in colonies, a person
is rich because he is white and he is white because he is rich. Simply
put, the superstructure is the base. Stretching this analysis to
India, one can argue that a Dalit is poor because she is untouchable
and she is untouchable because she is poor. In a society like ours
where hierarchy receives ritual sanction and operates via the medium
of not only religion, but also language, social customs, morality and
of course, the state, social capital determines economic capital. Nay,
social capital is economic capital. If one has a glance at the top 50
'dollar billionaires' in India one finds that there are 2-3 OBC's in
the list. No Dalits at all. Most of the rest are brahmins or baniyas.
Is this capitalism in the classical sense?

Of course as Mr. Teltumbde says "capital does not have race, religion,
caste, creed or even country." But the capitalist has. What is capital
without the capitalist? What struggle against capitalism can be
successful unless it is directed against the face, all too human face,
that embodies it? If we were to purely study the structure of capital
subtracting the human agency that drives it one would just drive down
an Althusserian blind alley. No. Capitalism has a human face and it is
shaped by the thoughts, opinions and prejudices of the actor. In
India, the face of the capitalist is the face of his caste.

Since Mr. Teltumbde is an avowed Marxist, I presume that he believes
that socialism follows/should follow capitalism. Presuming that he is
a Leninist, I believe that he would agree that the working class
requires its organic intellectuals both in and out of a revolutionary
party. In the history of Marxist intellectuals, very rarely have there
been any who have actually emerged from an authentic proletarian
background. They were bourgeois or petty-bourgeois who gave themselves
up intellectually to the cause of the working class. India will be no
exception to this. Where India will be an exception is that the caste
of the intellectual will matter as much as, probably more than, his
class. Here I would ask Mr. Teltumbde to look at various Marxist
intellectuals in the country and their caste-class background. One
does find a alarmingly high percentage of upper-caste adherents to a
philosophy that intends to break all hierarchies. This not at all to
doubt the intentions of the political actors concerned. Of course,
various Maoist party intellectuals like Anuradha and Kobad Ghandy have
taken genuine efforts to deal with caste. Yet, the question is why so
many of them to analyse an experience that they can never feel? Can't
the subaltern think?

A partial answer lies here. We are dealing with a class of
intellectuals that have had a middle class and bourgeois background to
which the social capital of caste did contribute. Being literate
sections for generations (rarely performing the gruelling tasks of
manual labour), they have had access to a decent standard of education
both at schools and more importantly, at home, besides day to day
interaction in a more sophisticated intellectual culture. The texts of
Marxism are not far from the reach of those that can read a text. Only
the intention is required and the resources are given. But the void of
Dalit and backward caste intellectuals in Marxism is precisely due to
the fact that the social conditions around their caste rarely provide
them the cultural and economic resources for them to first get a
decent education and concurrently engage with and absorb a philosophy
that changes them into conscious actors. Crudely put, the lack of a
sizeable petit-bourgeois and bourgeois class of Dalits reflects on
their minimal representation in Marxist circles.

Which is why Dalit Capitalism needs to be welcomed albeit partially.
It does have its flaws in that the involved actors do consider it as
the final stage of Dalit liberation, which is, of course, an act of
bad faith. But there is always the possibility of positive effects on
members the community, let us say, the children of the Dalit
capitalist, relatives or friends who might become beneficiaries out of
a sense of caste solidarity of the Dalit capitalist. More Dalits get
access to education and a different culture that they were previously
denied. From here on, it is a matter of choice on what politics they
seek to enter. But when they do enter, they enter not as objects, but
as knowing subjects adding their experiences, their knowledge, their
visions to a theoretical framework. One cannot expect that all might
make the right choice, that is, the left choice. But the opportunity
should be given to them to choose their political and intellectual
destinies.

In Philosophy of Hinduism, Ambedkar writes that genuine liberty must
be accompanied by three factors (I) Social equality (II) Economic
security (III) Universal knowledge. We know that none of these are
available in India for the Dalits. We can argue that economic
security, even if it is for a miniscule number of Dalit capitalists,
can and will open up possibilities for knowledge accumulation for a
greater number, which consequently open up newer avenues for Dalit
actors in movements for social equality. Caste is not just a social
category. It is an experience. Unless you have representation from all
caste groups to articulate those experiences in theory and execute
them in revolutionary praxis what one would actually end with, I fear,
is a group of upper castes performing the revolution, their
revolution, in the name of the backward castes and the Dalits. The
point is this: Dalit capitalism needn't be glorified the way its
protagonists have for it is not an end in itself. Yet, it needn't be
denounced the way Mr. Teltumbde does.

Karthick RM is a student-activist based in JNU, pursuing Masters in
History. He is associated with the Delhi Tamil Students Union, a
Periyarite-Marxist group.

------------------------------------

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Re: [ZESTCaste] Panchayats adopt resolutions against honour killing

 

what is the path to follow:
- ban the khap or its equivalent panchayats
- engage with them
- regulate them through legsilation, i would like to see more dalits, women, minorities, labourers in it- so that they make majority
- are all their decisions totally unwise? or is it a mixed bag. any leads on research in this area?

Ranjani
 

--- On Thu, 31/3/11, Siddhartha Kumar <mailsiddhartha.k@gmail.com> wrote:

From: Siddhartha Kumar <mailsiddhartha.k@gmail.com>
Subject: [ZESTCaste] Panchayats adopt resolutions against honour killing
To: "zestcaste" <zestcaste@yahoogroups.com>
Date: Thursday, 31 March, 2011, 2:34 PM

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Panchayats-adopt-resolutions-against-honour-killing/articleshow/7830912.cms

Panchayats adopt resolutions against honour killing
Balwant Garg, TNN | Mar 31, 2011, 05.47am IST

BATHINDA: At a time when khap panchayats of Haryana and western Uttar
Pradesh are under "attack" for openly issuing "death sentences" to
couples who defy caste diktats on love marriages, the panchayats in
Punjab are passing resolutions to decry the 'honour killing'.

The support of panchayats, which is diametrically opposite to their
earlier known stance, against honour killings has come after the
suggestion of Punjab and Haryana high court, said Parampal Kaur,
District Development and Panchayat Officer, Bathinda.

The panchayats' resolutions, submitted to the state rural development
and panchayat department, state: "Panchayat would oppose tooth and
nail any attempt of such honour killing or public ostracism of couples
who marry against the wishes of their family members". The panchayats
started passing these resolutions on the directions of rural
development and panchayat department, Punjab.

Earlier, in August last year, the state government had issued
directions to all district police chiefs in the state to constitute
five-member district-level counselling cells to give assistance to the
"love birds" in marriage or those planning marriage. The cells were to
impart guidance to their parents in resolving any sort of differences
due to caste, creed and social status barriers.

Murders in the name of "honour" do not happen only in "uncivilized"
hinterlands, but often enough even in elite sections of cities. In
most cases, counselling of parents and lovers helps defuse the
tension, added Vishav Jyoti Dhir, a short-story writer who is also
member of District Honour Killing Counselling Cell in Faridkot.

The high court's suggestion to the state government had come after it
decided a civil writ petition "Asha versus State of Haryana".

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[ZESTCaste] DMK eyes dalit votes with freebies

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/chennai/DMK-eyes-dalit-votes-with-freebies/articleshow/7839290.cms

DMK eyes dalit votes with freebies
TNN | Apr 1, 2011, 12.52am IST
CHENNAI: Ramayi, a dalit daily wage earner of Thandarai village in
Cheyyur assembly constituency in Kanchipuram, is excited that her
ramshackle hut will soon become a brick-and-cement house. The
government has promised Rs 75,000 worth of construction materials to
her, and she has a certificate to prove it. Ramayi is thankful for the
Re 1 rice scheme, too, and soon hopes to own land. "We dalits have
never owned any land in our lives; it's always been the Vanniars who
have had the right. That will all change," she says.

Through its welfare shemes, the DMK front has made a determined pitch
for dalit votes, and hopes to win a significant majority of the 44
constituencies reserved for SCs in the state. The party is contesting
24 of the reserved constituencies, and sharing the rest with VCK (8),
Congress (10) and PMK (2). Karunanidhi himself is contesting from
Tiruvarur, which was a reserved constituency until recently and has a
Dalit population of over 30%.

Needhirajan, convenor of Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication Front,
however, says that many of the promises are just propaganda and the
benefits haven't really reached Dalits. "Little or no land has been
given to dalits by the DMK government, as promised under the panchami
land scheme," says Needhirajan.

In the 2010-2011 budget, the DMK government allocated Rs 3,800 crores
(19%) of total state expenditure for SC/ST schemes - equivalent to the
share of the SC population in the state. But critics say this is just
an accounting ruse, as the figure includes money spent in general
schemes.

But Tamil Nadu Dalits were not always known for voting on issues.
They, as fans of a heroic MGR in movies, were once considered a
reliable votebank of AIADMK.

Old loyalties still survive to some extent. Yazhan Aathi, a school
teacher in Ambur, recalls that worshipping heroes - especially from
movies - is still common among Dalits, and has helped Vijayakanth get
dalit support. But Aathi says that dalits haven't been given
responsibilities in the DMDK organization. "Dalits are no more
satisfied with just token representation," he says.

Seeking economic and social progress, Dalits had started looking
beyond traditional parties in the late 1990s. At that time, many Tamil
Nadu villages turned into battle grounds of caste conflict as young
and educated dalits started confronting upper castes. Pallars,
concentrated in the southern districts, such as Namakkal,
Rajayapalayam, Madurai and Sivaganga, tangled with the Thevars, while
Paraiyars had conflicts with Vanniars in the northern districts, such
as Vellore, Cuddalore, Kanchipuram and Chennai.

Leveraging the conflicts, Krishnaswamy emerged as a leader of the
pallars, and Thirumavalavan became a leader of the paraiyars. Pallars
are mostly small farmers or landless labourers, while Paraiyars are
mostly daily wage earners.

Arundhatiyars, the third dalit caste in the state that accounts for 3%
of the state population, are the most marginalized even among the
Dalits. Living in western Tamil Nadu, such as in Coimbatore and
Dharmapuri, Arundhatiyars are oppressed by Kongu Vellalars, says TSS
Mani, an observer of Dalit politics. "They are upset that the DMK
front includes Kongu Vellalar Party," says Mani.

The two main dalit forces that have emerged in the state are now in
alliance with parties representing their principal adversaries. The
dalit VCK is now in the same boat as the vanniar PMK in the DMK front,
and Krishnaswamy's Pudhiya Thamizhagam has been bargaining for seats
with the AIADMK -- once seen as representing thevars. Activists defend
these alliances and say they would help dalits make progress without
conflicts. "The PMK-VCK alliance will promote social harmoney," says
Vanni Arasu, a VCK leader.

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[ZESTCaste] KPMS to help those supporting dalit cause

 

http://expressbuzz.com/cities/thiruvananthapuram/kpms-to-help-those-supporting-dalit-cause/261603.html

KPMS to help those supporting dalit cause

Express News Service
First Published : 01 Apr 2011 03:50:08 AM IST
Last Updated : 01 Apr 2011 11:37:42 AM IST

THIRUVANATHAPURAM: The official faction of the Kerala Pulaya Mahasabha
(KPMS) has decided to help those who have extended support to the
organisation in the Assembly polls.

KPMS president T V Babu told reporters here on Thursday that the state
committee of the organisation had decided to extend support to
candidates who would assure support to their cause.

The faction led by Babu had taken control of the organisation after
expelling the then general secretary Punnala Sreekumar alleging
pro-UDF stand.

He said that both the fronts had neglected the issues related to the
scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. The manifestos of both the
fronts are silent on the issues related to these sections, he said.

KPMS will continue its struggle for basic facilities for the dalit
communities, including land, education, job and shelter.

They will support individuals and organisations which will work for
these causes.

Political parties are neglecting the issues of dalit communities to
safeguard the interests of organised communities with social, economic
and educational powers, he said.

He said that the organisation would oppose any move to scuttle the
secular fabric of the society.

KPMS general secretary N K Neelakandan Master, treasurer Cheruvakkal
Ashokan and organisational secretary Thuravoor Suresh attended the
news conference.

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