Saturday, May 22, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Brahmins want caste mentioned

 

http://www.todaynews.in/city/pune/brahmins-want-caste-mentioned-75366.html

Brahmins want caste mentioned
DNPUN26691 | 5/22/2010 | Author : Dinesh Thite | WC :165

The Bahubhashik Brahmin Sabha, the multilingual Brahmin association,
has supported a caste-based census.
Appealing to Brahmins to mention their caste during the census
exercise, the sabha recently in a press statement said that it would
reveal the percentage of the populations belonging to various castes.
The association said that there was a discussion in Parliament to
undertake a caste-based census for the first time since 1931. The
parties had supported the idea, which was a welcome development.
The fifth multilingual Brahmin convention's president Moreshwar
Ghaisas Guruji has appealed to Brahmins to mention their caste in the
census form.
Bapusaheb Pujari (Sangli), Kaka Dharmawat, Eknath Kulkarni
(Narayangaon), Pradeep Garatkar (Indapur) and Shreekant Dandwate
(Narsinhpur) have supported Ghaisas Guruji's view.
The statement said mentioning of the caste in the census will reveal
the exact population of Brahmins in the country. If it becomes clear
that they are a minority community, then the government would be
forced to give reservations to the community in proportion to their
population.

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[ZESTCaste] Children of netas, babus grab HPS seats of the poor

http://epaper.timesofindia.com/Daily/skins/TOINEW/navigator.asp?Daily=TOIH&showST=true&login=default&pub=TOI&AW=1274520178562

Children of netas, babus grab HPS seats of the poor

Nikhila Henry | TNN

Hyderabad: Children of sitting MLAs, ex-MLAs, MLCs and even
office-bearers of political trusts have garnered the state-sponsored
seats in Hyderabad Public School, Begumpet and Ramanthapur meant for
SC and ST students.
Sources said that the sponsorship scheme which started around 10
years ago to benefit students whose annual family income was less than
Rs 18,000 has beneficiaries with deep pockets. Among the beneficiaries
of the scheme are Venkata Veeraiah, MLA of Khammam whose son is
studying in class X in HPS Ramanthpur, ex-MLA Yamuna Rao whose son is
in class IX in HPS, Begumpet and even S Rajaiah, ex-MLA of
Bhadrachalam whose son is in a high school class in HPS, Ramanthapur.
The children of both the ex-MLAs joined the schools when their
fathers were legislators and according to sources, the number of such
instances increased rapidly over the last three years. Among those
making it to the coveted admission list of HPS are even those who are
vaguely associated with the political machinery, including drivers of
ministers and private trust owners associated with political parties.
In fact, the number of beneficiaries under the scheme have
increased over time from a meagre 15 per cent of the total strength
five years ago to 30 per cent in 2009. "There were less than a hundred
deserving candidates who used to get admission in the school but in
the past three years alone, the number has increased to 800 students.
The funds have increased from a less than a crore to Rs 9 crore this
year," said a source. The fee structure of students in HPS ranges from
Rs 75,000 to 1.5 lakh per annum.
While the monthly income of an MLA would not be anything less than
Rs 75,000, their income certificates show nothing more than Rs Rs 800
per month and the parent's occupation column is left blank. There are
businessmen whose annual income could be in lakhs, but are
beneficiaries of the scheme.

'Over 70% HPS beneficiaries not eligible'


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[ZESTCaste] 'Main garib Brahman hoon'

http://www.business-standard.com/india/news/subir-roy-%3Ci%3E%5Cmain-garib-%3Ci%3Ebrahman-%3Ci%3Ehoon%5C%3Ci%3E/395689/

Subir Roy: 'Main garib Brahman hoon'

The words of the guard brought back to me the other face of the
Brahmin - a helpful soul, full of humanism despite his poverty
Subir Roy / New Delhi May 22, 2010, 0:22 IST

On a late Sunday morning, after making a grass widower's breakfast out
of a paper dosa at my favourite eatery in Bangalore's Koramangala, I
crawled down the road in my car looking for someone who could wash it.
The tribe was not to be found as such people usually finish their job
early in the morning. So, I stopped before a posh block of flats and
asked the young uniformed security guard if he could help. He told me
in chaste Hindi to come back next day early morning when he would
either find somebody or do it himself as, he said in explanation,
"main garib Brahman hoon".

The clean look of the man, his ease of expression and the frankness
with which he confessed his poverty (why else would he come all the
way to Bangalore from the North to work as a security guard) sent me
back to my childhood when the huge kitchen in our joint family was run
by a succession of Maithili Brahmin cooks. They were all dignified,
scrupulously adhered to all the norms of cleanliness followed in a
traditional family (my grandmother did her own cooking in the
vegetarian kitchen for widows) and, most important of all, generous to
a fault towards us children. I remember myself, cranky after a fever,
demanding an extra piece of fish one afternoon. The cook of the time
readily obliged, my mother told me later, by giving me the choice bit
of his own food.

A liberal education, first in a Christian missionary school and then
an iconoclastic Left-leaning college, had taken out of me whatever
little bit of caste consciousness I could have retained from taboos
and rituals which were part of my early family life. On my first
proper visit to UP — by that time I was a journalist — I noted with
disapproval that almost every conversation over someone had to be
suitably anchored sooner or later by posing and getting a reply to the
question: what was his jaat? But the words of the guard brought back
to me the other face of the Brahmin I had known, someone who was, far
from being an exploiter, a kindly helpful soul who had not lost his
humanism despite his poverty.

This different kind of Brahmin was placed for me in the country's
cultural history by a play I had seen in my college days —
Mudrarakshasa, made unforgettable by the towering performance of
Sambhu Mitra as Chanakya. He was the great strategist, the implacable
foe who planned and successfully vanquished his enemy but at the end
of the day did not destroy him, only brought him around. Most
memorable was his leave-taking from the world of statecraft after he
had done his job, brought in a reluctant Rakshasa, the chief minister
of the deposed dynasty, to be Chandragupta's chief minister so that
Chanakya could retire. He had done it all for a cause, not for
himself. His stage whisper, which carried to the farthest corner of
the balcony, still rings in my ears, declaring, "Aami daridra
Brahman."

Another prominent Indian in our times, I G Patel, has given an
elaborate rationale of who does what and in return for what in the
Indian scheme of things. In his farewell remarks after completing six
memorable years as director of the London School of Economics (LSE),
he regretted that in his time, the school had had to contend with the
simplistic philosophy of the marketplace that ruled Thatcher's Britain
and dipped into his Indian background to explain what he called
non-competing groups in society.

Civilisation survives because some people will not compete at the
marketplace, but only in their own field, among themselves and on
their terms. Teachers are the true Brahmins of the world. They are not
well-paid but they demand the respect of society. They do not want to
share power with the ruler, the Kshatriya, or ask for a share of the
wealth of the Vaishya, or do the labours of the Sudra. "In a
well-ordered society, some will be paid in the respect of society,
some will be paid in power, some will be paid in money, and some, I am
afraid, will be paid only in the next world." The day the teachers of
LSE have to compete as a commodity in a free-for-all market, that day
will be the end of the school.

How to separate these two faces of brahminism, that of the person who
sits at the top of the heap of an oppressive system and that of
society's leader who excels in his own task and does everything for a
cause and not for himself. Patel himself was a close friend and
associate of S Guhan, the administrator-turned-social scientist with a
keen sense of social activism. Guhan, who grew up in the heart of
Tamil Brahmin Chennai, Mylapore, belonged to a family of achievers.
His father was a distinguished physician, one of his uncles was the
principal editor of Mahatma Gandhi's collected works and the other a
distinguished chemist. Academic excellence and the ability to provide
intellectual leadership ran in his blood. He perhaps summed it up best
by saying that brahminism (pursuit of excellence) was fine with him,
it was the Brahmins he couldn't stand!

subirkroy@gmail.com


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[ZESTCaste] Dishonesty in Caste Census (Opinion)

http://www.business-standard.com/india/news/surjit-s-bhalla-dishonesty-in-caste-census/395687/


Surjit S Bhalla: Dishonesty in Caste Census

The Congress party needs to prove to the doubters that it has some
values, that there are some lines that it will draw
Surjit S Bhalla / New Delhi May 22, 2010, 0:16 IST

On the grounds that more information is always good, or at least
cannot hurt, the Indian government is about to embark on a new social
experiment — caste will be included as a question in the forthcoming
2011 Census. This will be a first in independent India; the last time
caste was included as a question, and the only time, was in 1931. At
that time, several castes petitioned the government to classify them
as a caste higher to one they actually were. Census 2011, if it does
include caste, is likely to show a race to the bottom, with at least
20 percent of the Hindu population declaring themselves as Other
Backward Castes (OBCs) when they actually belong to an upper caste.
The question the social engineers in the political parties have to
answer is whether gathering of this false information serves any
purpose.

Most of the arguments over the inclusion of caste in the census,
whether made by politicians or the so-called liberals and/or so-called
intellectuals supporting this crass exercise, centre on the following
two propositions. First, the government targets a large segment of the
population for redistribution of income. The government has, over the
last 60 years and starting with our fundamentally flawed Constitution,
allowed for reservations in access to education, jobs, etc. for the
Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). Note that our
flawed Constitution did not talk about the need for affirmative action
to tackle the justifiable cause of redressing inequality; no, the
social engineering objective then, as it is today, was to mandate
equality via quotas. In the 1990s, an additional quota was added — a
quota for the OBCs. Together with the SCs/STs, the quotas corner at
least 60 per cent of the population (approximately 27 per cent SCs/STs
and 36 per cent OBCs).
DISHONESTY-INDUCING CENSUS 2011
India OBC
Population in 1999-00 (millions) 1,000 360
Population in 2004-05 (millions) 1,080 440
Growth in population over 5 years (millions) 80 80
Growth in population (millions per year) 16 16
Avg % change in population per year 1.60% 4.40%
Increase in OBC population if avg rate of
growth (millions per year) 1.6*
360/100= 6

Excess growth in OBC population
(millions per year) 16-6 = 10

[A] Known fertility rate for Indian women 2.5
[B] Number of women in age group 20-40 (child-bearing age) as % of
total population 30%
[C] Estimated fertility rate for OBC women assuming [B] is same for OBC 2.5*
(4.4/1.6) = 6.9

From [A] and [C] each woman bears a child every 8 years
3 years

Note: Data are from NSS surveys of 1999-00 and 2004-05


The second proposition follows from the first — if you are targeting
more than 60 per cent of the population on the basis of caste, then
does it not make sense to count the caste accurately? Of course, it
does. So the liberal intellectual, and the opportunistic politician,
rests her case — we must include caste in the census.

The Indian politician has always refused to acknowledge the red blood
of its citizenry. She believes she can mandate and legislate and the
desired results will follow. No amount of evidence will convince her
that people act according to incentives. When this fact is pointed
out, she knowingly retorts: yes, people acted according to incentives
and look where it got the world in 2008?! That the retort is a non
sequitur totally escapes such learned intellectuals.

That people do act according to incentives is revealed by the
following "natural experiment". In 1999-2000, the large-scale NSS
survey asked the caste question for the first time and found out that
approximately 36 percent of the population was OBC (this includes
about 4 per cent Muslim OBCs). When the same survey was repeated five
years later in 2004-05, the share of the OBC population had shot up to
41 per cent. The question one needs to answer is whether such an
increase could come about due to "natural" forces. The table
illustrates the simple incentive math behind the increase. About 50
million people raced to the bottom in classifying themselves as OBCs
when they most likely were not. Given that the Hindu population is
about 55 per cent of the total, about two in every 10 non-OBC Hindu
lied to the NSS. Perhaps lying is a bit extreme accusation — it could
be that the OBCs, knowing that they were now eligible to have more
benefits for their kids, went out and celebrated by producing more
kids.

That might be a bigger lie. As the table shows, for the celebration to
be realistic, the OBC women would have had to have catapulted
themselves from a national average fertility rate of 2.5 to an 18th
century level of 6.9! Or, phrased differently, in 1999-2000, the
approximately 110 million OBC women in the age group of 20-40 started
producing one kid every three years versus the one kid every eight
years they produced prior to the incentive effects of the OBC quotas.

There is one additional aspect of the incentive effect that I don't
understand. And that is the attitude of the Dalits towards the
introduction of the quotas for the OBCs. The natural Dalit argument
should be — look, quotas were introduced for SCs/STs as at best a
partial compensation for the centuries of discrimination practised by
Hindus, both OBCs and non-OBCs. How dare the OBCs now demand
compensation at our expense. There is no question that the real losers
from the OBC quotas, and inflated OBCs in census, will be the Dalits
and the STs. Their status as recipients of government compensation
gets diluted when others are also given a special status. Today the
OBCs, and tomorrow justifiably the Muslims, and the day after,
justifiably, the poor Indian citizen, and the day after, women. Pretty
soon, from being a special status of a quarter of the population, the
Dalit will become a non-special 90 per cent of the population.

A final point — history, philosophy, religion, all teach us the value
and importance of drawing a line, a Laxman Rekha, which should not be
crossed no matter what the (evil) temptation. If the Congress accepts
caste as part of the census, it will prove to all the doubters that it
is a valueless party, a party now reaching its nadir. It is a party
for sale to the highest bidder. How can they then claim that red blood
does not flow in our veins?

The author is chairman of Oxus Investments, an emerging market
advisory and fund management firm. Please visit
www.oxusinvestments.com for an archive of articles et al. Comments
welcome at: surjit.bhalla@oxusinvestments.com


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Friday, May 21, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Negative marking to apply for SC-STs in med entrance

http://www.expressindia.com/latest-news/negative-marking-to-apply-for-scsts-in-med-entrance/621749/

Negative marking to apply for SC-STs in med entrance
Vijay Pratap Singh Posted: May 21, 2010 at 0227 hrs

Allahabad The Allahabad High Court has quashed the Uttar Pradesh
government's order cancelling negative marking in the post-graduate
medical entrance exam for SC, ST students.
On Thursday, the court issued directions to hold fresh counselling,
which, it said, should not take into account the government circular
dated April 6, 2010, by which negative marking for SC/ST candidates
was cancelled after declaration of results, because there were not
enough candidates for reserved seats.

The circular had ordered the Director General of Medical Education to
add the marks deducted through negative marking only for SC/ST
students.

The result of the entrance exam was declared on March 4 and the
counselling was to begin from April 11. But the government circular
came five days before the counselling was to begin.

Justice Dilip Gupta passed the order on a petition of Hemant Kumar
Maurya and others, who had challenged the government circular.

The petitioners had appealed that candidates belonging to reserved
categories who secured less than 40 per cent marks not be allowed — as
prescribed by the Medical Council of India.

The court observed that the number of questions a candidate may
attempt in a multiple choice format depends largely on whether
negative marking applies. In case of negative marking, a candidate
attempts only those questions where he is sure of the answer.
Otherwise, a candidate attempts all questions.

"The negative marking, therefore, has a direct effect on the number of
questions a candidate may attempt and so it is necessary for the
authority to make it known to the candidates before the examination
whether there will be negative marking or not and if a decision for
negative marking has been taken prior to the holding of the
examination, such a decision cannot be altered after the examination
is held," said the court.

It added: "If the system of negative marking is dispensed with after
the exam is held, the examination will stand vitiated and cannot be
considered valid for determination of the academic merit of
candidates. For this reason alone, the circular dated 6th April, 2010
deserves to be set aside."


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