And credit for Dr Ambedkar memorial goes to...
Kavitha Iyer Posted online: Wed Jan 04 2012, 02:58 hrs
Mumbai : It caused consternation among officials at what appeared to
be a state government and Congress capitualation to arm-twisting by
squatters inside a Union government-owned mill in Central Mumbai. And
it set off a series of congratulatory messages for the Congress and a
parallel clamour among parties for credit.
When Prime Minister Manmohan Singh last week agreed to allocate the
entire 12.5-acre expanse of India United Mills for a mega memorial to
Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar, it brought to an end a decade-long struggle by
the Dalit community that has been demanding space for an
"international-level" memorial. It has also initiated a good amount of
political drama, with the Dalit constituency a looming factor in
municipal corporation polls across Maharashtra as well as in the Uttar
Pradesh elections.
At the centre of the dispute is a prime plot of sea-kissing land, just
off Shivaji Park and adjoining the existing Chaityabhoomi where a
memorial and stupa attract a few million visitors each year. The
demand for the India United Mills and Dye Works land (loosely called
"Indu Mill") for the Chaityabhoomi expansion project has been hanging
in balance since at least 2003, though the state government and the
NTC arrived at a decision in 2011 regarding sharing the land. The NTC
would get a high FSI of up to 7 for an 8-acre parcel in exchange for
the remaining 4 acres that could be used to expand the memorial. The
development potential for the land was then pegged as around Rs 1,000
crore.
On Dr Ambedkar's death anniversary last year on December 6, more than
500 followers under the Republican Sena stormed the mill land, claimed
that they had "taken possession" and installed a bust of Dr Ambedkar
and Buddha inside. Most of the hundreds left later, but some 15 monks
stayed back, watching over the statues as a steady stream of visitors
from remote corners of Maharashtra came over subsequent days to pay
their respects.
Encroachment of public spaces is common enough in Mumbai, but even the
Bombay High Court was astonished that the state administration had
chosen not to act against the squatters. It compared the occupation to
the demolition of the Babri Masjid, stating that the police should be
unapologetic about using force if necessary to evict the squatters.
"It was merely a symbolic occupation of the land," argues Kashinath
Nikalje, Maharashtra president of the Republican Sena, formed by
Ambedkar's youngest grandson Anandraj. "We did not construct a single
structure inside. We weren't seeking the land for ourselves. And, as
promised, we left as soon as the state government assured us that a
positive outcome could emerge in New Delhi."
Whether prompted by the symbolic protest or the rap on the knuckles
from the high court, the state government took its next steps swiftly,
initiating backroom negotiations with the occupiers and with New
Delhi.
"It is indeed a big step for the community that looks up to Ambedkar
even more than God," said Dalit writer-poet and political activist
Namdeo Dhasal. "But when such a populist decision is taken with
elections around the corner, it is natural to think about what led to
the decision at this time. The issue had been pending for years; had
they taken a decision earlier, it may have been much more meaningful."
Dhasal called the action of forcibly occupying the mill land
"childish" and said the various groups claiming credit for the outcome
should instead focus on completing Dr Ambedkar's mission.
While the move is expected to enthuse Dalit voters, including those in
Uttar Pradesh, the Congress in Maharashtra says it is mere coincidence
that elections in UP and key municipal corporations in Maharashtra are
round the corner.
"I am pained at the negative connotations around the decision. The
Congress has always been totally oriented towards the oppressed or
neglected sections of society," said MPCC general secretary Sanjay
Dutt. "This decision is a reaffirmation of our faith in the ideology
of Bharat Ratna Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar."
According to Dutt, Sonia Gandhi and the Prime Minister responded
positively to the initiative by the state Congress and Chief Minister
Prithviraj Chavan, taking the decision as swiftly as the chief
minister had presented his case on the very next morning after the
Rajya Sabha's adjournment following the Lokpal debate.
Anandraj Ambedkar has himself insisted that his was no political
stunt. Nikalje, who said various Dalit groups had supported their
"social movement", added that the Republican Sena is not interested in
contesting elections itself.
Yet, since the decision on Saturday, several hoardings have been put
up thanking Congress leaders for the decision, NCP members have
pointed out that their activist Vijay Kamble had been on a fast at
Chaityabhoomi even before the December 6 occupation of the mill, and
Republican Party of India leader Ramdas Athavale has organised his own
victory rally although the Republican Sena clearly out-thought him on
the issue.
Much anger is reserved for the Athavale group of the Republican Party
of India, which tied up with the Shiv Sena and the BJP for the local
body polls in mid-2011. Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray has called the
decision an election gimmick by the Congress. Congress and NCP leaders
have immediately pointed out that while Athavale is attempting to
claim some credit for the decision, his ally Thackeray had some years
ago stoutly opposed the renaming of the Marathwada University after Dr
Ambedkar. "The recent municipal council polls have shown that there is
no shakti in the Shivshakti-Bhimshakti combine," said Dutt, referring
to the Sena-BJP-RPI's poor showing. "The shakti of the people is
behind the Congress-NCP."
But NCP leaders have been candid about drawing up their own plans to
woo the Dalit vote after former ally Athavale supported the Sena-BJP,
including the suggestion last year to rename Dadar railway station as
Chaityabhoomi station, a step immediately opposed by Raj Thackeray.
Athavale has now demanded that the land be handed over by January 26,
failing which he would launch his own agitation, a threat termed as
tokenism by the Congress since a committee will now report on the
modalities of the handover by January 31.
Meanwhile, what precise shape the memorial will take is another debate
that has begun. While original plans were for a "Bhikshu-vihar", a
library and a "social justice university", new ideas include land for
Dalit groups to protest, a political education center for Dalit groups
and Anandraj's own idea — a statue of Dr Ambedkar, to be called the
Statue of Equality, on the lines of the Statue of Liberty.
AFTER THE DECISION
CONGRESS: Says Sonia Gandhi and Prime Minister responded positively to
the initiative by the state Congress and chief minister, taking the
decision as swiftly as the latter had presented his case. Several
hoardings have been put up thanking Congress leaders for the decision
NCP: Its members have pointed out that their activist Vijay Kamble had
been on a fast at Chaityabhoomi even before the December 6 occupation
of the mill
REPUBLICAN PARTY OF INDIA: Ramdas Athavale organised his own victory rally
REPUBLICAN SENA: Says various Dalit groups supported its "social
movement", and that it is not interested in contesting elections
SHIV SENA: Calls the decision an election gimmick by the Congress;
Congress and NCP leaders point out that his ally Athavale is
attempting to claim credit while Bal Thackeray had once opposed the
renaming of the Marathwada University after Dr Ambedkar
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