http://www.smh.com.au/world/census-controversy-shows-caste-politics-still-counts-in-india-20100514-v4e0.html
Census controversy shows caste politics still counts in India
MATT WADE IN NOIDA, INDIA
May 15, 2010
Glory... Kumari Mayawati at a ceremony in New Delhi in 2007 in front
of statues of herself and the Dalit heroes B.R. Ambedkar and Kanshi
Ram. Photo: AFP
They were once pushed to the margins, condemned to the filthiest jobs.
But for many Dalits - previously the Untouchables of the Hindu caste
system - times have changed.
Perhaps no one symbolises this better than the ''Dalit Queen'', Kumari
Mayawati, who has been Chief Minister of India's most populous state,
Uttar Pradesh, for three years.
A hallmark of Mayawati's reign has been her passion for building
statues to honour Dalit political leaders, herself included. The
latest - a row of towering lower-caste heroes covered from head to toe
in blue material and built at a cost of more than $80 million - stands
on the banks of the River Yamuna at Noida, a booming high-tech
business hub 20 kilometres south-east of New Delhi.
It is estimated Mayawati has spent at least $300 million on monuments
to Dalit leaders in Uttar Pradesh, an impoverished state of 180
million. There are about 20,000 statues of the great Dalit leader B.
R. Ambedkar dotted across the state, most of them commissioned by
Mayawati.
She rejects criticism of her statue-building frenzy, saying the
statues are an inspiration for low-caste people who have been
repressed and excluded from power for a millennium.
Badri Narayan Tiwari, a specialist in caste politics at the G. B. Pant
Institute of Social Sciences, in Allahabad, says the statues are a
strategy to build ''respect'' for Dalit caste identity through visuals
and stories.
The influence of caste in India was underscored again last week when
the Finance Minister, Pranab Mukherjee, announced the government would
require Hindus to record their caste in the colossal 10-yearly
national census now under way. The last time caste numbers were
counted was in 1931, when the British ruled the subcontinent.
The governing Congress Party - which has resisted counting caste in
the census for decades - has changed its position in an apparent
effort to please the caste-based parties that now wield great
influence in national and regional politics.
The success of Mayawati, who has risen to power in the Hindi heartland
with the passionate support of Dalits, illustrates the importance
caste has in modern Indian politics. Her main rival for power in Uttar
Pradesh is a party that draws its support from a large and powerful
caste called the Yadavs.
''Caste has been there in Indian politics for a very long time but
it's becoming more explicit now,'' says a Delhi University political
analyst, Mahesh Rangarajan.
Tiwari says government attempts to breakdown caste barriers have
helped eradicate social disadvantage but, at the same time, reinforced
the role of caste in politics.
''The Indian state, which is working to dilute the caste system, is
also strengthening caste identity,'' he says.
Caste assigns Hindus a place in the social hierarchy based on
hereditary groups originally formed around occupations. . The system
has four broad groups or varnas: Brahmins (priests), Kshatriyas
(warriors), Vaishyas (merchants and farmers) and Sudras (manual
workers). Each caste stratum has a complex web of ''subcastes'' -
about 6000 in all - that vary across regions.
The title Dalit describes a cluster of subcastes at the very bottom of
the hierarchy. Mahatma Gandhi challenged the poor treatment of this
group and called them ''Harijans'', children of God.
Discrimination on the basis of caste is banned by the Indian
constitution and low castes benefit from social programs and
affirmative action. This includes quotas for government jobs,
university courses and even parliamentary seats.
Even so, caste prejudice remains pervasive despite rapid social and
economic change. A recent study found that having a low-caste surname
significantly reduced the chances of being called for a job interview.
The widespread aversion to inter-caste marriage is highlighted each
Sunday, when newspapers carry pages of advertisements by parents
seeking an appropriate spouse for their son or daughter. Most of these
''matrimonials'' are grouped by caste and subcaste and many make it
clear that those lower in the hierarchy need not respond.
The decision to count caste in the census has triggered vigorous
debate about the role of caste in politics and society.
Supporters argue a proper count will give reliable data on groups
getting state benefits and help the government target affirmative
action measures better. Modern estimates of caste numbers in India
rely on the last official tally, now 80 years out of date.
However, critics warn the count could inflame social tensions and
further entrench caste politics. It may also open a Pandora's box of
political demands from powerful caste groups emboldened by official
figures. The inclusion of the caste question in the census has been
pushed by political leaders from the so-called ''other backward
castes'', in the hope they can win more government benefits for their
constituents.
''There are genuine apprehensions that this could lead to more
agitation and conflict,'' says Rangarajan.
Pratap Bhanu Mehta, the president of the Centre for Policy Research,
in Delhi, believes counting caste in the census trashes fundamental
principles of Indian democracy and will make it more difficult to rid
the country of ancient prejudices and hierarchies.
''At one stroke, it trivialises all that modern India has stood for,''
he wrote in the Indian Express, ''and condemns it to the tyranny of an
insidious kind of identity politics.''
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