Caste in Census 2011: Is it necessary?
28 May 2010, 0609 hrs IST,Rajindar Sachar,
The country is in a vortex of challenges, counter challenges and
suspicious suggestions on the desirability or otherwise of including
caste in the
2011 census. A calmer discussion may clear a number of cobwebs. It is
common knowledge that the caste system has existed in our country for
centuries.
It is unnecessary to dilate upon the origin of caste; whether it was
the freezing of a guild system, helped and encouraged, no doubt, by
Brahamanical scriptural history, and the lack of an industrial
revolution (because of the British occupation of India), etc. The
Constitution recognised the evils of the caste system and provided for
affirmative action with a view to ultimately eliminating it from our
social structure. But unfortunately it remains, even stronger
affirmative action has only created a creamy layer subclass and the
benefits are still being denied to the vast submerged poor in backward
classes, and the poor in all the castes.
The proponents of a caste census offer the strange reason that without
knowing the actual numbers adequate affirmative action cannot be taken
by the states. This argument assumes there is no reliable estimate of
OBC/SC/ST numbers. The fact is that the NSSO's 61st round undertaken
by the government of India in 2004, tells us that OBCs constitute 41%
of the total population of India; OBC percentage in some religious
communities, say, Hindus is 42.8%, and among Muslims it is 39.2%.
More important, by virtue of Article 340 of the Constitution,
Parliament set up the National Commission for Backward Classes Act
1993 for identification of the backward classes and to make special
provisions relating to such classes. Application for inclusion of
backward classes in the list maintained by the central government can
be made to the commission and its advice is ordinarily binding on the
government. States also have backward commissions with similar powers.
Thus, a list for the country showing the number of backward classes is
continuously being updated and would be readily available.
Surely that record would be more authentic than the unsatisfactory one
prepared hurriedly and without any parameters during the census, which
even proponents of caste census concede. Also, let us clear one
cobweb: even if it is found in the census that backward classes (BC)
number around 60-70%, it can make no difference to the strategy of
affirmative action, like reservations, etc., which are in operation at
present.
The reason is that the Supreme Court has mandated maximum of 50%
reservation for jobs and education. Of this, 23% are for SC/ST, which
leaves 27% which is already being given to backward classes. So the
argument of knowing the exact number of people belonging to various
castes like Yadavs and Kurmis et al will serve no purpose except to
create an artificial bond of kinship on one side and unnecessary
antagonism for the other castes.
The argument also is that if categories of sex and religion in the
census have not led to any friction, why would caste do so? A simple
answer is that those two categories are measures of identity and are
not divisive in themselves. No doubt, vested interests create
religious divides, but that does not justify putting caste on the same
plane.
CANwe, in the name of caste, for reservation purposes, treat Yadav
landowners or ministers on par with a Yadav labourer, or a Yadav car
driver? Do we want to go back to feudal classification and encourage
raw casteism? Let me immediately make a caveat — that the policy of
affirmative action for backward classes (excluding, of course, the
creamy layer) has my full acceptance. However, one is troubled by the
idea of making caste the central point of all public policies, because
this will affect the real inequality in society between the haves and
have-nots, the rich and the poor, irrespective of their religion and
caste identities.
In fact, the progressive people who talk so fervently of a classless
society must remember that originally caste and class were synonymous
in India. But now, because of industrialisation and the emergence of
the working class as a significant factor, class loyalty is becoming
more dominant as against caste loyalty. Should some sections, like
dock workers, railway employees, steel workers, coal and oil workers,
not be classified as working class, or must they continue to be
classified according to the feudal phraseology of castes and
sub-castes?
If we do that, would it not be a sure way of undermining the strength
and unity of the working class? Indeed, the typical capitalist would
be very happy to have trade unions based on caste composition rather
than class. As Dr Ram Manohar Lohia had caustically remarked: "The
system of castes is a terrifying force of stability and against
change, a force that stabilises all current meanness, dishonour and
lies — and the resurrection of the real India lies in the revolt
against caste."
For Dr Lohia "it is meaningless to talk of equality while maintaining
separate castes. Castes have to be abolished. Even their nomenclatures
should go". That religious identity is not as strong as caste was
foreseen by Dr Lohia who said: "British rule in India had made use of
the element of caste in the same manner that it made use of the
element of religion. The revolt against caste is the resurrection of
India and only then will India be truly and fully alive."
A patriot and a progressive would look askance at the growth of
parties of regional castes, even when they purport to mask themselves
by putting on a radical garb. Their capacity to disintegrate should
not be overlooked. They disintegrate the people. They disintegrate the
mind. As we have quite authentic information from the NSSO survey and
the Backward Commission, why muddle it with caste census, which, as is
admitted by all, may suffer from lack of preparatory material and
absence of proper verification. More so, when such an estimate would
not be relied on by the government for affirmative policies.
(The author is former Chief Justice of Delhi High Court)
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