http://timesofindia
Rest of India proposes, UP disposes
Arvind Singh Bisht, TNN, Mar 7, 2010, 07.11am IST
LUCKNOW: The political spectrum dominated by pro-Mandal forces in UP
is likely to undergo a change, once a determined Congress succeeds in
pushing the Women's Reservation bill, slated to be taken up for vote
in Parliament on Women's Day on March 8.
The Congress move has already caused disquiet in the ruling Bahujan
Samaj Party (BSP) and the Samajwadi Party (SP). Though arch-rivals,
the two parties are major players in their own respects in UP.
Together, they represent the voice and aspirations of the masses by
making a formidable tally of 314 -- BSP (227) and the SP (87) in 403
members Vidhan Sabha.
Ironically, the opposition to the Women's bill by these two Mandal
outfits runs contrary to the history of UP. This is because UP can
boast of having the first woman governor (Sarojini Naidu), and the
first woman chief minister (Sucheta Kriplani) in the country. They
decorated these Constitutional offices way back in '50s and '60s
respectively when women virtually had no voice in the society. Even
BSP supremo Mayawati, herself a woman and a Scheduled Caste, has risen
to become chief minister for the fourth time of this politically most
sensitive state, which is often regarded as the heart of India and a
key to power at Delhi.
However, both the BSP and the SP have their reasons to oppose the
proposed bill. As OBC champion and SP chief Mulayam Singh Yadav puts
it: "The bill in its present form is nothing but a conspiracy against
the Dalits and the Other Backward Classes (OBC)." Incidentally, BSP
supremo Mayawati, too, demands vertical reservation given separately
to women belonging to SC/ST, OBC and minorities.
Both parties are gearing up to oppose the bill. As SP spokesman
Rajendra Chaudhary said: "We will oppose this bill both inside and
outside the Parliament." Similarly, BSP sources confide that the
Centre would be exposed for its stance over the issue at a large party
rally to be attended by workers from all over the country here on
March 15.
The fear of these parties are not unfounded. Paradoxically, their
voters are socially conservative. Reasons for this may vary. While
Dalits, who are mainly landless labourers, are socially-disadvanta
groups; Yadavs, Jats and OBCs have a strong patriarchal set-up. In the
backdrop of this, leaders of both the BSP and SP are apprehensive over
the bill and see it against their social value system. They feel the
bill in its present form would force them to fill mandatory 33% women
quota mainly from those of upper castes.
An analogy can be drawn in this respect from the women representation
in the Vidhan Sabha. In 2002, 32 women were elected. The SP had the
highest numbers (16), followed by eight of BJP, six of BSP and two of
Congress and one of RLD. Of 16 SP women members, 10 were from upper
castes. In BSP their number was four out of total six. However, in
2007 Vidhan Sabha elections the number of women MLAs went down. They
are in the order of: BSP (14), SP (6) BJP (5), Congress (1) and RLD
(2). Incidentally, majority of women MLAs, both in BSP and the SP, are
from upper castes.
In UP, the first Legislative Assembly had 13 women, this increased to
29 in 1957 and 30 in 1985. Their numbers reached a low of 10 in 1991,
but rose to 14 in 1993. The assembly elections of 1996 saw only 19
women in the state legislature. The only silver lining is that of the
panchayats polls in which women representatives are much more than
their quota of 33%. But as these elections are influenced mainly by
the government of the day, they are only a superficial parameter for
women empowerment.
Systematically, anti-women biases and obstacles to women's entry have
made our polity an almost exclusive all-male club. In popular
perception, politics has become synonymous with greed, lust for power
and criminality. Ironically, Mayawati, too, has failed to distinguish
herself as advocate of women empowerment.
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