Wednesday, March 31, 2010

[ZESTCaste] As India urbanises, caste is losing, and will continue to lose, its strength (Chandra Bhan Prasad)

http://www.himalmag.com/New-order_nw4419.html

New order April 2010
By: Chandra Bhan Prasad


As India urbanises, caste is losing, and will continue to lose, its strength.


Karen Haydock
It is better [to discharge] one's own duty incompletely than
completely that of another; for he who lives according to the law of
another [caste] is instantly excluded from his own," mandates Manu. "A
man of low caste who through covetousness lives by the occupations of
a higher one, the king shall deprive of his property and banish
[him]," Manu adds. "By [selling] flesh, salt and lac [resin], a
Brahmin at once becomes an outcast; by selling milk he becomes [equal
to] a Shudra in three days/But, by willingly selling in this world
other [forbidden] commodities, a Brahmin assumes after seven nights
the character of a Vaishya," Manu warns.

India's caste order is structured on the twin principals of
occupational and blood 'purity'. If one were to carry a copy of the
Manusmriti, and then to pay a visit to traditional Indian society, one
would find the Manusmriti to be the script while the traditional
society is the film. Recall 25 December 1927, and decode the
importance of Manusmriti Dahan Divas, the day when B R Ambedkar
symbolically burnt the Manusmriti, celebrated every year by Dalits. A
thorough liberal, Ambedkar listened with respect even to his
adversaries; he would ban no thought or idea, even those he might not
have liked. Yet while he critiqued, rejected and condemned all Hindu
scriptures, he burned the Manusmriti alone – as caste's constitution,
which accords divine sanction to occupation and blood purity.

Yet post-1990, India's caste order has slowly been losing one of its
pillars, that of occupational purity. Seemingly by accident, bullocks
have disappeared from much of northwestern India. To the 'twice born',
touching the handle of the plough was long no less than religious
blasphemy, let alone tilling land using bullock-drawn ploughs. As
such, it was the Dalits who worked the land of twice-born landlords,
and thus it was the bullock that was the key instrument in tying
Dalits to the caste Hindus. Now, with the near-complete disappearance
of these animals, the main instrument of bondage too has disappeared.
Just to showcase how caste is losing its foundation of occupational
purity, even feudal Thakurs are now reconciled to tilling Dalits' land
for wages – driving tractors themselves.

There have been several important catalysts since 1990, which have
triggered a social revolution that seems to have gone largely
unnoticed by most 'thought leaders'. A host of caste-neutral
occupations have and continue to come into being, while many other
occupations are becoming increasingly caste-neutral. Harvesting wheat
and paddy through the use of large harvesting machines, for instance,
is now a caste-neutral occupation; as noted, the twice-born thus have
no hesitation working for Dalit land owners for wages. In small towns
and tiny roadside bazaars across India, twice-born women are opening
beauty parlours where, as a matter of course, nearly all women,
including Dalits, go before their weddings. But just a few decades
back, almost none could imagine a Thakur or Brahmin woman giving a
massage to a Dalit.

In shopping malls, hotels and corporate hospitals, sweepers are now
designated as 'housekeeping staff'. With new cleaning kits, they now
have uniforms to wear and shoes to sport; with caps on their heads,
they look more like paramedical staff than the sweepers of old. And
with these changes, much of the caste stigma is fading, as even
non-Dalits are taking up such jobs. A University of Pennsylvania
research team recently surveyed three shopping malls around Delhi, and
found more than 60 percent the housekeeping staff were non-Dalit – in
which the twice-born accounted for more than 38 percent, the same as
Dalits.

The new economic order has made the Indian psyche far more
consumer-oriented than it used to be, with significant implications
for caste. Whereas earlier, even a poor Brahmin would claim supremacy
over a Dalit due to the supremacy of his or her social marker, now
'material' markers are replacing the old social ones as indicators of
well-being. In the market-driven consumer economy, the Brahmin must
possess a combination of material goods – a television, mobile phone,
refrigerator or two-wheeler, for instance – in order to claim status
in the neighbourhood. The 'Brahmin' marker is no longer enough. In
fact, for a Brahmin or even a Thakur, the caste indicator has at times
come to be even an embarrassment, leading many to hide their caste
when, for instance, driving a cycle-rickshaw.

In the market-driven culture, rank can be negotiated, unlike those
fixed by birth. Those twice-born who continued to live in accordance
with their social indicators were suddenly faced with a thoroughly
confusing situation when, for instance, a Dalit in the village bought
a television. Not used to hard labour, the twice-born youths are now
reconciled to taking up occupations once described as the meanest and
most polluting – those reserved for Dalits. Caste evolved in a rural
set-up, after all, and sustained itself in agrarianism. But now, India
is fast becoming increasingly urban. According to a Planning
Commission estimate, by 2050, some 55 percent of the Indian population
will be considered urban – and the caste order simply cannot operate
with the same strength in urban India as it did in the rural areas.

A combination of several factors – globalisation, capitalism,
consumerism, mechanisation, industrialisation and urbanisation – will
thus make the caste order obsolete in public life. India may not
become caste free in the foreseeable future, but India will become
caste-neutral before 2050.


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