Friday, December 25, 2009

[ZESTCaste] Bhagat Singh On Dalit Question

http://countercurrents.org/yadav231209.htm

Bhagat Singh On Dalit Question

By Ashok Yadav

23 December, 2009
Countercurrents.org

Bhagat Singh finds a place not only among India's but world's greatest
revolutionaries. His life, work, struggle and the way he kissed and
embraced death bring him in league of world's great revolutionaries
such as Socrates, Bruno, Joan of Arc, Che Guevara etc. His martyrdom
will continue to inspire many generations of revolutionaries to
sacrifice their lives in defence of truth, justice and freedom. He was
a rare thinker. The mastery he could acquire in the art and science of
revolution even at a tender age of twenty three when he died is very
rare. We still feel the loss that our country suffered on his untimely
death. It was not for nothing that the British imperialists hanged him
and the future rulers of India preferred to remain silent on his death
sentence.

We are well aware of Bhagat Singh's thoughts on topics such as
socialism, revolution, India's independence, working class movements,
religion, god etc. His life and death centred around these concerns.
We are generally not aware of his take on caste system as he has not
written much on this. It may be due to the fact that he was a Sikh
where caste based differentiation and discrimination is not as acute
as among the Hindus.

Yet his article 'Achoot Samasya' (The Untouchability Problem) is very
important because we get glimpses of his revolutionary thoughts on
this basic problem of Indian society. Now when in the post-mandal
phase caste and dalit questions have acquired paramount importance in
socio-political discourse it has become relevant to understand his
thoughts on this question.

Bhagat Singh wrote this article in the month of June, 1928 as the
volume of his collected works indicates. Baba Saheb Bhim Rao Ambedkar
had already made history by burning 'Manusmriti' with his followers on
December 25, 1927. On March 20, 1927 Baha Saheb with his followers had
touched water of Mahad pond which was hitherto not accessible to the
achoots (untouchables). Baba Saheb with his followers had been
demanding right of separate electorates from the British government.
The year also witnessed the publication of Katherine Mayo's 'Mother
India' and furore over the content of the book. Mahatma Gandhi dubbed
the book as a gutter inspector's report. The evils of Indian
particularly Hindu society were most nakedly, mercilessly and
authentically exposed in the book. The moral hypocrisy, insincerity
and hollowness of the elites of Hindu society on the question of
eradicating social evils were brought forth before the world. In his
article 'Achoot Samasya' Bhagat Singh has quoted a speech of Noor
Mohammad, a legislature in the then Bombay council, which also finds a
place in 'Mother India'. Not only this Bhagat Singh also quotes Mayo:
'Those who would be free must themselves strike the blow'. Thus three
major events of 1927 viz. Mahad Satyagrah, burning of Manusmriti and
publication of 'Mother India' had brought the social question onto the
surface of the national movement with a vengeance.

In a speech in Bombay council in 1926 Noor Mohammad had demolished the
Congress demand for political rights from the British government. He
famously spoke, "If the Hindu society refuses to allow other human
beings, fellow creatures so that to attend public schools and if...the
president of local boards representing so many lakhs of people in this
house refuses to allow his fellows and brothers the elementary human
rights of having water to drink, what right have they to ask for more
rights from the bureaucracy? Before we accuse people coming from other
lands, we should see how we ourselves behave towards our own
people.....How can we ask for greater political rights when we
ourselves deny elementary rights of human beings." Bhagat Singh quotes
Noor Mohammad in original English and then translates it in
vernacular. He is not content with just quoting Noor Mohammad. He
whole heartedly supports the stand of Noor Mohammad, "What he says is
fully justified, but as he is a Muslim, he will be accused of pitching
for conversion of untouchable Hindus in Islam." He then supports
religious conversion, "If you treat him worse than animals, they will
convert to other religions, where they will get more human rights and
will be treated like human beings. Then your lament that the Muslim
and the Christian are harming Hindu fold will be futile." In all these
quotes Bhagat Singh's thoughts are strikingly similar to those of Dr
Ambedkar. Yet one thing is remarkable that by 1928 when Bhagat Singh
penned this article Dr Ambedkar had not yet declared his intention to
leave Hindu fold and to embrace other religion. The thoughts of Bhagat
Singh on religious conversions have become even more relevant
particularly in the backdrop of the then Prime Minister Atal Behari
Vajpayee's advocacy of national debate on religious conversion after
gruesome killings of Graham Staines and his two children. Till now
they have been challenged by Dr Ambedkar's thoughts. Bhagat Singh's
thoughts too are confronting them.

Bhagat Singh recognised that the caste system basically promotes
contemptuous feelings for labour and, therefore, has blocked India's
rise. He writes in most simple words, ".....Disrespect for even urgent
types of work grew among the people. We scorn the Julahas. Even
weavers are treated as untouchables. This has retarded our
development." Obviously Bhagat Singh links development to the social
justice unlike the today's model of development where economic
development has been completely delinked from social justice.

Bhagat Singh supported the untouchables' ('dalits' in today's
parlance) demands for separate electorate system. On this point also
he is standing in league with Dr Ambedkar. On March 23, 1931 Bhagat
Singh was hanged along with his two comrades. Had he been alive he
would have supported Dr Ambedkar in his battle with Mahatma Gandhi
over separate electorate system in 1932. He is unmistakable on this
count, "We do understand that their organising themselves separately
and, being equivalent to the Muslim in population, demanding
equivalent rights, are welcome indications. Either do away with caste
based discriminations or bestow separate rights to them. Councils and
assemblies must strive to give them equal rights to avail facilities
of schools and colleges, wells and roads. It should not be lip service
but they themselves should lead them to public facilities. They should
ensure admission of their children in schools. But the moot question
is, in an assembly where in the name of religion people raise hue and
cry over a legislative bill to curb child marriage, how can they dare
to embrace the untouchables. It is, therefore, necessary that they
should have their own representatives so that they are able to secure
more rights for themselves." It is noteworthy that Dr Amedkar had
crystallised the demand for separate electorate for dalits only by
first round table conference in 1930. But other dalit protagonists had
been demanding separate electorate for themselves. By supporting
separate electorate for dalits Bhagat Singh stands in opposition to
the social imperialists and wins everlasting love, respect and
confidence of the dalits. Gandhiji too opposed practices of
untouchability prevalent in the society but he was dead against
bestowing rights of separate electorate system to the dalits. By
supporting dalits' demand for rights of separate electorate system he
proved that he was their true friend. As Kanshiram has contended in
his famous polemic 'The Age of Stooges', the Poona Pact that denied
rights of separate electorate system to the dalits became the chief
tool to prevent the emergence of independent leadership from among the
dalits. To repeal Poona Pact and win right of separate electorate
system for themselves is still occupying a place of prominence in the
Dalit agenda and therefore Bhagat Singh is still relevant for Dalit
politics.

The militant Bhagat Singh suddenly turns bitter in his article and
says, "Laton Ke Bhoot Baton Se Nahi Bhagte" i.e. "Those fit to be
thrashed cannot be dismissed by words." He goes on," Unite, be self
dependent and then challenge the whole of society. Then you will see
no one will dare to deny you your rights. Don't allow others to
deceive you. Don't expect anything from others." But before this he
arouses pride in dalits , " The so called untouchables, the true
servicemen and brothers of the people, rise. Know your history. None
but you were the muscle of the army of Guru Govind Singh. It was on
your strength that Shivaji could do what he did and for which Shivaji
is still alive in history. Your sacrifices have been inscribed in
golden letters." Then he quotes Mayo, "Those who would be free must
themselves strike the blow."

In this article Bhagat Singh puts forward an important formulation
which still holds great importance for dalit politics. He warns dalits
against bureaucracy, "Don't get trapped by bureaucracy. They are not
willing to reach you help. Rather they are in look out how to make you
pawns of their designs. This capitalistic bureaucracy is the real
cause of your poverty and slavery. Never make an alliance with it.
Beware of their machinations. Then everything will be set aright.."
This is very important as Bhagat Singh does not blame directly the
British regime for their miseries. Instead he takes an indirect route
to blame capitalistic bureaucracy. He does not even name it "British
bureaucracy." So far as Bhagat Singh desists from directly blaming the
British regime he is in conformity with Dr Ambedkar who too did not
blame the Britishers directly for the ills of the dalit. However if we
watch the scenario of dalit politics today the words of Bhagat Singh
appear prophetic. The biggest faultline of dalit politics today is
that it is heavily dependent on bureaucracy in two ways. First, it
takes guidance from dalit bureaucracy so far as fixing the agenda of
dalit politics is concerned. Second, dalit politics when it comes in
power like Mayawati has done in UP again depends entirely on
bureaucracy for preparation as well as for implementation of
government welfare measures. All talks are centred on how to increase
dalit participation in state apparatuses. Dalit as well as other
political parties professing their agenda of social justice are in the
habit of talking about that when they come in power they are helpless
in reaching government welfare measures to the targeted population
because of low representation of SC/ST/OBC in bureaucracy. They are
unable to understand that so far as Brahminic system continues there
will perhaps not come the day when bureaucracy will have sufficient
SC/ST/OBC representation. It is the bureaucracy that supports
Brahminism and SC/ST/OBC bureaucrats are compelled to make compromises
in order to survive in the Brahminic bureaucracy. No system has ever
been changed by people who became part and parcel of that system.
Despite sixty years of SC/ST and fifteen years of OBC reservation in
central services their percentage has remained abysmally low in elite
services of IAS, IPS, IRS etc. The Hindustan Times, dated December 21,
2009 carries a news item based on figures provided by Minister of
State for Personnel that states that of 88 Secretary level officers in
Government of India there is no dalit, of 66 Additional Secretaries
only one is dalit, of 249 Joint Secretaries only 13 are dalits and of
471 directors only 31 are dalits. So it is essential that besides
doing everything to widen the scope of reservation so as to increase
SC/ST/OBC representation in bureaucracy our attention should also move
towards how to restructure the administrative system so as to
decentralise and democratise it. Though SC/ST/OBC participation in
bureaucracy has not reached to the desired level, we have seen
substantial increase in dalit bahujan legislators and people's
representatives in parliament, state assemblies and local government
bodies. In a true and effective democratic set up, elected
representatives are everywhere entrusted and delegated the powers of
executives to oversee and supervise the implementation of governmental
projects as well as maintenance of law and order. In our country in
order to vest power in the Brahminic bureaucracy the MLAs and MPs have
been reduced to mere ceremonial figures having no authority in his or
her constituency. An MLA or MP is a helpless onlooker of excesses of a
police and administrative officer in his or her constituency. All
powers are concentrated in DMs, SPs and then in the Chief Minister of
the province. It is not without reason that it is commonly commented
that the administrative system of the country is run by DM (District
Magistrate), CM (Chief Minister) and PM (Prime Minister). Such
centralised administrative system can never provide relief, welfare
and succour to the poor and hapless citizens of the country of whom
the overwhelming majority are dalit bahujans. So the best course of
action for the sake of democracy and dalit bahujan empowerment at
grass root level will be to take away to the maximum possible extent
the administrative powers from bureaucracy and devolve them to the
elected people's representatives. In such a backdrop the observation
and warning of Bhagat Singh to the dalits to beware of capitalistic
bureaucracy assumes significance. Unfortunately, the dalit discourse
spends all its energy in targeting Hindu religion to such an extent
that other pressing issues remain neglected. Capitalistic bureaucracy
is one such issue that has seldom been taken up by dalit intellectuals
in their discourse. State question has an important place in strategy
and tactics of any democratic movement.

By the end of the article Bhagat Singh provides another important
formulation. He writes, "You are the real proletariat...get
organised." This is a great lesson to the Indian left who has never
taken into account the social question in determining the class who
would provide vanguard sections of revolution. The dalits are
economically and socially the most oppressed sections of Indian
society. Hence Bhagat Singh takes the position that they are the real
proletariats.

In Indian society the location of a person in the caste system
determines his consciousness. Capitalism in India is not more than one
hundred fifty or two hundreds old but caste system dates back to
ancient times. So the social-political consciousness arising out of
hundreds of years old caste system is deeply ingrained in our psyche.
Improvement in economic conditions of life may dampen revolutionary
fervour of an upper caste proletariat but may fuel social
consciousness of a dalit proletariat. Improved economic conditions of
life may provide him the leisure in life giving him the opportunity
and occasion to study the history of oppression, subjugation and
discrimination faced by his ancestors. So the economic criteria alone
cannot help a theorist of social revolution to determine which class
is the real proletariat in the concrete social conditions of Indian
society. By taking into account the social as well as economic
conditions of life Bhagat Singh reaches at the conclusion that the
dalits are the real proletariat of this land.

Bhagat Singh concludes the article, "Bring revolution through social
movements and then be prepared for political and economic
revolutions." This is yet another important formulation of Bhagat
Singh. Right from Jotiba Phule to Dr Ambedkar all have stressed upon
the importance of social revolution in bringing about the final
revolutions in political and economic sectors. Bhagat Singh who
otherwise devoted major part of his short life for socialism and
national liberation did not digress much from India's great social
revolutionaries in prescribing the trajectory of revolution. Bhagat
Singh had started off his revolutionary life by making national
liberation from subjugation of British rule the sole preoccupation. In
a very short span of time he had realised that the ground for
political-economic revolution in India cannot be prepared unless
social revolution is effected. This was a great and stirring journey
of Bhagat Singh in the realm of philosophy.

(Note: All the quotations of Bhagat Singh from the article have been
translated in English by this writer from the Hindi version. The
article in question has been taken from Bhagat Singh's collected works
published by Rajkamal Prakashan)


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