Tuesday, January 24, 2012

[ZESTCaste] Vote prudently to bring about change: Maya

http://www.hindustantimes.com/News-Feed/Chunk-HT-UI-AssemblyElections2012-Uttarakhand-TopStories/Vote-prudently-to-bring-about-change-Maya/Article1-801460.aspx

Vote prudently to bring about change: Maya
Abhinav Madhwal, Hindustan Times
Dehradun, January 24, 2012

"Guard your vote just as you would guard the izzat of your bahu and
beti. Get up on time on January 30 (the day of polling) and cast your
vote in the morning so that no one else casts your vote before you."

Uttar Pradesh chief minister Mayawati urged the supporters of BSP to
follow these commandments if they wanted the party to come to power in
the state. Earlier, Mayawati reached the venue of the public meeting
at Parade Ground in Dehradun by chopper. The candidates for the
assembly segments of Garhwal region greeted her on the dais with a
huge garland of yellow flowers.

The UP chief minister said that the party was functioning on the motto
'Sarvjan Hitay, Sarvjan Sukhay' and was not limited to any particular
caste or religion. "We have distributed tickets on the formula that
'jiski jitni taiyyari, uski itni bhagedari'.

"We have kept in mind that the contestants have a clean image and are
dedicated to our movement. We have decided to go it alone in
Uttarakhand state assembly elections and would surely make our
government here with your support," she said to the cheering
supporters.

The UP CM listed the achievements of the BSP government in UP saying
that they had provided 3-acre pattas to the poor from the vacant plots
lying in the state.

Persons under the BPL categories have been given economic help of Rs
400 per month. Two room pucca houses have been provided to the poor in
Uttar Pradesh by the government. Every girl from the poor sections is
provided a ladies cycle and Rs 15,000 in cash on reaching Class 12.
The entrepreneurs among the poorer sections are being provided
contracts up to Rs 25 lakhs by the government.

Mayawati said she keeps a tab on the works by regular inspections. "If
you bring BSP government in Uttarakhand, then you will get the same
benefits in Uttarakhand as people in UP are getting, for we would be
extending the same schemes here."

Mayawati also urged the supporters to be wary of tricks of the
opposition parties as they could spread rumours against the BSP.
"Don't read the manifestos of other parties as there is nothing
substantial in them. Just go to the polling booth with the intent of
bringing the BSP to power," she said.

Reiterating her commitment to the development of Uttarakhand, Mayawati
said that they had carved new districts and tehsils when the area was
part of Uttar Pradesh.


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[ZESTCaste] BJP demands CBI probe into rise in wealth of Mayawati's brother

 

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/bjp-demands-probe-into-mayas-brothers-wealth/223864-37-170.html

Elections | Posted on Jan 24, 2012 at 05:43pm IST
BJP demands CBI probe into rise in wealth of Mayawati's brother
Press Trust of India

Lucknow: The BJP on Tuesday demanded a CBI probe into the source of
funding of various companies registered in the name of Mayawati's
brother Anand Kumar, alleging that his wealth has multiplied a
thousand times in just a few years.

"As per information, records available with the government department
as on 1st January 2007, Anand Kumar had a couple of companies in 2007.
During Mayawati regime, number of companies of Anand Kumar has crossed
300 as on January 1 2012," BJP national secretary Kirit Somaiya told
reporters in Lucknow.

He said the major company Anand Kumar had on January 1, 2007 was Hotel
Library Club Private Limited with the net worth of less than Rs 5
crore.
The BJP alleged that Anand Kumar's wealth has multiplied a thousand
times in just a few years.
BJP demands CBI probe into rise in wealth of Mayawati

"However, over the last few years, with the help of inflow from
non-transparent dealings and income from dubious transactions, the
wealth/investments of Mayawati's family and friends have crossed Rs
10,000 crore," Somaiya alleged.

The party also accused Mayawati government of parking "kick backs"
received for "various non-transparent" deals in these 300 dubious
companies.

"In the last six months, it seems dozens of new companies have been
formed by Mayawati's friends and family. The latest example is Messers
Front Age Investment Private Limited," the BJP leader alleged.

He alleged that this company has been registered with the Registrar of
Company on January 13 this year.

"This is the latest company registered by Anand Kumar Group. The scam
money is diverted and invested in hotels, properties, lands and
banks," Somaiya alleged.

Demanding a CBI investigation into the source of funding of these
companies, he said a probe by the apex investigation agency is a must
to unravel the secret behind the steep and manifold rise in Anand
Kumar's wealth.

However, the ruling BSP in Uttar Pradesh has already rubbished the
charges as baseless, saying they had been levelled by the BJP out of
frustration due to the party's "rejection" by the poor, dalits,
backwards and minorities.

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[ZESTCaste] New formulations

http://www.frontline.in/stories/20120210290212000.htm

ASSEMBLY ELECTIONS

New formulations

VENKITESH RAMAKRISHNAN
in Lucknow

With old alliances coming unstuck and new ones being tried out, Uttar
Pradesh seems to be heading for instability.

SUBIR ROY

STATUES OF ELEPHANTS, the BSP party symbol, after they were covered on
the Election Commission's orders, at the Ambedkar Samajik Parivartan
Sthal in Lucknow on January 11.

UTTAR PRADESH, the country's most populous State, seems all set to
return to the time-tested pattern of hung Assemblies and coalition
governments after a five-year stint of single-party government under
the Mayawati-led Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). The verdict of the 2007
Assembly elections was perceived as a watershed in the contemporary
political history of the State, for a variety of reasons. To start
with, the victory of the BSP in a majority of seats meant that the
State had a single-party government after a gap of 15 years. This
government was supposed to provide political and administrative
stability to the State and thereby bring in peace, progress and
development. The fact that the victory was triggered partially by two
antithetical groups in the caste hierarchy – Dalits and Brahmins – was
also seen as a salutary factor that would dilute the caste-based
identity politics practised in the State.

Five years later, as the campaign for the next round of Assembly
elections gains momentum, the electorate does not display any
overwhelming predilection to vote to power any single party. In fact,
the prevailing voter sentiment in the early stages of the campaign was
that single-party government by itself had not helped usher in peace
or improve the lot of the people of the State.

Apart from the anti-incumbency factor against the Mayawati government,
many traditional and also new factors are impacting the election
scene. The most prominent among the traditional factors is the
caste-based political orientation. Parties in the contest are trying
their best to consolidate their traditional support bases and
supplement them with tie-ups with other caste and community groups.

The second most important factor is the emergence of a large number of
young voters. During the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, the number of
voters in Uttar Pradesh was 11.06 crore. In a span of 18 months since
then, the Election Commission of India undertook extensive awareness
and enrolment campaigns, which led to the addition of more than 1.4
crore voters. The rough estimate is that every third voter in the
State is less than 39 years old (that is, 4.37 crore voters). Out of
them, 53 lakh voters are in the 18-19 age bracket. Political parties
and election officials expect them to exercise their franchise in
large numbers, pushing up the voting percentage.

Third, the element of communal division that has time and again
weighed down electoral battles in Uttar Pradesh is virtually
non-existent, with even the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) refraining
from highlighting issues with communal overtones. Fourth, the
emergence of smaller parties like the Peace Party of India (PPI) and
the Ulema Council from within the Muslim community, with significant
influence in certain areas, is causing discomfiture to the three big
secular parties in the contest – the BSP, the Samajwadi Party (S.P.)
and the Congress. Over and above all is the impact of delimitation,
which has changed the complexion of several constituencies so
drastically that seats once considered the bastion of one party or the
other do not fit the description anymore.

Brahmin disillusionment

All parties are pursuing caste- and community-based politics on
predictable lines. The caste alliance that the BSP had formed in 2007
to craft a famous victory no longer evokes strong reverberations in
the State. The slogan Dalit-Brahmin bhaichara (Dalit-Brahmin
brotherhood) symbolised this alliance and at that point of time it was
considered that the coming together of these communities would have
medium- and even long-term implications for the State's polity and
also for the country as a whole. However, large sections of Brahmins
across the State have got disillusioned with the BSP regime as well as
with the slogan over the past five years.

While travelling across a dozen districts in the central, western and
eastern parts of Uttar Pradesh, this disillusionment was one of the
most palpable socio-political factors that Frontline could sense. So
much so that the slogan evokes derisive reactions every time it is
uttered. The slogan now is, " Brahman shankh bajaayega, haathi aage
jaayega (the Brahmin will blow the conch and the elephant will march
forward)".

SUBIR ROY

CHIEF MINISTER MAYAWATI releasing the list of BSP candidates in
Lucknow on January 15.

Obviously, the BSP leadership has realised this. And that is exactly
why the party is seeking to work out different caste combinations this
time. The effort is to rally round significant sections of the
non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBC) and Muslims as a powerful
supplement to the core caste support base of the party, the Dalit
Jatav community, which accounts for nearly 14 per cent of the State's
population.

The caste- and community-wise break-up of the party's list of
candidates makes evident this change in strategy. The list contains
113 candidates from the OBC communities and 85 from the minority
Muslim community. Upper-caste Brahmins have got 74 nominations and
Thakurs 33. The BSP's campaign managers, including senior Minister
Naseemuddin Siddiqui, told Frontline that the BSP had a core Dalit
vote base of around 18 per cent and that, along with the votes from
candidates from other communities, would help the party win a majority
or near-majority this time . Mayawati has sought to overcome the
fairly strong anti-incumbency sentiment by dismissing as many as 10
Ministers who face corruption and criminal charges and also by denying
the ticket to over 100 sitting legislators. This, in turn, has led to
a revolt-like situation in several districts.

Advantage Akhilesh

The principal opposition, the S.P., is clearly the biggest beneficiary
of this anti-incumbency sentiment. It scores over other opposition
parties such as the Congress and the BJP on account of a variety of
factors. The party has a large support base in the OBC Yadav
community, which accounts for nearly 8 per cent of the State's
population. In 2007, some sections of the Yadav community had moved
away from the ruling S.P. in the context of the general resentment
against it. This time, however, the community is overwhelmingly
rallying around the party. The S.P. also has a more structured
organisational presence across the State than the Congress.

SUBIR ROY

BJP PRESIDENT NITIN Gadkari releasing the party's vision document for
the U.P. election in Lucknow on January 16.

The "Kranti Rath Yatra" carried out by S.P. State president and Lok
Sabha member Akhilesh Yadav over the past four months has generated
tremendous goodwill for the party. This campaign, along with a number
of other factors, has resulted in an "Advantage Akhilesh" situation,
says a prominent BJP youth functionary. Akhilesh Yadav has
successfully managed to create the impression that he represents a new
phase in the history of the S.P. – a phase where it seeks to put
behind it the links with criminal-mafia sections and work towards the
creation of a new Uttar Pradesh that will fulfil the aspirations of
the agrarian community as well as the emerging middle class. A number
of personal factors have accentuated this effort. These include the
educational background of Akhilesh Yadav, his sense of moderation in
political and social interaction, his connect with the S.P.'s core
support base, and the young blood that he has been able to infuse into
the party's organisational structure. The four-month campaign and the
strong position Akhilesh Yadav has taken on issues such as the
re-entry of tainted politicians like D.P. Yadav, generated the
impression that his dynastic succession does not involve any
compromise on political merit. The Akhilesh Yadav factor is expected
to help attract a sizable section of first-time and youth voters to
the party. In the matter of caste combinations, the party is following
the time-tested tactic of seeking to integrate the OBC Yadav-Muslim
communities along with a section of upper-caste Thakurs and Dalit
communities like Pasis.

Kushwaha and the BJP

A BJP functionary in Ayodhya, the town that is at the core of Hindutva
politics, pointed out that the Akhilesh Yadav campaign has created the
impression that parties, like people, can try to change for the good.
The BJP's induction of Babu Singh Kushwaha, a Minister dismissed from
the BSP on corruption charges, generated much controversy in the
saffron party as well as the Sangh Parivar, even leading to
announcements that senior leaders like Uma Bharati would withdraw from
campaigning. The party's central leadership finally forced Kushwaha to
repudiate his membership in the BJP.

Many BJP functionaries in the State said the party would have come a
close second in the electoral race had it not been for the Kushwaha
episode. "There was a clear plan to build up once again a caste
combination of the OBC Lodh and Kurmi communities, and Brahmins and
Thakurs. The leaders rallying these communities were Uma Bharati,
Vinay Katiyar, Kalraj Mishra and Rajnath Singh respectively. This was
having considerable impact on the urban and semi-urban constituencies.
But the Kushwaha episode spoiled the plan. Barely 24 hours after
Khushwaha was inducted, Kirit Somaiyaa, the BJP's main protagonist in
exposing corruption under the Mayawati regime, released documents
highlighting the Minister's complicity in several scams, pointed out a
senior party functionary.

Congress prospects

Until the emergence of the Akhilesh Yadav factor, the Congress had
hoped that it would garner the support of the majority of the youth.
The response evoked by party general secretary Rahul Gandhi's
sustained campaign across the State had made the party optimistic.

The party had also drawn up a formula to bring together Kurmis,
Brahmins and Muslims as its support base. Beni Prasad Verma, a former
S.P. leader who is now a Cabinet Minister at the Centre, was projected
as an important leader of the party at the State-level. The Congress'
calculation was that Verma would attract to the Congress fold the
Kurmi community, which forms around 6 per cent of the State's
population. A sizable segment of the Brahmin community has already
moved towards the party since the 2009 Lok Sabha elections. It also
calculated that a significant section of the Muslim community –
constituting 18 per cent of the population – would move towards the
party once the Kurmi-Brahmin combination was in place. The Congress
campaign managers point out that as many as 305 constituencies in the
State have Muslim populations of over 20,000 while 95 constituencies
have about 20,000 Kurmis in each. The calculation further showed that
in 100 seats, the Kurmi-Muslim combine would be decisive, while in 107
seats the two communities accounted for over 50,000 votes.

PAWAN KUMAR/REUTERS

RAHUL GANDHI AT a campaign rally in Gorakhpur on January 8.

By all indications, the 9 per cent sub-quota for Muslims within the
existing 27 per cent OBC reservation in government jobs was announced
by Union Minister Salman Khurshid in order to cement this combination.
But, on the ground, there are no concrete signs of this resulting in a
big electoral gain for the Congress. In constituency after
constituency, the move is being perceived as an election gimmick. "If
the Congress was serious about minority welfare, the Congress
government at the Centre would have implemented the recommendations of
the Justice Renganath Mishra Committee, which advocated 15 per cent
reservation for minorities, of which nearly 10 per cent would have
been for the Muslim community. The Centre has also not taken any steps
to alleviate the socio-economic conditions of Muslims, highlighted in
the Rajinder Sachar Committee report," pointed out Khaliq Ahmed Khan,
the Faizabad-based social activist belonging to the Babri Masjid
Action Committee.

Obviously, armchair calculations and mere announcements are not enough
to draw the Muslim community to the Congress. The discussion within
the Congress branding sections of the Muslim community as jehadis and
extremists is also creating a negative impression about the party
among Muslims. Central to this is the argument between Union Home
Minister P. Chidambaram and Congress general secretary Digvijay Singh
on the police encounter of 2008 in Batla House in Delhi. Digvijay
Singh had maintained that the encounter in which suspects from
Azamgarh district were killed was a false one. He had demanded the
reopening of the case. But Chidambaram firmly held that the case could
not be reopened. The Prime Minister supports the Home Minister's
stand.

Muslim vote

It is in the context of such debates that the presence of parties such
as the PPI and the Ulema Council acquires significance. These parties
argue that the mainstream politicians have given a raw deal to the
Muslim community and hence the community has to assert a political
role of its own. The PPI, led by Dr Mohammad Ayub, has advanced the
concept of a Muslim vote base and its deployment in the way the BSP
uses the Dalit Jatav vote, the S.P. uses the core Yadav vote, or the
Congress uses the Brahmin-OBC vote.

The PPI leadership is already seeking to implement this strategy by
putting up candidates belonging to Hindu communities and giving them
the support of the core Muslim vote base. A striking case in point is
former Congress legislator Akhilesh Singh, a powerful leader in Rae
Bareli district, who recently joined the PPI. Rae Bareli is considered
to be the pocket borough of the Nehru-Gandhi clan. But the impact
created by the PPI-Akhilesh Singh association is such that retaining
its supremacy in the region is an uphill task for the grand old party.
The PPI is apparently causing similar discomfiture to the BSP and the
S.P. in other areas. On its part the PPI hopes to win about 25 seats,
which its leadership claims will decide the ultimate ruler of the
State.

Whether this projection comes true or not, there is little doubt that
the PPI factor will have a role in throwing up an unclear verdict and
a hung Assembly.

Clearly, Uttar Pradesh seems destined for political instability. The
elections are held in seven phases from early February to early March.


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[ZESTCaste] Clashes over damage to Ambedkar statues

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/clashes-over-damage-to-ambedkar-statues/223768-60-114.html

Andhra Pradesh | Updated Jan 25, 2012 at 11:54am IST
Clashes over damage to Ambedkar statues
indianexpress Express News Service , The New Indian Express

AMALAPURAM: Section 144, prohibiting assembly of more than five
persons, has been imposed on the town for three days following
repeated clashes between two groups over damage of the statues of BR
Ambedkar in the town and its surrounding villages by some miscreants
on Sunday night.
Tension has gripped the town ever since the destruction of statues
which invited widespread protests across the state.
Minister J Geeta Reddy, N Raghuveera Reddy and several others took up
the issue with chief minister N Kiran Kumar Reddy who held a meeting
with home minister P Sabita Reddy, DGP V Dinesh Reddy and other senior
police officials.
Additional DGP Krishna Raju will supervise the investigation to be
conducted by special teams into the incident and also bandobust in the
town.
The chief minister directed the officials to reinstall the statues of
Dr BR Ambedkar at government's expense, while the home minister
assured that miscreants would not be spared.
Amalapuram MP GV Harsha Kumar and Mala Mahandu state president K
Sivaji met the chief minister and the home minister separately, and
demanded a thorough probe and severe punishment to the culprits.
Ramachandrapuram DSP Srinivasa Rao has been appointed as special
officer to probe the demolition of statues at Bandavaripeta,
Bodasakurru, Chindada Garuva, Rollapalem and Nallavantena.
Additional police forces were rushed from Krishna and West Godavari
districts to vulnerable areas in East Godavari district to prevent any
untoward incidents.
Protesters came out in large numbers onto the roads demanding that the
government identify the miscreants and punish them immediately.
Traffic was stalled for hours together on National Highway-214 and at
Nallavantena, Erravantena, Idarapalli, Clock Tower and Y-Junction.
Later, the agitators demanded that traders close their shops.
Their demand led to heated arguments between traders and agitators.
Even before the police could reach the spot, groups of two communities
pelted each other with stones and indulged in violence forcing the
traders to shut their shops.
People of both the communities are staging a dharna at the Clock Tower
Centre in Amalapuram and have refused to leave as advised by the
police.
East Godavari superintendent of police C Trivikrama Varma rushed to
Amalapuram and reviewed the situation.
Deputy inspector-general of police (Eluru range) G Suryaprakasa Rao is
also camping in the town.
Speaking to Express, Amalapuram deputy superintendent of police
Sridhar said members of the two groups positioned themselves 100
metres apart in a surcharged atmosphere but have refrained from
attacking each other


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[ZESTCaste] Amalapuram tense after miscreants desecrate Ambedkar's statues

 

http://www.siasat.com/english/news/amalapuram-tense-after-miscreants-desecrate-ambedkars-statues

Amalapuram tense after miscreants desecrate Ambedkar's statues
Tuesday, 24 January 2012

Hyderabad/Amalapuram, January 24 (INN): Tension prevailed at
Amalapuram, the Konaseema area in East Godavari district, after some
unidentified persons desecrate the statues of Dr B R Ambedkar.

In protest against the incident, Dalits in the area staged dharnas and
rallies and demanded a high-level probe into incident. The protestors
sought stern action against those responsible for the incident.

Meanwhile, Major Industries Minister J Geetha Reddy, Revenue Minister
N Raghuveera Reddy and government whip Kondru Murali Mohan on Monday
appealed to Chief Minister N Kiran Kumar Reddy to take severe action
against the guilty who damaged Ambedkar's statues.

Home Minister Sabitha Indra Reddy called up East Godavari
Superintendent of Police Trivikram Verma and asked him to probe into
the incident. She also directed the SP to arrest those responsible for
the incident and form special teams to trace the culprits.

Meanwhile, the SP stated that the police have imposed Section 144 in
Amalapuram for one week to prevent any untoward incidents. The RTC has
cancelled its bus services to Amalapuram from Kakinada as a preventive
measure.

Reacting on the incidents, MP Harsha Kumar stated that he would stand
by his words that Dalits were not given prominent position during the
cabinet expansion recently. He demanded probe into the incident and
action against the guilty. (INN)

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[ZESTCaste] Mayawati tries to gain foothold in Uttarakhand

 

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/mayawati-tries-to-gain-foothold-in-uttarakhand/223949-37-170.html

Elections | Posted on Jan 25, 2012 at 01:38am IST
Mayawati tries to gain foothold in Uttarakhand
IANS

Rudrapur: Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo and Uttar Pradesh Chief
minister Mayawati is doing her best to break the Bhartiya Janata Party
and Congress monopoly in Uttarakhand.

"My aim is to unite all sections of society and form a government in
Uttarakhand , which has not seen the desired development largely on
account of the vested interests of the BJP and Congress who have been
playing musical chairs there," Mayawati said, addressing a a rally at
Rudrapur in the Himalayan foothills.

"We are here not just to participate in the elections. We wish to
provide an alternative to both BJP and the Congress in Uttarakhand,"
she said.
Mayawati tries to gain foothold in Uttarakhand

Branding both the national parties as "casteist", she said: "Because
of their casteist approach, neither Congress nor the BJP cared to
attend to the needs of the people of Uttarakhand or concentrate on the
development of the state."

She appealed to the people of the state, "to vote for BSP if they were
looking for development."

The BSP was the only party other than Congress and BJP to have made
its presence felt in Uttarakhand at the last assembly elections when
it bagged 8 of the 71 seats.

Giving out a long list of the welfare schemes she had initiated in
Uttar Pradesh, Mayawati promised to give Uttarakhand all that she had
given to Uttar Pradesh during her five-year rule.

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[ZESTCaste] Maya bug bites Andhra Pradesh as parties fight statue wars

 

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/indiahome/indianews/article-2091362/Maya-bug-bites-Andhra-Pradesh-parties-fight-statue-wars.html?ito=feeds-newsxml

Maya bug bites Andhra Pradesh as parties fight statue wars

By A. Srinivasa Rao

Last updated at 1:06 AM on 25th January 2012

As the controversy over installation of the statues of Uttar Pradesh
chief minister Mayawati and her party's election symbol elephant in
every nook and corner of the state is still raging, a similar
controversy has erupted in Andhra Pradesh, too.

And it is all set to snowball into a major election issue by 2014. One
may call it the height of sycophancy or fanaticism, frenzied fans of
former chief minister late Y S Rajasekhara Reddy have been on a statue
installation spree across the state, ostensibly to please his son, YSR
Congress party president Y S Jaganmohan Reddy who has been on his
Odarpu Yatra (tour to console bereaved families).

The installation of statues of YSR has been an excellent opportunity
for Jagan to address the gatherings and gain their sympathy.
Controversy: YSR congress leaders claim the statues are being erected
by local people by pooling up contributions

Controversy: YSR congress leaders claim the statues are being erected
by local people by pooling up contributions

In fact, during his yatra, Jagan is spending more time in unveiling
the statues at all the places and addressing public gatherings, than
in consoling the families of those who had allegedly died of shock or
committed suicide after the death of his father.

While YSR Congress party leaders claim that the statues are being
erected by the local people by pooling up contributions, Jagan's
detractors in the Congress and the Telugu Desam Party say the funding
for statue installation was being done by Jagan himself.

According to a source in the Congress, Jagan supporters plan to erect
not less than 30,000 statues across the length and breadth of the
state and half the number of statues had already been installed in the
last couple of years.

'Assuming that the average cost of the statue is around Rs 50,000, the
total expenditure being incurred on YSR statues alone could be
anywhere between Rs 150 crore to Rs 160 crore," the source said.

At many places, Jagan's followers did not bother to take the
permission from either the local revenue authorities or the police.
And when authorities tried to stall the statue installation at a few
places, the Jagan supporters created a ruckus for humiliating the
former CM.
Chief Minister Mayawati and her party's elephant symbol have filled
large parts of Uttar Pradesh

Chief Minister Mayawati and her party's elephant symbol have filled
large parts of Uttar Pradesh

The installation of YSR statues across the state is obviously an
attempt by Jagan to see that the people would not forget his father,
so that it would fetch political mileage for him in the next
elections.

Apparently realising the importance of statues in turning the public
mind in his party's favour, TDP president N Chandrababu Naidu is
planning to revive the spirit of his father-in-law and legendary actor
N T Rama Rao by embarking on installation of the latter's statues.

He has brought in NTR's son and popular hero Nandamuri Balakrishna to
take up a state-wide tour on the lines of Jagan, unveil the statues of
NTR and address public gatherings.

For the last one week, Balakrishna has been conducting road shows in
the coastal Andhra districts and unveiling NTR's statues.

Ironically, the TDP president has threatened that if it comes topower,
he would order demolition of YSR statues wherever they were erected
without permission.

'If Jagan goes ahead with indiscriminate installation of YSR statues,
we, too, can install one lakh NTR statues in all parts of the state,'
Naidu declared, triggering protests from YSR Congress party leaders
and also YSR followers in the Congress.

'If this statue installation spree continues, one might not find the
statue of Mahatma Gandhi or that of Ambedkar in the state in the
coming days,' a senior Congress leader lamented.

Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/indiahome/indianews/article-2091362/Maya-bug-bites-Andhra-Pradesh-parties-fight-statue-wars.html#ixzz1kS6yrCE0

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[ZESTCaste] Gujarat University V-C skips tryst with cops

 

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_gujarat-university-v-c-skips-tryst-with-cops_1641655

Gujarat University V-C skips tryst with cops

Published: Tuesday, Jan 24, 2012, 16:00 IST
By DNA Correspondent | Place: Ahmedabad | Agency: DNA

Gujarat University vice-chancellor Parimal Trivedi, who was called by
SC/ST cell of city police to appear in a three-year-old racial slur
case Monday, chose not to appear before the cell in the matter.

After waiting for him till late evening, DD Chaudhari, assistant
commissioner of police and incharge of SC/ST cell, said he would
consult his senior officials for future course of action against
Trivedi.

"We will serve another summon to Trivedi and wait for a couple of days
for him to turn up. We can also go to his office and register his
statement if he cannot come here," said Chaudhari.

When asked by mediapersons about his whereabouts on Monday morning,
Trivedi said that he was in a function and could not talk much. He,
however, was seen coming out of his bungalow in his car at 11am.
Around the same time, Chaudhari left Karanj police station in his
police vehicle, sparking rumours of a 'secret' meeting between them.
The cop denied the rumours and said that he was going to court for a
hearing. Interestingly, complainant in the matter, Pankaj Shrimali,
was present at the Karanj police station from early Monday morning.
The SC/ST cell is housed in this police station.

Chaudhari said that he would initiate fresh probe in the matter and
record statements of the parties once again. "I need to know several
aspects of the case. Fresh statements of all parties, including the
complainant will be recorded," said Chaudhari.

Earlier, Trivedi was summoned by SC/ST cell Friday to remain present
at Karanj police station on Monday morning. Police, in the summons,
pointed out that Trivedi would be arrested if he failed to remain
present before competent officer of SC/ST cell.

Trivedi is facing probe in a three-year-old case where he allegedly
passed abusive casteist remarks on Pankaj Shrimali, head of department
of History in L & C Mehta Arts College affiliated to GU.

The complaint in the matter was lodged before Gujarat University
police station under Prevention of Atrocities Act on May 3, 2008.
Police hadn't taken appropriate action in the case until Gujarat high
court stepped in on Thursday.

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[ZESTCaste] Botcha, Chiru join KKR to oust Shankar

http://www.andhraheadlines.com/state/botcha-chiru-join-kkr-to-oust-shankar-rao-mrps-4-95130.html

Botcha, Chiru join KKR to oust Shankar

Hyderabad, Jan 20: Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (MRPS)
founder-president Manda Krishna Madiga has alleged that APCC chief
Botcha Satyanarayana and actor-turned-politician K. Chiranjeevi have
joined hands with Chief Minister N. Kiran Kumar Reddy in the
conspiracy to remove Dr P. Shankar Rao, a Dalit, from the Cabinet for
exposing corrupt activities of his cabinet colleagues.

Speaking to media persons here on Friday, the MRPS leader said that
the SCs, STs, BCs and Minorities would bury Kiran Kumar Reddy and
Botcha Satyanarayana politically in the next elections. He said that
they considered Dr Shankar Rao's removal from the Cabinet as a
political murder. He also commented that a Dalit minister like Dr
Shankar Rao had become a scapegoat in the fight between Kapus and
Reddys for supremacy. Stating that always the Congress high priests
stand by upper castes, he said that the Shankar Rao's episode proved
beyond doubt that the Congress High Command never side with the
Dalits. Therefore, the Congress party's days are numbered, he added.

Manda Krishna said that a Dalit leader was sacrificed in the struggle
between Kapus and Reddys for supremacy in the State, government and
party. While the Kapu leaders Botcha Satyanarayana and Chiranjeevi
were fighting for Kapu domination, Kiran Kumar Reddy was fighting on
behalf of Reddys for retaining their hold and both the factions have
won the game by sacrificing an outspoken Dr Shankar Rao, who is being
hailed as Anna Hazare of Andhra Pradesh, he added. While Botsa and
Chiranjeevi succeeded in getting only two former PRP leaders inducted
into the Cabinet, Chief Minister Kiran Kumar Reddy won the war by
getting Dr Shankar Rao ousted from the Cabinet for exposing corrupt
activities of his colleagues.

Pointing out that the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) opined that it
was taking Shankar Rao's ouster from the Cabinet as a great insult to
Telangana Dalits, Krishna Madiga said that the former should chalk out
an agitation program against the arm-twisting methods of the
Seemandhra rulers. He also said that they would storm the
Collectorates on Saturday in protest against the injustice meted out
to Dr Shankar Rao. They would also organize dharnas in all mandal
headquarters in the region on January 22 and road blockade program on
January 23. The MRPS would observe January 26 Republic Day as Black
Day and organize protests, he said, adding that he would convene a
meeting of all community organizations on January 27 and declare war
against the Congress.

Lashing out at Chiranjeevi severely, the MRPS leader said that because
the former had floated Praja Rajyam party with the slogan of social
justice and condemned Congress policies and rampant corruption, his
fledgling party could get more than 70 lakh votes winning 18 Assembly
seats in the last elections. After joining Congress, Chiranjeevi has
changed the meaning of "social justice" by getting Cabinet berths to
the people of his community, he said, adding that in the next
elections, the people would not believe Chiranjeevi when he goes to
them for votes.


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[ZESTCaste] Congress takes OBC quota issue to public forum

 

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_congress-takes-obc-quota-issue-to-public-forum_1641292

Congress takes OBC quota issue to public forum
Published: Monday, Jan 23, 2012, 18:15 IST
By DNA Correspondent | Place: Ahmedabad | Agency: DNA

In a response to the ruling BJP's decision to take the minority
reservation issue from the OBC quota to the public, the Gujarat
Congress held a grand OBC justice summit in Vadodara on Sunday.

State Congress president Arjun Modhwadia said that while the BJP
equipped the youth with Trishuls, the Congress gave them technology to
help them get employment.

The Congress also criticised Modi's Sadbhavana fast stating that even
as the BJP tried to woo Muslims, several innocents were still in jail
in connection with the 2002 riots. Modhwadia compared Modi's fast in
various districts akin to a drama troupe that moved from one place to
another.

The BJP had decided to take up the 4.5% reservation to minorities from
the 27% OBC quota before the public during the election campaign for
assembly polls scheduled this year. The move of Congress to hold OBC
justice summit in Vadodara is in response to BJP's strategy. Congress
leaders informed people about the work undertaken by the party for
uplift of OBCs.

Speaking on the occasion, Shankersinh Vaghela talked of the benefits
extended by the Congress government so as to benefit the OBC section
of the society. He said while the BJP worked for the benefit of
millionaires, the Congress was with the underprivileged sections of
the society.

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[ZESTCaste] Pune polls 2012: Congress gets Dhasal, saffron has Athavale

http://www.dnaindia.com/mumbai/report_pune-polls-2012-congress-gets-dhasal-saffron-has-athavale_1641617

Pune polls 2012: Congress gets Dhasal, saffron has Athavale
Published: Tuesday, Jan 24, 2012, 14:41 IST
By DNA Correspondent | Place: Pune | Agency: DNA

While the Shiv Sena-Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) alliance is hopeful
of gaining Dalit votes with Republican Party of India (RPI) leader,
Ramdas Athavale joining it, the Congress is moving to gain ground in
western Maharashtra by joining hands with Dalit Panther leader, Namdeo
Dhasal who was disgruntled over seat-sharing issues in the civic
polls.

Addressing a press conference at Congress Bhavan on Monday along with
ministers Harshwardhan Patil and Patangrao Kadam, Dhasal announced
that Dalit Panther has decided to go along with the Congress in
western Maharashtra. However, it will remain a part of the
mega-alliance of Shiv Sena-BJP-RPI in Mumbai.

Dhasal met Kadam, Patil and other Congress leaders at Congress Bhavan.
He has demanded from the Congress party five seats in the PMC and
three in PCMC elections.

After the meeting, Dhasal told reporters, "I faced only disappointment
in the mega-alliance but it was too late to fall out of it. I also did
not want to do any harm to Ramdas Athavale's alliance with the Shiv
Sena and the BJP, therefore I took a decision to go with the
mega-alliance in Mumbai. However in case of western Maharashtra, I
have decided to go with the Congress party."

Dhasal will remain a part of the mega-alliance in Mumbai, Nashik and
Nagpur, but in PMC and PCMC he will contest elections in alliance with
the Congress against the mega-alliance as well as the Nationalist
Congress Party (NCP).

Dhasal said, "Earlier, I had refused to get involved in electoral
politics, but now it is realised that the Dalit population requires a
representation in the assembly. Therefore, we have decided to go in
for the elections. However, Dalit organisations cannot contest
elections alone and they will have to make an alliance with the
national parties and thus the alliance has been formed."

Dhasal's party has had a long alliance with the Shiv Sena. However
recently, his relations with the Shiv Sena have gone sore and now he
has taken a decision to support the Congress in western Maharashtra.
When Dhasal was asked about the change of stand, he said, "Earlier we
had worked with Indira Gandhi, but during the Emergency, Dalit Panther
became friends with Shiv Sena and we worked together. But now we have
decided to support the Congress party again."

Dhasal made it clear that he will not go along with the NCP as their
political stands are opposite.


The city Congress, which wanted a Dalit face for the upcoming
elections, was happy with the alliance. The minister for forests,
Patangrao Kadam said, "Namdeo Dhasal is an ideologist and with the
help of this alliance a Dalit ideology has come with the Congress,
which will benefit us in the upcoming elections."


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[ZESTCaste] Congress, Akalis eye Dalit vote

http://www.sunday-guardian.com/news/congress-akalis-eye-dalit-vote

Congress, Akalis eye Dalit vote
JATINDER PREET LUDHIANA | 22nd Jan

The Election Commission tableau for the Republic Day parade, during a
press preview in New Delhi on Saturday. PTI

he Dalit community is expected to play a vital role in the Punjab
Assembly elections, so the two main rival parties, the Shiromani Akali
Dal and the Congress are promising to shower them with sops.

While the leadership of both the Akali Dal and Congress has been drawn
predominantly from the Jatt community, the Dalit vote has always been
divided between the two, with the Congress believed to have a greater
hold on them. It is this hold that the Akalis are aiming to break.

The Dalits have also voted for the Bahujan Samaj Party and the Left in
the past, but with the BSP failing to establish its base in the state
and the Left parties losing their pockets of influence, the
community's vote is up for grabs.

The SAD has been paying extra attention to the Dalit settlements in
the villages, called Vehras. The SAD-BJP government has announced two
schemes to woo Dalits — a cash gift of Rs 15,000 to poor girls getting
married and the construction of toilets in poor households. In many
villages of Lambi, the constituency from where Chief Minister Parkash
Singh Badal is contesting, the newly constructed toilet doors with
SAD's election campaign slogan, Raaj nahi Sewa (Service, not Rule) are
a testimony to the importance being given to the Dalit votes.
Maheshinder Singh Badal, the Chief Minister's cousin who is contesting
on a Congress ticket against the CM had lodged a complaint before the
elections were announced. According to Gurmeet Singh Khudiyan, a close
confidant of the Congress candidate, this is evidently a last ditch
effort by the Badals to woo the Dalits as they know they are on their
way out.

Dr Santokh Singh, a well known political analyst says there has been a
significant shift in the Punjab political scene with Amarinder Singh
wooing away a significant section of the peasantry, the Jatt vote. The
stranglehold of the Akali Dal on the Jatt Sikh voters was broken in
the last Assembly elections with Amarinder Singh sweeping the Malwa
region. The emergence of Manpreet Badal, who is also from the same
region, has further divided the Jatt vote. According to Santokh Singh,
the Akali game plan is to offset the loss of Jatt votes by wooing the
Dalits. Whether they succeed in that or not would have a direct
bearing on the complexion of the next Assembly.


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[ZESTCaste] How caste matters and doesn’t matter (Opinion)

http://www.livemint.com/2012/01/24233008/How-caste-matters-and-doesn8.html?h=B

Posted: Tue, Jan 24 2012. 11:30 PM IST

How caste matters and doesn't matter

Although caste is indeed one of the operative parameters of Punjab
politics, there seems to be very little competition among the caste
communities of Punjab
Expert View | Surinder S. Jodhka

Bahujan Samaj Party (BJP) leader and Uttar Pradesh chief minister
Mayawati has urged the electorate of Punjab to vote for her party's
candidates in state assembly elections to fulfil the dream of BSP
founder Kanshi Ram.


The late Kanshi Ram, who has become a symbol of contemporary Dalit
assertion and political success, was born in Punjab and was active in
the state's politics for a long time. Notwithstanding its newly
projected image of being a party of all, the sarvjan, the core
constituency of the BSP has been and continues to be scheduled castes
(SCs), or Dalits.

Together, the 39 SC communities of Punjab constitute nearly 29% of the
total population of the state, close to double the national average.
With such a large population, they are perhaps the largest cluster of
caste communities of Punjab.

However, the BSP has hardly ever posed a challenge to the mainstream
political parties of Punjab. This time, too, there is little hope of
the party winning any seats. How do we explain this puzzle in a
democracy where "caste" and "community" frame the grammar of politics?
Or does this raise questions about the common sense of electoral
behaviour?

The modernist leadership of India had a very clear notion of
democratic politics. It was to be based on the idea of the individual
citizen. The ties of community and caste were to be forgotten with
time. This was not only a desirable state of things, but also a part
of the natural and inevitable process of evolutionary change. Modern
technology, industrialization and urbanization were to destroy all
"parochial" community ties. This, they believed, was what had already
happened in the West. There was no reason to think the trajectory of
change in India would be any different. Even someone like B.R.
Ambedkar, who always suspected the intentions of the largely upper
caste-dominated nationalist leadership, hoped that modernization and
urbanization would help the Dalits get out of the villages and break
free from the oppressive social structure of caste.

Democratic politics and even the modernization process have, however,
unfolded very differently. Soon after India introduced electoral
politics, sociologists and political scientists reported that not only
was democratic politics failing to destroy caste, but caste was in
fact going through a process of transmutation and seemed to be
surviving very comfortably with the electoral process. Individual
caste communities were getting into horizontal alliances and forming
what sociologist M.N. Srinivas described as "vote banks". Soon, a new
common sense of caste and democratic politics emerged.

By the 1980s, caste and electoral politics had become virtually
inseparable. From the lay public to the psephologists of popular media
and serious academic analysts, nearly everyone began to treat caste as
the most important variable influencing democratic politics in India.
According to this common sense, caste communities competed with each
other and determined electoral outcomes. Even when they did not
directly participate in electoral politics, they operated as pressure
groups and influenced the governance agenda of the Indian state at the
local, regional and national levels. Over the last three or four
decades, several political parties have come to be identified with
specific caste communities.

Punjab appears to be an odd case in this national framework of caste
politics. Although caste is indeed one of the operative parameters of
Punjab politics, there seems to be very little competition among the
caste communities of Punjab. The Jats, who constitute only around
one-fourth of the state electorate, have remained virtually
unchallenged. The last non-Jat who could become chief minister of the
state was Giani Zail Singh, and that was way back in the 1970s. The
two major political parties, the Congress and the Akalis, are both
Jat-led and Jat-dominated. Even the Khalistan movement was largely a
Jat-dominated phenomenon.

A more surprising fact about caste in Punjab is the virtual absence of
a challenge from the Dalits. Notwithstanding the positive effect of
Sikhism and Islam on the nature and practice of untouchability in the
region, the Punjabi Dalits have been quite a deprived population. Even
though they are mostly rural, less than 1% of all the agricultural
land is owned or tilled by them. In an agrarian society, land
determines everything. Even though the Dalits of Punjab are less
likely to be below the national poverty line, in relative terms their
deprivation is quite stark, and in comparison to other communities
they stand far below.

Interestingly enough, Punjab has also been witness to some of the most
vibrant mobilizations by the Dalits. From the Ad Dharm movement of the
1920s to the recent movement for a separate Ravidassia religion, the
Dalits of Punjab have often asserted their distinct identity.

Yet, the BSP seems to be an insignificant force in the regional
politics of Punjab, although it succeeded in rising to power in Uttar
Pradesh. How can we make sense of this? The answer perhaps lies in the
way we have come to understand caste and the excessive heuristic value
that we tend to attribute to it.

Notwithstanding its significance in the social and economic life of
Punjab, caste has not been an idiom of Punjab politics. The dominant
idioms of regional politics are shaped historically. Thanks to its
history of partition and communal divide, the most dominant idiom of
the politics of Punjab has been that of religious communities—the
dynamic of communal relations between the Sikhs and the Hindus. The
second important idiom of politics has been the region—the dynamics of
relationship between Punjab and the Centre. And the third important
idiom has been the social and economic class. At the local level in
the region, caste seems to be closely tied to class, perhaps much more
strongly than elsewhere.

Jat power is reproduced through a constellation of all these factors,
and as of now remains unchallenged in Punjab.

Surinder S. Jodhka is professor of sociology and chair of the Centre
for the Study of Social Systems, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal
Nehru University.

Respond to this column at feedback@livemint.com


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