Latest News Update: Aug 17, 2011

Wednesday, August 17, 2011

[ZESTCaste] RE: [ambedkarscholarship] My interview in Firstpost.com

Woderful Bro.Ben. Congratulation. Great work. we are all with you.
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visit our foundation at www.cherukonda.com
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From: ambedkarscholarship@yahoogroups.com [ambedkarscholarship@yahoogroups.com] On Behalf Of Benjamin Kaila [benjamin_kaila@yahoo.com]
Sent: Tuesday, August 16, 2011 6:27 PM
To: AmbedkarScholarshipGroup; OfficersForum; Dalit Group; Human Horizons; Dalit-international; DalitCOnference; SakyaGroup; ZestCaste
Cc: Self Kaila; Ben Gmail; Ben YahooGroup; FFEI-India Rajvardhan; FFEI-India Samuel; pvvrao@hotmail.com; Self Kaila; Shiva Shankar; 'Jim' Kommu; Michael Arlen; Michael Jonas; RayadasManthena; Self Kaila
Subject: [ambedkarscholarship] My interview in Firstpost.com

Dear friends,
Here is the interview that came in an online magazine firstpost.com. A week ago I got an email requesting for an interview and I responded. I was told that its editor gave my details and asked the journalist to interview me.

The interview went more than one and half hours, touching various issues related to my background, childhood, Ambedkar Scholarships, Dr Ambedkar, reservations, comparison between reservations and affirmative action, discrimination in society and educational institutions, laws in India against discrimination, Dalit student suicides, movies and their portrayal of Dalits and many more issues.

Please visit this link: http://www.firstpost.com/politics/%e2%80%9ci-don%e2%80%99t-want-to-be-called-a-reservationist%e2%80%9d-dalit-leader-in-u-s-59475.html

Here is the journalist's version of what I said and published:
Lagaan did not impress me, it was a stereotype: Dalit leader in US
Bernice Yeung <http://www.firstpost.com/author/yeung> Aug 12, 2011
#Aarakshan<http://www.firstpost.com/tag/aarakshan> #B. R. Ambedkar<http://www.firstpost.com/tag/b-r-ambedkar> #Benjamin P. Kaila<http://www.firstpost.com/tag/benjamin-p-kaila> #Dalit<http://www.firstpost.com/tag/dalit> #TheInsider<http://www.firstpost.com/tag/theinsider>
Email<http://www.addthis.com/bookmark.php> Share<http://www.firstpost.com/politics/%e2%80%9ci-don%e2%80%99t-want-to-be-called-a-reservationist%e2%80%9d-dalit-leader-in-u-s-59475.html> <http://www.firstpost.com/politics/%e2%80%9ci-don%e2%80%99t-want-to-be-called-a-reservationist%e2%80%9d-dalit-leader-in-u-s-59475.html>
Tweet<http://twitter.com/share><http://www.firstpost.com/politics/%e2%80%9ci-don%e2%80%99t-want-to-be-called-a-reservationist%e2%80%9d-dalit-leader-in-u-s-59475.html> Comments<http://www.firstpost.com/politics/%e2%80%9ci-don%e2%80%99t-want-to-be-called-a-reservationist%e2%80%9d-dalit-leader-in-u-s-59475.html#disqus_thread>
Benjamin P. Kaila, a Christian Dalit, grew up in poverty in a village near Tenali in Andhra Pradesh. Now a software professional in Southern California, he rallies donors across the world to support the Dalit community in five Indian states. Since 2003 his non-profit Friends for Education International<http://www.friendsforeducation.org/> has distributed more than $120,000 in the form of microloans, scholarships and aid to victims of violence. On 20 August, it will celebrate the eighth anniversary of its Ambedkar Scholarship for Dalit children and give out another $20,000.
As Aarakshan opens in India amidst controversy about its subject matter, Kaila who has lived in the US since 1999 discusses his view on reservation, US-style affirmative action and whether movies can bring social change.
Your foundation started with scholarships for Dalit children. How did that start?
<http://www.firstpost.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/dalit_reuters.jpg>
School children waiting for their midday meal. Reuters
I am a Dalit and I grew up in a small village. I lived all my life poor. I experienced a lot of discrimination in school, workplace, and in society. I was doubly discriminated because I am Christian and Dalit.
I have a belief that only education can bring us from that limbo, the state we are in as Dalits. Because my parents were teachers, they gave me a good foundation at an early age. But very few people in my community could aspire to do anything; most were illiterate. Only a few people can afford private education, the rich people. After I graduated from college, I could still not speak a single sentence in English.
But I came to learn about Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. I got inspired a lot by him. I started studying about society. That is how I improved my English, by reading books, and by listening to the radio. After reading Dr. Ambedkar, I wanted to start a school in my native place for Dalit children. I came to the US in 1999 on a H-1B visa, and sitting in the US, it is easier for me to monitor a smaller thing versus a school. So in 2003, I started two scholarships in the name of my mother and father, one for a girl and one for a boy. I distributed Rs 5,000, a big amount for Dalit students.
After coming to the US, I interacted with Dalits outside of India online, and I became one of the vocal people in those groups. In an email, I said, "I want to do this." People started coming to me saying, "We will help you." Slowly, it started, and now we are giving away every year about 10 lakhs.
Did you face discrimination when you were living in India?
At the age of 10, I experienced a very bad incident. My father was my first teacher and when I was at his school, a school inspector came to my school and he was a so-called upper-caste man. For some reason, I touched him. I don't know how, but I touched him. He took a cane from my father and in front of him, he beat me like an animal. But my father couldn't open his mouth because he would lose his job. That is when I came to know we were untouchables.
In school, I was not the top-most student but I was one of the best students in the class. But some teachers discouraged me from coming to school. When I worked in Hyderabad, I was a programmer, a respectable position, but it was very difficult for me to get accommodation if I said my caste.
In the university, we all look the same, but you are recognised by your surname or your religion. In Andhra Pradesh, most Dalits are Christian so if you say you are Christian, they will say, "He is a Dalit," and they will start doing their nonsense.
What do you think of reservation?
India has beautiful laws on the books but they are never implemented. Ambedkar helped write the constitution; he helped enact so many laws that are anti-discriminatory. But still, because the people who are ruling the country don't want to discourage discrimination, they have never been implemented properly. If the Indian government and Indian leaders implemented the already-enacted laws, these problems will be (solved) easily, but that is not happening.
How does American affirmative action compare to reservation?
The difference is that American affirmative action is not in the Constitution. In India, Ambedkar put it in the constitution because he knew that the high-caste people don't want these people to come up. So he instituted reservation. The problem is, who is implementing them?
I am a Dalit Christian. If I were a good student and I wanted to go to an engineering college, I could not go because reservation is only for Hindu Dalits. But in our area, Hindu Dalits are labourers and cannot get to college. When I applied for college, I could not get that seat, but there were no other people from my community to apply. So what happened? Those seats are given back.
Reservation has not been implemented properly so far. They have not been implemented in the way that Ambedkar imagined, when he enshrined them in the Constitution for 10 years. What he expected was that within 10 years, leaders would see to it that Dalits received education, discrimination would be gone, and we would be on par with others and there would be no more need for reservation. What the current leaders are doing is they are not implementing them in the proper way but they are extending them forever.
What policy reforms do you suggest?
<http://www.firstpost.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/08/benjamin.jpg>
Benjamin Kaila on his visit to India. Photo from the Friends for Education International website.
A lot of things can be done. Right now, there are two types of education: private and government. If you are poor, you go to a government school and afterward, you can't read or write to standard. What I say is give them equal opportunity. Provide hostel facilities where they can live and study, and financial aid to people who are from below the poverty line, so that there are incentives for parents to send their children to school instead of going to earn money. These are resource intensive, but still, if the government wants to, there are so many things it can do. Who would ask for reservation if we were all given an equal education?
Do you think reservation should end?
I don't want to be called a reservationist. I don't want to beg anyone for a seat. Reservation should go, but before it goes, they should be implemented properly and after a certain time, you can eliminate them. But if reservation goes now, they will have to go back to the fields and to beg because that is all there is.
What do you think of the critiques that reservations are unfair because society should be based on merit?
Merit can only happen between equals. If a person doesn't have food and has to go to the field to feed its family, and goes to school only for the midday meal, you cannot compare that person with another person who has everything, who can go to school and to college. You have to give both of them equal opportunities, and then you can talk about merit.
Do you support reservation in the private sector in India?
Because, in India they don't give us any other opportunity, we are looking for reservation; it is the only way a few people can come up in life. After liberalization, government jobs are eroding. There is only reservation for government jobs, but there are no jobs, so what is the use of reservation? Especially the Manmohan Singh government is selling the public sector to the private sector, and there is no other way for us than to ask for reservation in the private sector.
A critique of US affirmative action is that it sometimes benefits those who don't need the help the most. Do you think the same is happening in India with reservation?
Yes. Reservation is being used by the top-level of people. That is not correct. Once you come up in life and you are a managing director or an IAS officer and your children are going for reservation, that is not good. It is limiting the people who really require reservation.
There are a few seats reserved for Dalits, and most Dalits are illiterate. If you take, for example, some of these fields like the financial sector or journalism, you don't see a single Dalit. So whoever is attempting to enter into these positions are the children of top-level Dalit executives. In India it is called the creamy layer. But if we eliminate the creamy layer, what happens is all of those seats go vacant and they are converted back to a general category. It's a very confusing thing. So what I say is, there should be a balance. The creamy layer should get the seat in certain situations, but if you are from the creamy layer, and there is someone below you, then they should be given preference.
Is there caste-based discrimination within the Indian-American community?
Caste is luggage we always carry. Some people feel proud that they are of the same caste. Some feel inferior, like Dalits here, we try to hide our caste. Once it's exposed, we can be discriminated against among other Indians. Don't misunderstand me—there are good people here, and all are not like that. As we have the second generation and third generation here, they will be more tolerant.
Do you think films like "Aarakshan," which touches on the issues we've been talking about, will help spark more dialogue?
Everybody goes to the movie theater. If social things are projected in a proper perspective, there will definitely be a lot of change. But again, filmmakers, who are they? They are from the upper-caste communities, therefore they show whatever they want, according to their ideologies. In some movies, Dalits are ridiculed. "Lagaan," which competed for an Oscar, did not impress me. It was a stereotype of Dalits. There may be a different person, a progressive person who will take it in a different way but so far, I have never seen Dalits projected in a positive way. But if you have good intentions, and want real change, movies are one of the best mediums to get to the masses.
Correction: A previous version of this article misstated the state in which Kaila attended university. It is Andhra Pradesh, not Uttar Pradesh. Firstpost regrets the error.

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An educated man without character and humility was more dangerous than a beast. If his education was detrimental to the welfare of poor, he was a curse to society.
-Babasaheb Dr B R Ambedkar
Please visit www.friendsforeducation.org<http://www.friendsforeducation.org/>

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[ZESTCaste] Historic Day for Mahadalits in Bihar

http://www.daijiworld.com/news/news_disp.asp?n_id=112036

Sunday, August 14, 2011 2:03:16 PM (IST)

Historic Day for Mahadalits in Bihar

Patna, Aug 14 (IANS): The Mahadalits of Bihar, who constitute an
overwhelming number among the state's downtrodden, are in a festive
mood like never before ahead of India's 65th Independence Day.

Possibly for the first time in independent India, more importantly
since the promulgation of a constitution that guarantees equality, the
Mahadalits will be hoisting the national flag in their 'tolas' or
community-based settlements. One from their ranks will do so.

According to Census 2011, Dalits constitute nearly 15 percent of
Bihar's 104 million population. The census has identified 21 of the 22
Dalit sub-castes as Mahadalits. They include Musahars, Bhuiyans, Doms,
Chamars and Nats.

Deepak Kumar, principal secretary in the state's general
administration department, said that it was decided by the government
that Independence Day functions would be organized in all such 'tolas'
and an elderly among them would unfurl the flag.

Surender Ravidas, in his mid 40s, a resident of Mahadalit tola of
Jituchak village near Patna, is pleased that his family can take part
in the flag-hosting ceremony. "For the first time, we will get a
chance to participate," the daily wage earner said.

He is not alone. Hundreds of thousands of Mahadalits, living in tolas
across the state, are equally happy with the state government
decision. It is part of the Nitish Kumar government initiative to
empower the downtrodden.

Hari Dom, in his early 50s, a resident of Mahadalit tola near
Lohanipur in Patna, believes that this year's Independence Day will be
historic.

"We and our children used to visit other neighborhoods to witness the
flag-hosting ceremony, either standing outside a school or a
government office," the sweeper-cum-cleaner told IANS. "But now we
will be part of the national day in our own settlement."

According to government records, there are over 25,000 such 'tolas' in
the state. In the six districts of the Patna commissionarate alone,
the day will be celebrated in 4,799 tolas. Patna commissioner K.P.
Ramiyah said that preparations were in full swing.

Letters have been sent out to all the district magistrates (DMs). "As
the Right to Public Service Act is to be implemented from August 15,
this programme will be an effective way to inform weaker sections of
government programmes," Deepak Kumar said.

The government has earmarked Rs. 500 for each Mahadalit 'tola' to
purchase flags, sweets and toffees for such functions. "It will cost
the state exchequer Rs. 1.30 crore," an official said.

District administrations are to depute a government school teacher for
the function, who could explain the national anthem and events related
to Independence Day and freedom struggles to Mahadalits.

Bihar was the first state in the country to constitute a Mahadalit
commission. It was decided that the commission would study the status
of the neglected sub-castes among Dalits and suggest ways to uplift
them.

In power-starved Bihar, most Mahadalits are living without any
electricity, except in the state capital Patna and some towns.
Millions are still living in the lantern age, as electricity is a
luxury or not available.

Akhilesh Kumar, who hopes to become a schoolteacher, summed it up
well: "It may be a small thing for the powerful in society, but for us
it is a big thing."

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[ZESTCaste] 'Aarakshan' sees different aarakshan in Nepal

http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-08-14/news-interviews/29886437_1_aarakshan-charity-show-kathmandu

'Aarakshan' sees different aarakshan in Nepal
IANS Aug 14, 2011, 05.34pm IST

While Bollywood director Prakash Jha's new film "Aarakshan", based on
India's system of seat reservations for the disadvantaged Dalit
community in educational institutions, has triggered controversy in
the subcontinent, its release in Nepal Friday saw a different kind of
reservation.

For the owners of the Jai Nepal multiplex in Kathmandu, one of the
swankiest theatres in the Nepali capital, Friday night saw spectacular
business with all seats for the evening show sold out.

This was due to a chapter of the Rotary Club booking the hall for a
charity show to raise money for medical treatment.

The Rotary Club of Durbarmarg has begun a fund donation drive to raise
money for patients who need blood for major surgeries but can't afford
the tests required to see if the donor's blood group and the
recipient's are compatible.

Cancer specialist Rajendra Baral, who also heads the Durbarmarg
chapter of the club, said seed money of NRS.70,000 (a little less than
Rs.45,000) had been raised from the charity show.

Despite occasional brushes with censors, Bollywood films remain one of
the most popular fund-raisers for charitable projects in Nepal.

While Aarakshan has been banned in some Indian states, it has received
medium acclaim in Nepal so far.

However, Jha's earlier release in Nepal, " Rajneeti" starring Katrina
Kaif, was well received with Nepal's leading politicians also turning
up to watch the film on politics.

One of the most popular Nepali films of 2010, "Bato muni ko phool"
(The flower by the roadside) directed by Suroj Subba was on the issue
of untouchability.

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[ZESTCaste] Ostracised dalits stage protest at Navalgund

http://www.deccanherald.com/content/183796/ostracised-dalits-stage-protest-navalgund.html

Ostracised dalits stage protest at Navalgund
Navalgund, (Dharwad dist), Aug 14, DHNS:

Raising voice against being ostracised for refusing to work at a
farmer's house, several dalit families at Nayakanur village in
Navalgund taluk staged a protest in front of the police station on
Sunday.

Refusing to work at Andanigoudra Patil has proved costly to these dalits.

"Irked by our refusal to work, he has ostracised us by making an
announcement. Further, Andanigoudra has warned that he would impose a
fine of Rs 5,001 on each who would come to our aid. Also, he has
instructed shop owners not to give us any food and other items. Even
the owners of tea stalls are barred from giving us any beverages," the
dalits complained.

The dalits also alleged that Andanigoudra beat up Basappa Shivappa
Madar black and blue. Also, he took away 80 sheep belonging to him.
"Moreover, our children were not allowed to go to school. He abused
our women as well," one of the protestors said.

The protesters filed complaint against Andanigoudra Patil,
Rajappagouda Patil, Neelakantagouda Patil, Basappa Benneppanavar,
Shankrappa Hugar, and Karibasappa Javur in connection with the
atrocity.

Of them Neelakantagouda Patil and Shankrappa Hugar have been arrested.
The dalits urged the police to arrest the culprits at the earliest and
render them justice and also ensure that such incidents are not
repeated in the future.

State Adi Jambhava Madigara Sangha has condemned the incident.

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[ZESTCaste] 9 hurt in Alanganallur group clash

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/9-hurt-in-alanganallur-group-clash/175762-60-118.html

Tamil Nadu
9 hurt in Alanganallur group clash
indianexpress Express News Service , The New Indian Express
Posted on Aug 15, 2011 at 10:22am IST

MADURAI: Tension prevailed in Melachinnanampatti near Alanganallur
here after nine people were injured during a clash between caste
Hindus and Dalits on Saturday night. The police said, the two groups
clashed over alleged demolition of flag post of a political party in
the village.

Based on complaints from the both sides, the Alanganallur police have
registered case against 27 Dalits and 23 caste Hindus.� Of� these, 12
Gounders and nine Dalits have been arrested so far.

All the injured - seven from the Gounder community and two Dalits -
have been� hospitalised.

According to the complaint by R Pitchaiamani, a Gounder, Mukundan,
Sasikumar and 25 other Dalits threw stones and bottles at his house
around 8 pm on Saturday and abused him.� During the attack, seven
persons, including two women - Rani and Ranjani - were injured. A
counter petition filed by a Dalit, K Natarajan, of the same village,
said that a group of 23 people, including Kamesh and Rajesh of the
Gounder community, demolished a flag post of a political party on
Saturday.� They also attacked Perumal and Pazhaniammal,� two Dalits.�
Two years ago, a case was registered after the two groups clashed for
erecting a cut-out in the village. The case was still pending.� The
hearing for the case was due on August 17. At this juncture, a new FIR
has been filed against both the communities over Saturday's� violence.

Asra Garg, the SP, said that around 75 police personnel, including
DSPs, inspectors and sub-inspectors, have been deployed in the village
to keep the situation under control.

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[ZESTCaste] SC/ST candidates depend upon PSU banks for education loans

http://news.in.msn.com/business/article.aspx?cp-documentid=5367487

15/08/2011
SC/ST candidates depend upon PSU banks for education loans

New Delhi, Aug 15 (PTI) Large private lenders like HDFC Bank, ICICI
Bank and Axis Bank lag behind their public sector counterparts in
terms of providing education loans to scheduled caste (SC) and
scheduled tribe (ST) candidates.
While PSU banks like Indian Bank and Canara Bank have been at the
forefront of providing education loans to SC/ST candidates, large
private sector lenders have very little exposure, says Reserve Bank
data.
The outstanding education loans to SC/ST candidates at the end of the
2010-11 fiscal stood at Rs 1.58 crore in case of HDFC Bank, Rs 57 lakh
in case of ICICI Bank and Rs 37 lakh in case of Axis Bank.
ICICI Bank is the largest private sector bank in the country, while
HDFC Bank and Axis Bank are also major lenders with operations
throughout the country.
Compared to the private sector lenders, even relatively smaller PSU
banks like Indian Bank, Andhra Bank and Syndicate Bank have provided
substantial education loans to SC/ST candidates.
The data, which was provided by the Finance Ministry in a written
reply in the Rajya Sabha, said the outstanding education loans to
SC/ST candidates amounted to Rs 484.56 crore in case of Indian Bank,
Rs 146.08 crore in case of Andhra Bank and Rs 109.47 crore in case of
Syndicate Bank.
The country''s largest lender, State Bank of India (SBI), however, was
not at the forefront of providing education loans to SC/ST candidates.
The outstanding exposure of SBI was Rs 238 crore at the end of
2010-11.
The Indian Banks'' Association (IBA), a body which represents public
sector, private and foreign banks, had already circulated a Model
Education Loan Scheme with a view to encourage financial inclusion.
Under the scheme, Indian nationals that secured admission to
professional and technical education in India or abroad through an
entrance test and merit-based selection process are eligible for an
educational loan.

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[ZESTCaste] Reopening the debate on quota

http://www.morungexpress.com/Perspective/69441.html

Reopening the debate on quota
Shashi shekhar

The ban on Aarakshan in three States offers an opportunity for the
Right to distinguish itself by asserting the constitutional morality
envisaged by BR Ambedkar. This is the moment for the Right to embrace
Ambedkarite constitutionalism as an effective antidote to both the
statist policies of Leftist ideologues and the dynastic politics of
the Left-leaning Congress.

It began as a game of political one-upmanship by a maverick
conscience-keeper but with the Uttar Pradesh Government taking the
lead in banning Prakash Jha's film Aarakshan, the proverbial
floodgates it seems have been opened. The ban on Aarakshan by Uttar
Pradesh has been followed by two other States at the time of writing
this column with several others likely to follow suit. It is anybody's
guess at this time if the movie will hit the theatres as per its
intended release schedule. But one thing is certain; the version that
will eventually release in India will see much politically correct
editing.
Six decades of caste-based quotas later both the quantum of quotas and
sensitivity over caste prejudices both remain a hot button political
issue. For a while during 2006, much thanks to Arjun Singh's
championship, the nation was once again witness to street protests
over caste-based reservations. The near total political consensus on
quotas, the long drawn court interventions and the political line
pursued by the UPA regime of universalising entitlements, those street
protests soon fizzled out. With the exception of Rajasthan which saw
fiery caste conflict over quotas, for the most part the last few years
have been bereft of any mass political movements on caste.
Political empowerment of specific caste groups in different States has
also perhaps contributed to this relative calm. In fact, the dominant
political paradigm of the past few election cycles at the State level
has been political consolidation based on a stable caste
configuration. Ms Mayawati's Sarvajan strategy, Mr Nitish Kumar's
micro-mandalisation and the latest attempt in Maharashtra to script a
grand coalition between the Shiv Sena, BJP and Mr Ramdas Athavale's
RPI are examples of this shift at the State level. But for the
occasional noise on quotas in the private sector there hasn't been
much clamour for new quotas.
The demand for communal sub-quotas within existing quotas continues to
have some traction, especially from Dalit-Christian groups. The rise
of the Dalit entrepreneur and the broader shift to a private sector
economy in most areas has also contributed to this relative calm.
The politics of universal entitlements and the politics of empowerment
have overtaken the politics over quotas. It is no accident that
corruption bred by the twin evils of crony capitalism and crony
socialism has become the dominant issue past many months for that
corruption is a by-product of these dominant political twins. It would
not be an exaggeration to conclude that the politics of quotas is on a
graph of diminishing returns. Hence the political brouhaha over
Aarakshan defies logic.
It is understandable that in the run-up to the high stakes battle in
Uttar Pradesh there is one-upmanship over who is perceived to be the
guardian of Dalit interests. This perhaps explains SC/ST Commission
chairman PL Punia's activism against the movie and the Uttar Pradesh
Government's pre-emptive strike to neutralise any potential political
dividends to the Congress. But the speed with which this has spread to
Punjab and far south Andhra Pradesh makes it all the more curious. Are
we back to the days of caste-based mobilisation and street protests or
is this political chain reaction an aberration?
Sensitivity to caste prejudice is a political holy cow much like
Gandhi's legacy. The political chain reaction over any perceived
slight on Gandhi or, for that matter, Ambedkar has now acquired a
predictable trajectory. The chain reaction over Aarakshan is a
manifestation of the same political correctness. Some may argue
against this from the pulpit of absolute freedom of expression and the
tyranny of all identity politics. But a more effective
counter-argument to this political correctness would be to hold the
protagonists to the Gandhi test or the Ambedkar test.
So what would BR Ambedkar have done if he were alive today in response
to the movie 'Aarakshan'?
Ambedkar's many interventions during the Constituent Assembly debates
offer the best guide to his thought process on contemporary issues.
Ambedkar also makes his views on freedoms quite clear in his States
and Minorities, calling for no restrictions on freedoms except in the
rarest of rare cases involving public order and morality. One can
perversely interpret "public order" and "morality" to justify the
politically opportunistic pre-emptive actions of the kind we are
witnessing today.
However, Ambedkar leaves no room for ambiguity in his 'Grammar of
Anarchy' speech in which he calls caste prejudices of all kinds
"anti-national" because they generate "jealousy and antipathy between
caste and caste". In the same speech he also makes clear his
preference for politics of empowerment with his clarion call to "make
room for realisation of aspirations".
It must be said that the Right has been timid and unimaginative in its
embrace of Ambedkar. It may pay lip service to him as an icon but has
offered little respect to his constitutionalism and unshakeable faith
in due process and rule of law. There is much in Ambedkar's
constitutionalism to support a coherent centre-right agenda, if close
attention is paid to his interventions in the Constituent Assembly
debates and to his writings.
The debate over the ban on Aarakshan is an opportunity for the Right
to distinguish itself by asserting the constitutional morality
envisaged by Ambedkar. It is time the Right look beyond political
Hindutva of the 1990s to embrace an Ambedkarite constitutionalism as
an effective antidote to both the statist policies of the Leftist
ideologues and to the dynastic politics of the Left-leaning Congress.
Source: The Pioneer

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[ZESTCaste] Historic Day for Mahadalits in Bihar

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[ZESTCaste] Wall of Untouchability Demolished Near Salem

http://ibnlive.in.com/news/wall-of-untouchability-demolished-near-salem/175556-60-118.html

Tamil Nadu
Wall of Untouchability Demolished Near Salem
indianexpress Express News Service , The New Indian Express
Posted on Aug 14, 2011 at 03:11am IST

SALEM:� The Salem Corporation and the Revenue Department officials on
Saturday demolished a� wall at Gandhi Mahan street claimed� to be a
caste wall separating the Arunthadhiar community and caste Hindus.The
demolishing squad faced no resistance from the residents living on
either sides of the wall but another high raised wall constructed by a
private matriculation school in the same area turned into a bone of
contention.

DYFI activists organised a protest on July 19 to demand among other
things demolition of the wall claiming to be a wall of untouchability
to keep off dalit community folks from entering the people of affluent
class. However the residents living on both sides of the wall were
more keen on the appalling sanitary conditions prevailing in the 42nd
division of the Salem Corporation.

The cluster of houses where the dalits live had no basic amenities.
Water logging during rainy days stagnates for weeks turning it into
breeding ground for mosquitoes. Although DYFI's protest kicked no
major controversy, the officials conducted a spot study and convened a
tripartite meeting on July 22. Chaired by the Salem RDO Prasanna
Ramasamy the meeting was attended by the revenue, police, corporation
officials, DYFI office bearers and office bearers of the Theendamai
Ozhippu Munani. None of the residents of the either side of the wall
attended the meeting. It was decided to conduct another survey and
decide on the future course of action.

Meanwhile, the Corporation was asked to take measures to improve amenities.

It was established that the wall has been constructed partly on
private lands (formerly owned by one Vaiyali Pillai who converted his
farm into a housing plot) and partly on government land classified as
lake poromobke.� As the wall is constructed adjacent to a drainage
channel the Salem Corporation officials were also involved in the
demolition panel.

RDO Prasanna Ramasamy said the demolition is being carried out because
it is on government land and also to avoid problems in future.

While the so called untouchabilty wall was done away another wall in
the area turned into a bone of contention. Activists and dalits
vociferously demanded pattas for their land. They told the officials
that a private matriculation school has constructed a high rise wall
after usurping a few acres of� government lands. They wanted the lands
to be seized and given to the dalits. Officials have begun another
exercise to ascertain facts about the school wall and the land grab
complaint.

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[ZESTCaste] Cheat uses love, fear to grab land of dalits

http://www.deccanchronicle.com/channels/cities/chennai/cheat-uses-love-fear-grab-land-dalits-925

Cheat uses love, fear to grab land of dalits

August 15, 2011
By Pramila Krishnan
DC
chennai

A conman in Dindigul encouraged two dalit brothers to marry the upper
caste women they had fallen in love with and then exploited their fear
of reprisal from their wives' families to grab 12 acres of land from
them.

According to a police complaint, Sakthivel and Andavan were in love
with Selvi and Saraswathi, who were from upper caste families.

A distant relative of Selvi and Saraswathi, P. Natchimuthu Gounder,
encouraged the brothers to marry the women in an elaborately planned
swindle.

Gounder arranged for the marriage even though the dalit brothers had
been warned to stay away from the women by their upper caste
relatives, the complaint filed by the brothers and their wives in the
police anti-land grabbing cell said.

Gounder got the young couples to elope to Erode, promising to protect
their land from encroachment, but sold the property without their
knowledge. The brothers have now approached the DGP for help.

"We were frightened about a possible caste clash in our village and
Natchimuthu Gounder told us he would provide us protection and
arranged for the marriage," they said in the complaint.

"He asked us to move to Erode where he said we could live without
fear. He asked us to give him power of attorney for the 12 acres of
land we own in Dindugul so he could safeguard the property."

Gounder told them that a group of upper caste people had encroached on
their land and if they tried to venture to the spot they would be
beaten up.

"He said if we gave him power of attorney for the land, he would
ensure it remained safe. We trusted him and did as he said in January
2004," they added.

The director of NGO Evidence, A. Kathir, who has been helping the
brothers, said, "Natchimuthu Gounder sold the land in 2006 without
informing the brothers."

"Though they filed a complaint against Gounder, no action has been
taken against him so far. They said Gounder and his family filed a
false case against them and they had failed to attend court
proceedings, further complicating matters. They have now approached
the DGP to retrieve their land."

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[ZESTCaste] Socially boycotted dalits file case

http://expressbuzz.com/states/karnataka/socially-boycotted-dalits-file-case/304542.html

Socially boycotted dalits file case

Shivakumar Menasinakai
Express News Service
Last Updated : 16 Aug 2011 12:21:22 PM IST

HUBLI: Thirty two dalit families in Nayakanur village, Navalgund
taluk, 54 Kms from Hubli, neither celebrated the Independence Day nor
did they stay at home to enjoy the national holiday. They seem to have
lost all hope.

Upper caste people have allegedly socially boycotted these families
under the pretext that they refused to sweep cow dung at the house of
an upper caste family. Though the controversy has been there it came
to light now since one of the dalit families lodged a complaint at
Navalgund police station alleging their social boycott.

According to Police sources Basappa Madar, 64, was working as servant
with Andanigouda Patil. Basappa and his wife recently refused to
continue working for Patil family. Then, Patil allegedly asked the
other families in the village not to give Basappa and his wife any
employment. When dalit families questioned this, Patil asked his
fellow villagers not to give work to any of the dalit families and
even to boycott them socially.

When the dalit families overcame their silent suffering and lodged a
complaint the Navalgund Police have took up a case against six persons
including Andanigouda Patil. However, the Police arrested Rajugouda
Patil, Neelakanthagouda Patil, Basappa Benneppanavar, Karibasappa
Javoor and Shankarappa Hugar and not the main accused Andanigouda
Patil.

Inspector of the Directorate of Civil Rights Enforcement Sunil
Megalamani had visited the village. He told Express that the local
police had been investigating and main person was absconding. The
dispute between Basappa and Patil family is the reason for the present
controversy, he added.

District Social Welfare Officer SR Mulla, who visited the village,
told Express that the district administration was firm to provide
employment for all dalit families in the village. The social boycott
issue would be strongly dealt with, he clarified.

But the worried dalit families have started migrating out of the
village. Dalit leader Marish Nagannavar said the situation was going
bad to worst day by day.

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[ZESTCaste] Don’t ban Aarakshan, it’s just upper caste (Kancha Ilaiah)

http://www.deccanchronicle.com/editorial/dc-comment/don%E2%80%99t-ban-aarakshan-it%E2%80%99s-just-upper-caste-364

Don't ban Aarakshan, it's just upper caste

August 17, 2011
By Kancha Ilaiah

The debate around Aarakshan, Prakash Jha's movie on reservation, has
several major implications for our civil society and state. The
objections raised by several organisations, individuals and also the
ban imposed by three state governments — Uttar Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh
and Punjab — because of their suspicion that the film is against the
interests of pro-reservation forces, made it controversial.

The film has been seen by the Central Board of Film Certification
(CBFC) and certified U/A without any cuts. But the National Commission
for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes demanded to see it before it
was released. After the viewing the commission felt that there are
many dialogues that were objectionable from the dalit point of view.
However, the CBFC felt that the SC/ST commission's opinion was not
binding on them, and they did not agree to cut some of the dialogues
suggested by the commission and other organisations. However, after
some cuts were made, the film was released in Andhra Pradesh.

I watched the film on the first day of its release. It evoked a good
response from filmgoers. Aarakshan presents a paternalistic upper
caste view of balancing the problems of reservation and
commercialisation of education. Amitabh Bachchan's role of a
paternalistic Hindu teacher could well be viewed with suspicion by any
Ambedkarite.

However, a serious issue to debate is whether the right to freedom of
expression of a director/producer could be taken away by dalit/OBC
groups or individuals opposed to a film? What is the difference
between the Right-wing forces that attacked M.F. Husain's paintings
and the dalit/OBC organisations that opposed Aarakshan? I happened to
take part in a panel discussion on the issue on an English news
channel where Soli Sorabjee, a well-known Supreme Court lawyer, argued
that Mr Jha's freedom of expression cannot be taken away in this
manner.

We must understand the pro- and anti-reservation contentions from the
point of view of caste and historical oppression that the majority
population suffered for centuries.

Bollywood as a film industry still represents the upper castes and, to
a small extent, the Muslim minority. Few years ago even the best of
the Muslim actors had to adopt Hindu names (like Dilip Kumar) to
survive in the industry and the market. Now, because of strong
identity politics among Muslims, there are several visible Muslim
heroes and heroines with their own names. Even a film like My Name is
Khan was made to assert that identity. But most of them come from rich
families. Why is it that no dalit/OBC could become a visible actor in
that industry? Hollywood overcame its white hegemony and now blacks
have come to occupy a very important place (like Will Smith) in that
global industry. But blacks constitute just 12.6 per cent of the total
population of the US. Whereas dalits, tribals and OBCs constitute
about 70 per cent of the population in our country, yet there is not a
single visible person in the film industry from these communities.

Also, how many SC/ST/OBCs are in the CBFC today? Perhaps none. When
the industry itself is constituted of upper castes, and rich ones at
that, a lot of scope for suspicion about their intentions in making a
film on reservations exists. Suppose they deliberately make an
anti-reservation film or a film that treats the productive castes as
polluted people based on the Brahminic sociological premise? Should
these castes keep quiet? And if they create hurdles in the film's
release, is that "curtailing the positive freedom of expression?" When
the oppressors' right to freedom of expression impinges upon the very
right to life of the oppressed, the oppressed need to invoke their
natural right, as John Locke rightly proposed, to fight against the
oppressors' right to freedom of expression. If "castocracy" begins to
operate, using the liberal space the Constitution provides, against
the historical victims, they have to stand up and say, "No, we will
not allow this."

In democracy, if one does not examine the political position of the
oppressed seriously, if a mechanical "right to freedom of expression"
is deployed in the discourse, as John Locke himself foresaw, the
oppressed masses have no choice but to resort to the right to
revolution. For SC/ST/OBCs, the right to defend reservation (in the
absence of uniform English-medium school education for all) is
equivalent to defending their right to life.

Because of caste and cultural degradation and denial of right to
education and employment for centuries, the SC/ST/OBCs have lost many
opportunities to develop themselves. That should be the core anchor of
the debate. The problem being treated paternalistically, as has been
done in Aarakshan, is not a solution.

In a situation of rabid casteism and educational commercialisation,
Prabhakar Anand's (the character played by Bachchan) paternalism might
appear positive. But Ambedkar himself opposed such paternalism of
Gandhi and attacked it in his classic book, What the Congress and
Gandhi have done to the Untouchables.

The film, as it is being shown in Andhra Pradesh, does not warrant a
ban in any state at all. But it certainly needs to be debated.
Ideologically it does not represent Ambedkarism but Gandhism. That
itself is a major problem. A Bollywood film with an Ambedkarite
ideology on aarakshan can be possible only when aarakshan is
implemented in Bollywood itself.

Kancha Ilaiah is director for the study of Social Exclusion and
Inclusive Policy, Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad

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