Tuesday, April 20, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Help to brave Gujarati girl: function on April 22, 2010 in Ahmedabad

 

Dear donors and friends,

 

A simple function will be scheduled to be held on April 22, 2010 in Ahmedabad to give the small gift collected (Rs. 1,45,000) by Friends for Education International.

 

Details will follow. Stay tuned.

 

With regards

Ben Kaila

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An educated man without character and humility was more dangerous than a beast. If his education was detrimental to the welfare of poor, he was a curse to society.
-Babasaheb Dr B R Ambedkar

 

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[ZESTCaste] A stalwart of the Dravidian movement

http://www.hindu.com/br/2010/04/20/stories/2010042052301300.htm

A stalwart of the Dravidian movement

A. R. VENKATACHALAPATHY

From being a Periyar protégé, Anna developed a style of his own in
politics and won a big following

ANNA — The Life and Times of C.N. Annadurai: R. Kannan; Penguin/
Viking,11, Community Centre, Panchsheel Park, New Delhi-100017. Rs.
550.

C. N. Annadurai (1909–1969), with a balding pate, tobacco-stained
teeth, stubble chin and a captivating husky voice, stood barely five
feet and two inches. But he strode Tamil Nadu politics like a
colossus. Anna, as he is widely known, harnessed the ideas and
energies unleashed by his mentor Periyar E.V. Ramasamy and securely
accommodated Tamil nationalism within the Indian nation-state. His
imprint on the Tamil language, both in print and on the platform, was
distinct, with numerous emulators and imitators. Unfortunately, Anna
has been ill-served by biographers. For want of a competently written
biography in English, the non-Tamil readers were hugely handicapped in
understanding the man who made a lasting impact on Indian politics. In
bringing out this book, R. Kannan has addressed this long-felt need.

The author traces the eventful life of Anna from his birth in a modest
weaver family in Kanchipuram. Getting a degree throughPachaiyappa's
College, he chose a career in politics and cut his political teeth in
the Justice Party that had a non-Brahmin base. His moment came when he
was spotted by Periyar and groomed as his lieutenant.

Anna-Periyar bond

The best part of the book is the detailed treatment of the
relationship between the two. From being Periyar's protégé, Anna
developed a style of his own in politics and public-speaking, won a
big following, struck an independent political path, and took the
non-Brahmin castes to the seat of political power. He played a leading
part in the first anti-Hindi agitation (1937–39), wrested the
non-Brahmin plank from the conservative Justicites and, using his
unmatched propagandist skills, rallied the Dravidian movement under
Periyar. However, there was a rift growing between the two leaders on
the issue of pursuing political goals. While Periyar was firm about
staying out of electoral politics, Anna spearheaded a strand that eyed
state power as an instrument of reform and change. Using Periyar's
mismatched marriage as a pretext, he led a split and formed the
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (1949).

Even though Periyar lambasted the DMK, Anna maintained his composure
throughout and, in 1967, when he became Chief Minister — after the
DMK's historic triumph at the polls — even dedicated his ministry to
his mentor.

Career record

Kannan deftly charts the high growth graph of the DMK and Anna during
the immediate post-Independence decades. The narrative is particularly
informative where he deals with the inner-party dissensions, the
factional tussle between E.V.K. Sampath and M. Karunanidhi, the split
in the wake of Sampath's fast, and the rise of MGR.

The abdication of the secessionist 'Dravida Nadu' demand; Anna's
memorable stint in the Rajya Sabha, where he held his own against
Parliamentarian stalwarts while expounding the principles of
federalism and opposing the imposition of Hindi; and the momentous
anti-Hindi agitation (1965) that propelled the DMK to the seat of
power — all these get adequate treatment. When, within two years of
his chief ministership, Anna fell a victim to cancer, a sense of
tragedy was palpable all round.

It is no easy task to write on the life of Anna. Not only Anna but
many of the DMK's stalwarts revelled in flowery language but not
without subtleties, nuances, and innuendoes. It takes an insider to
follow the allusions. The author is quite up to this task, especially
as evinced in the way he reads the allegorical stories and essays that
Anna penned during the run up to his break with Periyar.

The publication is however not without shortcomings. Biography is the
art of portraying a personality in context. While Anna emerges as a
gentle leader moved by emotions, accommodating divergent views,
preferring to be led rather than chart the course of history, the
historical and political context is not adequately delineated. The
names of Tamil politicians, often with their highfalutin sobriquets,
are likely to confuse the non-Tamil readers.

The last two decades have seen the emergence of a new body of writing
that can be termed 'the new social history of the Dravidian movement'.
Unfortunately, the author has chosen to ignore this and has remained
content with repeating shibboleths about the Dravidian movement. His
frequent recourse to quotations from the writings of P. Ramamurti,
Kannadasan, and Jayakanthan has served neither to illuminate the
narrative nor enhance its readability.

Kannan has made a thorough use of Anna's voluminous writings to tease
out biographical details. Yet some research into the archival material
from government sources and newspapers would have undoubtedly helped
in giving the much-needed variety and depth to the narrative.

This is not to gainsay the importance of this biography of Anna.
Competent biographies of Tamil personalities are rare in English.
Hopefully this will not be the lone sparrow in that biographical
summer.


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[ZESTCaste] Video: Rise of Dalit businessmen

 

http://beta.profit.ndtv.com/video/show/nn1219006

Video: Rise of Dalit businessmen

On NDTV's show The Unstoppable Indians, trace the journey to success
for Dalit businessmen, men who recognised the opportunities offered by
liberalisation in the early 90s and the word reservation did not
figure in their vocabulary.

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[ZESTCaste] Remembered village, this

http://www.deccanherald.com/content/64709/remembered-village-this.html

SOCIETY
Remembered village, this

Dalits form the majority population in Benavara village, Amruthur
hobli of Kunigal taluk. The Markonahalli dam might have changed the
landscape of the region, but there are still families struggling to
make ends meet, reports Janagere Venkataramaiah


The Holeyas, regarded as untouchables, often dwell outside the
village. This unwritten rule is followed scrupulously in many villages
across the State to this day. The exception to this rule is Benavara,
belonging to Amruthur hobli of Kunigal taluk, where Dalits form the
majority population.

The Dalit elders in the village look after their affairs in a fair
manner, responsible for all the joys and sorrows of the community.
Benavara, with its hundred houses, also has a couple of families each
belonging to the upper caste Okkaligas and Akkasaligas (goldsmith).
These families have settled in the village to tend to their lands
situated close by. However, there is no oppression of the Dalits by
the upper castes found in most villages!

The road from Amruthur is asphalted and in good condition. A
government lower primary school takes care of the children's studies
along with an anganwadi. The three or four borewells meet the drinking
water needs of the people.

Then, there are ten temples in the village. Village deities Arivina
Maramma, Pattaladamma, Bettada Thimmappa, Anjaneya, Channakeshava,
Maramma, Eshwara, Varadarayaswamy and Doddamma-Chikkamma all dwell in
these temples.

The pooja and other rituals for these deities are performed on rote by
the five fishermen families of the neighbouring Benavara Koppal. The
Lingayat priest of Hanchipur anoints Bettada Thimmappa. The Dalits
look after Varadarayaswamy who migrated here, following a devotee of
the village, though an idol is yet to be consecrated. Apart from the
shrines to Doddamma-Chikkamma, the others are falling apart.

The population numbers 450, of whom there are only a handful of senior
citizens while literates can be found in large numbers, some working
in Bangalore, Mysore, Tumkur and other cities. Indeed, most of them
are employed by the government, the most famous of them being the
recently retired deputy conservator of forests B M T Rajeev.

Why only Dalits?

Benavara has had a school since pre-Independence and children of the
surrounding villages also attended classes here. The maastikallu,
three-four dried-up temple tanks (kalyanis) and other 'ruins' indicate
that Benavara was once a big town, where people of all castes and
professions resided. As such, the village has an interesting story on
the absence of the upper castes. It goes thus: The village priest had
two beautiful daughters, who were of marriageable age. But it was
difficult to find grooms for them from the same caste. Some youths
belonging to the upper castes ravished them and the two girls became
pregnant.

A horrified priest then prepared a holy site ostensibly to conduct
some rituals, after discussing the matter with the Patel of
neighbouring Valagerepura. The priest built a stone tomb and asked the
sisters to enter it to perform pooja and meditate. As soon as the
girls began meditating, their father dragged a stone slab across and
entombed them alive!

The priest then cursed the entire village and left Benavara. Soon, the
upper caste people were beset with death and other problems. Fearing
the priest's curse to be at work, they left the village with their
families while the Dalits remained behind, saying they hadn't hurt the
priest.

A while later, a few Dalit families came from Nagamangala to settle
down in the village. The villages belonging to Amruthur hobli,
including Benavara presented a barren landscape 50-60 years back. The
construction of Markonahalli dam in the 1940s changed the luck of the
farmers of the region.

Not everything is hunky-dory between Benavara and surrounding
villages. When they were denied entry into the temples of the village
deities, the Dalits built the Doddamma, Chikkamma temples.

But there is harmony within the village. Dalits are allowed entry
into the headman's house as well. Says Puttaraju of the Akkasaligas,
"Except for eating together, there is no discrimination amongst us and
we live like brothers."

Though Dalits are in greater number, they are yet to succeed in a big
way on the financial front. The Markonhahalli dam might have changed
the luck of farmers of the region, but there are still families in the
village which have five-six acre plots, and are struggling to make
ends meet with agriculture.

(Translated by B S Srivani)


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[ZESTCaste] 12-year-old Dalit killed for stealing wheat

 

http://www.newkerala.com/news/fullnews-90538.html

12-year-old Dalit killed for stealing wheat

Lucknow, April 16 : A 12-year-old Dalit boy was allegedly beaten to
death by a group of villagers in Uttar Pradesh's Hardoi district for
stealing wheat from the fields, police said Friday.

Three men have been booked for killing the Dalit boy, police said.

Kamlesh Kumar, a resident of Kashipur village in Hardoi, about 110 km
from Lucknow, was Thursday repeatedly assaulted with wooden sticks and
iron rods, following which he died in the fields.

According to police, Kumar was initially spotted hiding in the wheat
fields of Neeraj Singh.

When Singh learned about Kumar's presence in his field, he along with
two of his aides started beating Kumar, accusing him of stealing
wheat, they added.

"Preliminary investigations reveal the three men killed the Dalit boy.
All the three are absconding," police inspector Arvind Rathore told
reporters in Hardoi.

"We have detained some of Singh's close associates to ascertain his
whereabouts," he said.

--IANS

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[ZESTCaste] Cong's 'fake love' for Dalits is exposed: BSP

 

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/congs-fake-love-for-dalits-is-exposed-bsp/608891/

Cong's 'fake love' for Dalits is exposed: BSP
Agencies Posted online: Tuesday , Apr 20, 2010 at 1531 hrs
Lucknow : The BSP on Tuesday slammed the Congress for omitting Bhimrao
Ambedkar's contribution in a booklet issued to commemorate its 125
years, saying the party's "anti-dalit mentality" and "fake love" for
the community have been exposed.
"There is no mention of the contributions made by Dr Ambedkar, dalit
leader Babu Jagjeevan Ram and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad in the booklet
released by Congress on completing 125 years of its foundation," BSP
state president Swami Prasad Maurya said in a statement issued here.

"This booklet has exposed Congress' fake love for dalits....
Surprisingly this book was released on the birth anniversary of Dr
Ambedkar," he added.

Maurya alleged that as a part of a conspiracy the party had showered
praise on one family and there was no mention of any other leader
belonging to dalit or minority communities.

"If the party forgets to publish the name of Dr Ambedkar considered as
a messiah by crores of people in the country, then it is proved that
Congress love for dalits is nothing more than a farce," he alleged.

Maurya alleged that Congress had always opposed Ambedkar and was not
able to get rid of its casteist mentality towards dalit leaders even
after 125 years.

The Congress, however, dismissed BSP's charge, saying that it was not
an intentional omission as the booklet was only about the contribution
of Congress leaders.

"But since B R Ambedkar was part of the Congress-led government, we
will be including it in the booklet," state general secretary Subodh
Shrivatsava said.

Terming Congress' 'chetna yatra' launched by Rahul Gandhi on April 14
in BSP's stronghold as a "drama", the BSP state president said that
the party was indulging in such activities only to mislead dalits.

"Only handful people are participating in this yatra and in
desperation party leaders are using all methods to attract crowd. This
is evident from the fact that an indecent dance programme was
organised in Bulandshahr yesterday," Maurya alleged.

He accused AICC general secretary Rahul of hurting the feelings of
crores of followers of Ambedkar by not using the 'parmapujya' (most
revered) to show respect to the leader during the Ambedkar Nagar
visit.

"Omission of contributions made by the dalit and minority leaders in
the booklet is not a mistake, but a deliberate act as a part of the
conspiracy," he alleged.

He alleged that the Congress always "used" Jagjeevan Ram and never
gave him the respect he deserved.

He said the dalit community would give a befitting reply to the
Congress at an appropriate time.

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[ZESTCaste] South Africa finds another new word for inequality

http://www.thenational.ae/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20100419/BUSINESS/704199956/1058&template=columnists

South Africa finds another new word for inequality
Gavin du Venage

Last Updated: April 19. 2010 7:36PM UAE / April 19. 2010 3:36PM GMT
Julius Malema, the chairman of the ANC's youth league, is the
personification of tenderpreneurship in the Rainbow Nation. EPA
Words such as "commando" and "apartheid" have been South Africa's
contribution to the English language over the years. Now the country
is likely to add another: tenderpreneur.

The term is, like "oligarch", a far-from flattering reference to
connected businessmen who use political influence to make vast
fortunes from the country's shaky attempts to grow a modern economy.

A tenderpreneur is likely to be black, a member of the ruling African
National Congress (ANC), and adept at using affirmative action laws to
feather his or her nest.

Over the past year the word has become common in local media and among
bloggers, and regularly tumbles from the lips of analysts and even
politicians, especially those who have been unable to take advantage
of the system.

No one represents tenderpreneurship as visibly as Julius Malema, the
multimillionaire chairman of the ANC's powerful youth league.

Mr Malema, 29, is as well known for his flash lifestyle as he is for
his rabble-rousing speeches calling for the nationalisation of mines
and apparent endorsement of attacks on white farmers.

He has reportedly won contracts worth 140 million rand (Dh69.5m) in
the past few years, to build roads, cemeteries and bridges in his home
province of Limpopo, to the north of the country. At least one bridge
built by his company, SGL Engineering, has had to be closed after it
began to fall apart months after completion.


Mr Malema has become a constant source of media copy. The country's
scrappy newspapers have run lurid stories about his wealth, love of
250,000-rand Breitling watches and the wild parties that outrage his
neighbours in upmarket Sandton, north of Johannesburg, the site of one
of his homes. Not bad for a guy with no more than a high school
diploma.

If Mr Malema represents the worst sort of political opportunism, his
actions also speak of a deeper malaise that Africa's biggest economy
has been struggling with since white rule ended in 1994.

Under apartheid, blacks were legally excluded from holding all but the
most menial of jobs. Black education was specifically crafted to
produce a generation of labourers.

As a result, the country has what Thabo Mbeki, a former president,
called a "cappuccino economy" – a froth of whites at the top, with a
mass black underclass below. A recent survey by the respected South
African Institute of Race Relations showed per capita income for
whites is 135,707 rands, compared with 19,496 rands for blacks.


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