Latest News Update: Apr 2, 2010

Friday, April 2, 2010

[ZESTCaste] How Indians are using Facebook to fight the caste system

http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/montymunford1/100032530/how-indians-are-using-facebook-to-fight-the-caste-system/

How Indians are using Facebook to fight the caste system

By Monty Munford World Last updated: April 2nd, 2010

India's caste system – or, as I like to call it, Hinduism's version of
institutionalised apartheid – has lost some influence in the sixty-two
years since independence. But certain social barriers remain – and
now, for the first time, social networks such as Facebook and Orkut
are offering all castes the chance to register their anger about them.

Nowadays, the untouchable classes are delicately described as
"scheduled" castes and "tribes", but to many outsiders remain "Dalits"
– and they constitute nearly a quarter of India's total population.
Previously referred to as the "Depressed Class" in the era of the
British Raj (for the depressing jobs they endured), their numbers have
risen rapidly in the last few decades.

As part of "the biggest democracy in the world", Dalits have now used
their numbers to gain political, as well as economic power, and by law
are guaranteed between 7.5 per cent and 15 per cent of vacancies in
Indian Government jobs, something that riles the upper-castes. As
recently as 18 months ago, a Dalit was murdered by upper-caste
criminals because he had the audacity to visit a temple to pay homage
to the goddess Durga.

In a country of nearly 1.2 billion people, there are 54 million
internet users, and Indians use their mobiles for everything. (There
are more than 500 million Indians who have mobiles, so in general this
is how social networks are accessed.) Facebook and local social
networking site Orkut and even Twitter (with a mere 1.5 million users)
are widely accessed and the caste debate has led to the creation of
hundreds of groups.

And the forums on these sites only underscore how divided these
communities still are. In a recent example, 3,000 members of a
scheduled online community bemoaned how their caste identity had
created an unbreakable glass ceiling, while other more venomous
comments from higher-caste members accused them of being "beggars" who
used their status to acquire jobs. Comparable, some would say, to the
more unpleasant debates about immigration in the UK.

In a matter of hours, the thread was full of odium and hatred as the
vying communities made their respective feelings known. According to a
study by PUKAR (Partners for Urban Knowledge, Action and Research), it
found that 32 random Orkut online communities based on caste showed an
increase of nearly 30,000 members in just three months and most of
them are highly educated people, and very angry ones at that.

However, as I drilled down into these communities and ignored the
bilious caste comments, something else caught my social network eye.
Yes, it was love and marriage. So, while these groups profess to allow
different caste members to shout and scream, there were a lot more
posts about boys and girls hoping to find somebody from their own
social group or caste to hook up with. Somebody for the their parents
to approve of, in other words. Plus ça change.

Monty Munford
Monty Munford has worked in the media industry for the past 10 years
and moved to India in 2008. He writes for several publications
including The Sunday Times, The Guardian and The Times of India. He is
@montymunford on Twitter.

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[ZESTCaste] A Framework for Evaluating Reservation

http://www.caravanmagazine.in/EditorsNotebook.aspx

Editor's Notebook

A Framework for Evaluating Reservation

S ocial scientists are obsessed with formulating theories, all because
the primary task of social science is to explain social phenomena, and
theories are its tools. Whether to explain the Congress' victory in
the 2009 elections, the reasons behind the Maoist upsurge in central
India, or whether Shah Rukh Khan's movie, My Name is Khan, benefited
from the aggressive stance of Raj Thackeray's Maharashtra Navnirmal
Samiti in the days leading up to its release, social scientists are
involved in a perennial quest to find patterns behind events and
develop theories to explain them.

But much to their chagrin, unlike natural sciences like physics and
chemistry, which offer explanations using precise laws (Einstein's
e=mc2 and Newton's laws of motion being amongst the most famous ones),
social science is at best an approximate science and rarely, if ever,
offers precise explanations. After all, it hinges on that most
unpredictable and erratic of things: human behaviour.

In this sense, the very idea of reservation is peculiarly paradoxical.
On the one hand, we consider equality the nonnegotiable underpinning
of a just society; on the other, there are often demands for special
provisions for, and by, certain sections of society. This dilemma
surfaces intermittently in debates on social justice, the most recent
on account of the women's reservation bill recently passed in the
Rajya Sabha.

How does one reconcile seemingly contrary goals? Is there a theory
that explains the rationale of reservations? Can we develop a
theoretical framework for evaluating the necessity of reservation for
a certain section of society?

As for a theory on reservation, one finds some answers in political
philosophy, in what is called the 'politics of difference,' where it
is argued that where differences between social and economic positions
of various groups are so significant, common equal treatment may not
provide enough opportunities to improve social standing..

Reservation, or affirmative action, as its lukewarm counterpart is
known in the West, seeks to make special provisions for those
historically marginalised sections that suffer from inherent
structural inequalities, and provide them with special privileges for
an equal playing field.

Reservation here is seen as analogical to giving a headstart to a
physically-challenged person competing in a race in which no other
competitor suffers from a disadvantage. It would surely be far from
just if the former was asked to start from the same line as the
latter.

Those against reservation would probably not change their stance on
the basis of just one set of arguments. Nonetheless, we need to
explore whether we can arrive at a theoretical framework for
evaluating whether a a particular social group merits reservation and
weigh its demands with respect to other competing claims. Would
backward castes merit reservation more than Muslims? Or is there a
stronger case for gender-based reservation?

To even consider reservation for a certain social group, it must be
evident that people of that community suffer from disadvantages
because of the mere fact they are born into it. But it is also equally
important that an overwhelmingly large majority in that group suffer
from marginalisation in one form or another due to prevailing social
inequalities.

When reservation was first proposed for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes, nearly entire communities were harshly discriminated against.
Can we make a similar argument for women as a whole? Don't women born
in middle and higher-income families, which lay considerable stress on
education, have a relatively privileged upbringing? Might not
gender-based reservation serve to benefit these privileged women more
than those who really need it? A similar argument can be made with
other social groups too, but in the case of backward castes, such an
overwhelming majority suffers from marginalisation that benefits are
bound to trickle down to those most in need.

Furthermore, reservation is meaningful if it is used to usher a sense
of pride into a social group that has historically been so thoroughly
suppressed that it suffers from a deepseated psychological lack of
confidence. Since reservation allows access to positions of power and
privilege to a select few from suppressed groups, it is believed there
is a spillover effect that gives voice and pride to the group at
large, if only because one of them is now matching status with those
who have been in power so far, and have, in many cases, been their
oppressors, too. This percolation often happens when the marginalised
group lives under a system of ghettoisation or collective seclusion
that contributes to a sense of shared suffering.

One of the characteristics of the caste system is its segregation, not
just in the traditional sense, but in the sense that people of the
same caste, living in the same neighbourhood and under similar
circumstances, were either able to access benefits or were debarred
from them because of an institutionalised and socially-embedded
distributional injustice. Can we argue that gender-based social groups
live under ghettoisation similar to what we see in social groups built
on ethnic or religious identities? Is there any evidence of a shared
sense of collective identity among people of the same gender, cutting
across economic classes, as one would find among the backward castes,
or even among some religious minorities?

These are just some questions that could point towards a theoretical
framework for evaluating the case of reservation between competing
demands. Social science can only offer imprecise pointers to and
approximate parameters of such a theory. Nevertheless, in our quest
for social justice through reservation, we must not defeat its overall
purpose by according benefits to a certain community while ignoring
the more pressing needs of other, more marginalised groups that might
be suffering from deeper structural inequalities.

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[ZESTCaste] Caste discrimination has racial overtones

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/ET-Debate/Caste-discrimination-has-racial-overtones/articleshow/5753231.cms

Caste discrimination has racial overtones

2 Apr 2010, 0442 hrs IST,

It is ironical that in 21st century, New Delhi is not ready to concede
that descent-based discrimination is a social curse in India. It is a
signalMujtaba Khan, Director, Jamia Millia Islamia
that no degree of modernisation can change the upper caste mindset and
exclusionary governing culture in the country.

In Durban in 2001, the clamour of several Dalit groups to take up the
issue with the UN in its conference against racism (WCAR) was turned
down for want of empirical evidence to treat caste as a form of
discrimination. Curiously, the so-called Indian delegation of
'courtier' MPs (reportedly all Dalits) also certified the GoI stand
that there was no caste discrimination per seand the government was
sensitive to address Dalit issues through legislative mechanisms and
affirmative action. Nevertheless, the UN appointed a Special
Rapportuer to India to explore the nature and extent of discrimination
in caste hierarchy.

Subsequently, there were extensive research activities and, today, a
plethora of empirical evidence on descent-based discrimination is
available in organisations like the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies
and National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights. What else is left for
policy officials to debate further? How many more generations will it
take to introduce correctives in the tradition of hierarchical
domination?

Those viewing equation of caste with race as a chimera will agree that
they coalesce when it comes to practice, be it exclusion, inequality,
institutionalised prejudices or discrimination. Sixty-five years are
proof that the menace of caste discrimination cannot be fought locally
as it is getting fattened while cannibalising on the very notions and
institutions that were believed would weaken and eliminate it.

Caste discrimination has acquired racial connotations blatantly
violating human rights, therefore, it needs to be addressed. As a
large secular democracy committed to social justice and as a signatory
to a number of UN human rights agreements; it is morally and legally
binding on New Delhi to accept responsibility, at the international
forum, for the continuing discrimination against Dalits and its
failure to dispense them due justice.

(The writer is Director at Dr KR Narayanan Centre for Dalit and
Minorities Studies)

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[ZESTCaste] Making a living to finding a livelihood

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/Making-a-living-to-finding-a-livelihood/598901

Making a living to finding a livelihood

AvinashPaliwal

Posted online: Friday , Apr 02, 2010 at 2354 hrs
Gaya : Tending her half-acre of leased farmland cursed by drought, and
bearing her Dalit identity, Baijanti Devi from Sekhwara village in
Gaya learnt long ago to live with poverty and social repression. Two
years ago, new doors opened for her in the form of the Bihar Rural
Livelihood Project (BRLP), locally and popularly known as Jeevika.
Since 2007, in 4,000 villages and covering over 5.9 lakh families —
comprising the poorest farmers, most of them Dalits — the project has
been working to build a self-sustaining socio-economic system.
Initiated by the Bihar Rural Livelihoods Promotion Society with
financial assistance from the World Bank (Rs 264.6 crore), the Bihar
government (Rs 29.4 crore), community contribution (Rs 12.6 crore),
Jeevika was launched in 2007 in the districts of Nalanda, Gaya,
Khagaria, Muzaffarpur, Purnia, Madhubani, Madhepura and Supaul.

In the less than three years hence, the project that aims to mobilise
farmers into Self-Help Groups (SHGs) and to empower them to retrieve
assets, credit and social services, such as food and health security,
has come a long way — from lowering social barriers to raising
productivity, and from introducing farmers to savings to opening doors
to credit.

Jeevika aims for a three-tier model whereby 10-15 members, mostly
women, form an SHG at the community level, represented by a Community
Resource Person (CRP). About 20 such SHGs (17,044 SHGs have been
formed) collectively form a cluster called Village Organisation (VO).
These clusters are provided Community Investment Fund (CIF), a form of
grant under the BRLP on a performance-based system, that allows
Jeevika members to repay their previous debts, or to use the money to
start self-employment enterprises such as grocery stores.

"I couldn't carry on with agriculture due to water shortage. So I sold
my land and opened a general store with the help of money raised by
the community," says Baijanti Devi.

SHG members are encouraged to spend frugally and to create savings,
which can be accumulated and provided as loans to other SHGs. This
process is duplicated at higher levels. A group of 300 VOs forms a
Block Level Federation (BLF). Since the project was launched, Jeevika
villages have built up cumulative savings of Rs 11.02 crore and
inter-loans worth Rs 22.32 crore. In a better position to deal with
mainstream financial institutions and markets, SHGs have also
succeeded in attaining credit worth Rs 8.5 crore from commercial
banks, like the Bank of India.

"A total of 485 saving accounts and 103 loan accounts in the name of
SHGs have been opened at our branch, Rs 10.9 crore has been deposited
to date. The repayment rate of SHGs under Jeevika stands at 95-98 per
cent," says Sunil Narayan, bank manager of Bank of India's Gaya
branch.

Baijanti Devi calculates her gains in ways more than monetary. "If you
come to look at it, there is no individual gain in the sense of my
personal earnings shooting up tremendously. However, there are social
gains. If there is a problem at one of our sisters' home, the money
raised from our savings is used to help her. Earlier, we had to go to
the moneylender, which used to mean a lot of interest," she says.

The project has seen a crumbling of caste and sex barriers. Kunti
Devi, a member of Baijanti's SHG, said, "I am from the Harijan
locality. My caste profile, however, has never been an impediment in
dealing with Jeevika members of higher castes."

Another gain has been in dealing with the middlemen's network in the
PDS. "The PDS dealers used to quote higher prices for all basic
commodities. With the help of Jeevika, we took over the PDS unit of
Sekhwara in January 2009," says Baijanti Devi.

The biggest thumbs-up for the project, ironically, has come from the
Naxals. In Dobhi village, as Jeevika members talk to journalists about
their efforts to run an open school for children of the Musahar (rat
eaters) community, Maoist activists sit in a corner of the compound,
listening in. "They asked for cuts from the community fund at the
beginning, but they have now stopped," says Vinay Vutukuru, a BRLP
Consultant from the World Bank.

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[ZESTCaste] Court Concerned Over Growing Misuse of SC/ST Act

http://news.outlookindia.com/item.aspx?678490

Court Concerned Over Growing Misuse of SC/ST Act
New Delhi | Apr 02, 2010

A Delhi court has expressed concern over rising incidents of misuse of
the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act "to settle personal scores".

The court's observations came while discharging nine members of a
family, including five women, from charges under the Act for allegedly
using abusive words against their tenants who belonged to the
Scheduled Caste category.

"Unfortunately, one comes across growing instances of cases where the
provisions of this Act have not so much been invoked for the
betterment of those to whom it seeks to protect, than by those who
want to settle personal scores by giving to an otherwise ordinary
dispute, the colour of an alleged atrocity under the Act," Additional
Sessions Judge Kamini Lau said.

The court observed that the provisions of the Scheduled
Castes/Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, meant to
protect the lot of the exploited sections, should not be allowed to be
misused.

"Law cannot be the absolute property of a few and this court can only
hope and appeal that the provisions of this Special Legislation are
not abused by a few so as to ensure that its benefit is able to
actually reach the exploited sections," ASJ Lau said.

"This court also will not be a privy to any exploitative situation of
misuse and abuse of this Act whose abuse has otherwise raised serious
concerns all over the country," it said.

Recently, the Uttar Pradesh government has been compelled to take up
the issue in the state assembly for relaxing the stringent provisions
of SC/ST Act to check its abuse without compromising with the security
of the marginalised sections of the society, it pointed out.

In this case, the court noted that complainant, Kanaklata, 30, a
Master of Philosophy from Delhi University, had changed her statement
before the police on May 4, 2008 and invoked the provisions of the
SC/ST Act against the family members of her landlord after talking to
her lawyer.

"I find that the present case is a glaring example of abuse of a
Special Legislation with stringent provisions which has been enacted
to ameliorate the lot of the hitherto, under-privileged, deprived and
marginalised section of the society," ASJ Lau said.

The court said that complainant Kanaklata had spared none as she had
in her improved version of the complaint, roped in the entire family
of Om Prakash Grover, a senior citizen, including all women members.

She did not stop at this and further implicated the brother of the
landlord Ved Prakash, his wife and his daughter -in-law who are not
even residing in the same house and are resident of another property
at Mukherjee Nagar here, it added.

Filed At: Apr 02, 2010 17:20 IST , Edited At: Apr 02, 2010 17:20 IST

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[ZESTCaste] Kanakadurga authorities reverse decision

http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=Kanakadurga+authorities+reverse+decision&artid=X11riqBvR%7C4=&SectionID=e7uPP4%7CpSiw=&MainSectionID=fyV9T2jIa4A=&SectionName=EH8HilNJ2uYAot5nzqumeA==&SEO=

By Express News Service
02 Apr 2010 04:48:00 AM IST

Kanakadurga authorities reverse decision

VIJAYAWADA: In the wake of widespread criticism, authorities of the
Sri Kanakadurga temple announced reversion to the practice of
employing workers of all sections in the prasadampackaging section,
and rescinded the recent decision to restrict it to Brahmins.
The controversy arose when the authorities, in a prasadam tender
notification, awarded the works to a contractor, Ravi Kumar,
specifying clearly that he must engage workers belonging to the
Brahmin community to prepare and pack laddu, pulihora and chakkera
pongali and other prasadams.
When the contractor asked the existing 60 workers not to come to work
from April 1 onwards, there was an outcry. Apparently, it was mainly
Temple Executive Officer N Vijay Kumar's unilateral decision, and this
drew sharp criticism from across the political spectrum, including the
ruling Congress party.
The workers and some political parties organised protest programmes,
but the EO defended his decision saying that the rule was introduced
to maintain hygienic conditions in prasadam-making. It may be noted
that these columns had reported the Potu workers' protest at
Indrakeeladri over the decision.
Andhra Pradesh Congress Committee (APCC) secretary and BC leader
Kolanukonda Sivaji brought the issue to the notice of Minister K
Parthasarathi, district in-charge minister Ramachandra Reddy and
Endowments Minister Gade Venkatareddy and described the plight of
existing workers.
The Endowments Minister reportedly called the Executive Officer and
rebuked him over his unilateral decision.
"The matter is very sensitive.
When you want to take such a decision you should first consult the
district minister and in-charge minister, besides local MLAs. How
could you decide without consulting anyone of us?'' he is said to have
admonished the EO.
Following verbal instructions from the minister, the temple
authorities decided to drop the rule of allowing only Brahmin workers
in the Potu.

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[ZESTCaste] 3 years after 1st phase, state takes Chaityabhoomi project forward

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/3yearsafter1stphase-statetakeschaityabhoomiprojectforward/598878/

3 years after 1st phase, state takes Chaityabhoomi project forward
Shalini Nair Posted online: Friday , Apr 02, 2010 at 2340 hrs

Mumbai : The Maharashtra Coastal Zone Management Authority (MCZMA) has
sought Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) clearance for phases two and
three of the Chaityabhoomi beautification project, the move coming
three years after the first phase was carried out.
The Chaityabhoomi ground, next to Shivaji Park, is the final resting
place of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. Every year, on his death anniversary
on December 6, over 5 lakh Dalits from all over the country converge
at the ground; thousands arrive on Ambedkar Jayanti on April 14, too.

The Rs-21-crore project is being executed by the BMC with aid from the
state government. Phase one involved repairs to the drainage system
and the pathway as well as placing of boulders to protect the
retaining wall.

Phases two and three will involve the construction of a walkway,
projecting into the sea and running parallel to the coast. "The
existing half-kilometre pathway leading to the stupa is only 10 metres
wide. Under the new proposal, it will extend further into the sea,
with a total width of 20 metres, with the help of cantilevers," said
the BMC's city engineer, SD Vatkar.

The project will also include expansion of the existing stupa without
disturbing the original structure, landscaping and construction of a
water fountains and a circular meditation pavilion next to the stupa
to accommodate hundreds of Bodh Bhikshus who pay homage at the site.

Explaining the delay in phases two and three, state environment
secretary and MCZMA chairperson Valsa Nair-Singh said, "We had asked
for a certain re-alignment of the proposed walkway in tandem with the
CRZ rules, due to which the proposal had to be submitted once again,"
said Singh. All three phases of the project come under CRZ-I, with
much of the construction seaward of the existing stupa.

Civic officials say phase four would go beyond beautification and look
at setting up a library featuring the works of Dr Ambedkar. The BMC is
in talks with the National Textile Corporation which owns the
adjoining defunct India United Mills 6 plot, the proposed site for the
library.

The state had recently constituted a committee under the Chief
Secretary for speedy implementation of the project and to resolve
issues between various government agencies.

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[ZESTCaste] And now, a Mayawati temple

http://www.bombaynews.net/story/619029

And now, a Mayawati temple

Bombay News.Net
Friday 2nd April, 2010 (IANS)

If all goes well, Uttar Pradesh will soon get a temple dedicated to
Chief Minister and Dalit icon Mayawati, whose statues already dot the
sprawling state.

The temple is proposed to be erected in the poverty-stricken Mahoba
district in Bundelkhand, economically the most backward region in
Uttar Pradesh.

It will come up in Natpura village, about 300 km from here.

'Of course, we are planning to install her idol in the temple that
will come up on my private land,' Kanaihya Lal, a Mahoba-based lawyer,
told IANS over telephone.

Lal is not a functionary of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) but a Dalit.
He says he got provoked by the hue and cry over a garland of currency
notes gifted to Mayawati on her birthday last month.

'If her critics take exception to a garland of currency notes, I wish
to say that we are all set to build a temple where her followers will
be free to offer such garlands every day,' he said.

He says: 'Indira Gandhi was weighed in silver way back in the 70s in
Mahoba. But no one found that outrageous. Just because (Mayawati) is a
'Dalit ki beti' (daughter of a Dalit), all hell seems to have broken
loose.'

Local officials have told him that since the proposed idol in the
temple would be that of a living person, it would be appropriate to
obtain formal permission from the person.

'Under the circumstances, I will now move a request to the chief
minister through the district BSP coordinator,' Lal said.

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[ZESTCaste] Teachers’ panel member held for beating up Dalit

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/inbrief/599101/

Lucknow : Teachers' panel member held for beating up Dalit
The district president of the Uttar Pradesh Secondary Education
Teachers' Association, Neeta Awasthi, who was facing charges of
beating up a Dalit clerk at the District Inspector of School (DIOS)
office, was arrested on Thursday evening. Barabanki SP Navneet Rana
said Awasthi was arrested while she was on her way to Lucknow along
with an MLC, Devi Dayal Shasthri. Awdhesh Kumar, an accountant posted
with the Barabanki DIOS office, had lodged an FIR against Awasthi on
Thursday morning. He had alleged that on March 29, Awasthi had come to
his office and asked for details of government fund spent in the last
financial year on various heads related to teachers. As he refused to
furnish the details till the DIOS issued orders in this regard,
Awasthi reportedly beat him up. Awasthi was produced before the court
in the evening, from where she was sent to judicial custody.

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[ZESTCaste] http://dalitstudies.academia.edu/

http://dalitstudies.academia.edu/

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[ZESTCaste] CLP demands apology from TDP for dragging Dalit officer

http://www.newkerala.com/news/fullnews-78286.html

CLP demands apology from TDP for dragging Dalit officer

Hyderabad, Mar 26: Andhra Pradesh Congress Legislature Party (CLP)
today demanded an unconditional apology from Telugu Desam Party (TDP)
President N Chandrababu Naidu and its member Revantha Reddy for
dragging the name of a Dalit officer in the Andhra Pradesh Assembly.

Addressisng a press conference here, Government Chief Whip Bhatti
Vikramaraka and Government Whip Sailajanath alleged that TDP members
were trying to stall the proceedings and misleading the House by
dragging the name of the Dalit officer.

Alleging that the TDP was working against the interests of Dalit
community, Mr Vikramarka demanded an apology from TDP members for
unnecessarily dragging the name of the Dalit officer who had been
conferred IAS only after charges against him were proved wrong.

He said TDP members were making baseless allegations against Congress
leaders and the Chief Minister to gain 'political mileage.'

--UNI

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[ZESTCaste] Ramvilas Paswan for inclusion of Lohar in ST list

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_ramvilas-paswan-for-inclusion-of-lohar-in-st-list_1366491

Ramvilas Paswan for inclusion of Lohar in ST list
PTI

Friday, April 2, 2010 16:02 IST

Patna: LJP president Ramvilas Paswan today asked the Centre and Nitish
Kumar government to accord the Scheduled Tribe (ST) status to Lohar
(blacksmith community) in Bihar.

"Gross injustice is being meted out to Lohar in Bihar...Nitish
government should accord the ST status to them for their uplift,"
Paswan said while addressing the representatives of Lohar caste here.

He alleged that by including the Lohar caste in the list of extremely
Backward Class (EBCs), the state government had "acted against the
spirit of constitution."

"The constitution has included the blacksmith caste in SC list,"
Paswan claimed and said in the event of his party coming to power, it
would grant the ST status to them.

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Re: [ZESTCaste] Mishraâ€™s wings clipped, no longer BSPâ€™s No. 2

BSP is not just a political party. It is a movement. All the BSP cadres practice, One Leadrer, One Flag, One Symbol and One ideology. Therefore there is nothing like clipping the wings and so on. On the day of Maha rally Prabuddha Bharatha Matha Mayawati Ji had clearly stated the important role played by Shri. Mishra Ji to deffend all the court cases and thanked him for his efforts and also told the audiance that the opposition and the media were trying to bring rift between readers of BSP that will not succeed.

JC

________________________________
From: Siddhartha Kumar <mailsiddhartha.k@gmail.com>
To: zestcaste <zestcaste@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Tue, 30 March, 2010 5:17:34 PM
Subject: [ZESTCaste] Mishra's wings clipped, no longer BSP's No. 2

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/Mishra-s-wings-clipped--no-longer-BSP-s-No--2/597404

Mishra's wings clipped, no longer BSP's No. 2

Sanjay Singh Posted online: Tuesday , Mar 30, 2010 at 0119 hrs
Lucknow :

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