Latest News Update: Mar 15, 2010

Monday, March 15, 2010

[ZESTCaste] OUTRAGEOUS! CONDEMN THE SHAMEFUL ATTACK ON KANCHA ILIAIAH!

OUTRAGEOUS! CONDEMN THE SHAMEFUL ATTACK ON KANCHA ILIAIAH!

On 15 March 2010 18:02, Siddhartha Kumar <mailsiddhartha.k@gmail.com> wrote:

>
> http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=OU+students+force+prof+to+eat+his+words&artid=pstADAF7WSo=&SectionID=e7uPP4%7CpSiw=&MainSectionID=fyV9T2jIa4A=&SectionName=EH8HilNJ2uYAot5nzqumeA==&SEO=
>
> By Express News Service
> 15 Mar 2010 06:29:00 AM IST
>
> OU students force prof to eat his words
>
> HYDERABAD: A new demand for creation of `Manya Seema,' a separate
> State comprising areas predominantly dominated by tribal population
> and extending from Adilabad to Srikakulam district, and its advocacy
> by Prof Kancha Ilaiah has not gone down well with the students of
> Osmania University...

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[ZESTCaste] Mayawati comes under fire for holding grand rally while Bareilly burns

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_mayawati-comes-under-fire-for-holding-grand-rally-while-bareilly-burns_1359408

Mayawati comes under fire for holding grand rally while Bareilly burns
PTI
Monday, March 15, 2010 21:25 IST

New Delhi, Lucknow: Even as she came under attack in Parliament over
the communal violence in Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh chief minister
Mayawati today held a rally in Lucknow in a big show of strength and
slammed the Congress for pushing the Women's Reservation Bill.

Calling the Congress anti-Dalit, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) leader
announced that demonstrations will be staged against the bill across
the country on April 14, birth anniversary of Dalit icon Dr BR
Ambedkar.

The rally held to celebrate the 25th anniversary of the BSP and
attended by tens of thousands of people came under intense
attack from Mayawati's arch rival, Samajwadi Party chief Mulayam Singh Yadav.

"While Bareilly is on fire, the Mayawati government is spending Rs200
crore of public money on a rally," Yadav said in the Lok Sabha.

Yadav was joined by Congress and BJP members in demanding
the Centre's intervention to bring back normalcy in the riot-hit town.
They attacked the chief minister for her government's handling of the
situation. The Union home ministry has sought a report from the Uttar
Pradesh government on the circumstances that led to the situation in
Bareilly.

Blue, the colour of the BSP, dominated Lucknow's cityscape ahead of
the rally, touted as the biggest ever in the state.

Hitting back at the opposition parties criticising her for installing
her own statues throughout the state, Mayawati said the law does not
prevent one from erecting statues of living persons.

In her address, the chief minister said, "The Congress and other
political parties have always been against Dalits and this is evident
from the fact that no separate quota has been carved out for SC/ST
women in the 33% reservation proposed in the Women's Reservation
Bill."

"From all those people criticising installation of my statues, I would
like to ask them in which book of law has it been written that statues
of living persons cannot be erected," Mayawati said.

She said her statues were being installed as per the written will of
BSP founder Kanshi Ram.

"Kanshi Ramji in his will has directed me to install my statues along
with those of him," she claimed.

"The Congress people claim themselves to be the biggest sympathisers
of women and are praising Rajiv Gandhi and Sonia
Gandhi. In reality, whatever rights women have got in the field of
education, employment and politics, it is due to Ambedkar," she said.

During zero hour In the Lok Sabha, Yadav raised the issue of the
violence in Bareilly, which has been under curfew for a fortnight.
"What did the state government do to prevent it and bring it under
control?" he asked.

His party colleague, Shailendra Kumar, sought the Centre's
intervention and demanded a statement on the situation.

Janata Dal (United) chief Sharad Yadav, who criticised the state
government for preventing political leaders from visiting the town and
nearby areas, said the Centre should make a statement on the situation
today itself.

"In the last 10 years, Bareilly was never under curfew for 14
continuous days," he said.

Joining the attack on the Mayawati government, Jagdambika Pal,
Congress MP from Uttar Pradesh, said, "The state government has failed
on the law and order front and it appears to be helpless. The Centre
should intervene."

BJP members were agitated that Maneka Gandhi, who
represents nearby Aonla, was not allowed to have her say despite repeated pleas.

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[ZESTCaste] Dalit group wins Korean award

http://www.cathnewsindia.com/2010/03/15/dalit-group-wins-korean-award/

Dalit group wins Korean award
Published Date: March 15, 2010

Indian human rights group Janodayam has asked for international
support to help dalit (former lower caste) people, after receiving
this year's Bishop Tji Hak-soon Justice and Peace Award in Korea.

"Every day, three dalit people are killed, three dalit women are raped
and 15 dalit houses are burnt. Simply because we are dalit who are
supposed to be 'impure and polluted' by birth, according to Hindu
scripture," said Jesuit Father Lourdunathan Yesumarian, who is also a
dalit.

"People talk about human rights but we, dalit, fight for the right to
be human," said the secretary of the Janodayam Social Education Center
in Chennai, India.

"But we really need help and solidarity from the international
community to overcome such cruel discrimination," he said.

He was speaking to 170 people from various human rights and Church
groups at the Tji Hak-soon Justice and Peace Foundation's annual award
ceremony in Seoul.

The award honors the late Bishop Daniel Tji of Wonju, who campaigned
against Korea's former military rulers and was introduced in 1997. It
includes a US$10,000 cash prize.

Janodayam means "those who rise up for revolution".

The organization was founded in Chennai in 1984 by dalit to support
others in the former lower caste.

"Despite the fact I am a Catholic priest and lawyer, I have been
arrested four times and imprisoned three times," Father Yesumarian
said. "Once I was stripped naked and tortured by police for 14 hours.
Can you imagine what has happened to ordinary dalit people?"

The foundation recognized the group's efforts in helping organizing
and promoting awareness among the dalit and in providing leadership in
efforts to protect their rights.

It also noted that Janodayam has greatly contributed to promoting
dalit issues in society and bringing the plight of the dalit people to
the attention of the international community.

Monsignor Phillip Kim Byeong-sang, chairman of the foundation, praised
Janodayam for bringing hope to the world amid power struggles,
untruths and hypocrisy.

He offered encouragement by saying the election of Meira Kumar, a
dalit, as the first woman speaker of the Indian House of the People
last year, was a symbolic event for dalit and women's rights.

Father Yesumarian told UCA News that "once you are born a dalit you
remain one forever. Of India's some 1.2 billion population, 270
million are dalit who are segregated and discriminated against, even
in the Catholic Church."

He called for the "Korean government and the bishops' conference to
put pressure on their Indian counterparts because it is a human rights
issue, not merely a domestic or national issue."

Source: Dalit group Janodayam wins Tji Hak-soon award (UCAN)

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[ZESTCaste] India remembers Kanshi Ram on his birthday

http://www.mynews.in/News/India_remembers_Kanshi_Ram_on_his_birthday_N40718.html

India remembers Kanshi Ram on his birthday

Posted On: 15-Mar-2010 07:16:18
By: Neha

Born in Punjab in 1934, Kanshi Ram was the eldest of eight siblings.
His upbringing was modest: he studied up to graduation, and there was
nothing in his early years to suggest that there was a silent
political and social revolutionary lurking within.

It was only after he took up a government job in the western Indian
state of Maharashtra that he began to be influenced by the writings
and political philosophy of BR Ambedkar, a social reformer and
architect of free India's constitution.

Mr Ambedkar voiced the concerns of India's low caste community -
particularly Dalits - in the run up to the country's independence. In
the mid-1960s, Kanshi Ram began to organise Dalit government employees
to fight against what he saw as the deeply entrenched prejudice of
higher caste people.

It was around this time that he decided that he would not marry but
dedicate his life to the cause of Dalit improvement. By the mid-1980s,
he decided to take the plunge into active politics.

The result was the formation of the BSP (the Common Man's Party) in
1984. As a politician, he soon began to attract national attention
even though he was not renowned for his oratorical skills or for his
personal charisma.

He excelled however as a master strategist and organiser, and used
these strengths to carve out a niche for Dalits. This was done using
an often combative and aggressive strategy, with virulent attacks on
other political parties which he claimed only represented the
interests of higher caste Hindus.

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[ZESTCaste] Powerful low-caste Indian leader holds huge rally

http://www.etaiwannews.com/etn/news_content.php?id=1203725&lang=eng_news

Powerful low-caste Indian leader holds huge rally

By BISWAJEET BANERJEE
Associated Press
2010-03-15 07:58 PM Fonts Size:

Hundreds of thousands of cheering supporters marked the 25th
anniversary Monday of a political party representing India's lowest
castes and feted its flamboyant and bejeweled leader as a "goddess"
who leads the country's largest state.
The rally reflected the spectacular rise of Mayawati, a 54-year-old
former school teacher, as much as the political clout of her Bahujan
Samaj Party. Since 2007 elections, the party has governed Uttar
Pradesh, home to 180 million people. Mayawati managed that by forging
an unlikely electoral alliance with the state's upper castes.

Although accused of amassing huge wealth through corruption and
building lavish memorials for her party, Mayawati, who goes by just
one name, commands an enormous vote base among the Dalits, who are at
the bottom of Hinduism's caste hierarchy.

Dressed in peach silk and adorned with diamonds, Mayawati, a Dalit,
addressed hundreds of thousands who had crowded Monday into an
enormous tented area in the state capital Lucknow. Most were Dalits,
who make up about 25 percent of the state's population.

"I am proud of the Dalit people. Whenever I have needed them, they
have supported me. I will not let their heads hang in shame until my
death," Mayawati said to loud cheers.

The rally brought the city to a virtual standstill. Blue decorations _
the party's color _ were everywhere: flags, fountains gushing dyed
water, lights and elephants _ the party's symbol. Graffiti splashed on
walls warned "anti-Dalits" not to mess with Mayawati.

"This rally is a show of strength for Mayawati to send a message
across India that she is no pushover," said S.P. Pandey, a local
political analyst.

But her party, which was founded by Mayawati's political mentor Kanshi
Ram, has yet to replicate its success in Uttar Pradesh on the national
stage. It is part of the opposition bloc and has just 20 members in
the 545-member lower house of Parliament.

While she champions the poor, Mayawati's political opponents and
critics have accused her of accruing collections of diamond jewelry
and homes. Government officials line up to pay respects on her
birthday, which she named "Dalit Self-Respect Day." She has also spent
more than 23 billion rupees ($500 million) _ four times her state's
health budget _ building pink sandstone statues to honor herself and
other party leaders.

But to her followers, her conspicuous consumption is often seen as
sign that one of their own has breached India's formidable caste
system to reach high political office.

"For us, she is a Goddess. She has empowered us. Given us voice which
now people are listening to," said Jawitri Devi, a poor women in a
dirty sari, who took her grandson to the rally.

Baburam Kushwaha, a senior party official, denied claims from the
opposition Bharatiya Janata Party that over 2 billion rupees ($43
million) of state money had been spent on the day's festivities in
Lucknow. He said the party footed the bill.

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[ZESTCaste] Elephants in Dalit memorials not same as BSP symbol: Mayawati

http://beta.thehindu.com/news/states/other-states/article245588.ece?homepage=true

Published: March 15, 2010
Updated: March 15, 2010 18:13 IST Lucknow, March 15, 2010

Elephants in Dalit memorials not same as BSP symbol: Mayawati

Special Correspondent

Attributing the moves to freeze the Bahujan Samaj Party's election
symbol to a conspiracy backed by the opposition parties, the Uttar
Pradesh Chief Minister, Ms. Mayawati has rejected the suggestion that
the elephant statues erected in parks and memorials to Dalit icons
were related to her party's election symbol.

In the statues the elephants have been shown in "swagat mudra" (
welcome posture ) with their snouts up, whereas the elephant in the
BSP's symbol has been shown with its snout down, Ms. Mayawati said.

Making a frontal assault on the Congress, the BSP president said if
the elephant statues could be brought to the notice of the Election
Commission on the ground that the jumbo is party's symbol, notice
should also be taken of the Congress' symbol of the 'hand' and the
Samajwadi Party's symbol, 'cycle.'

Addressing a massive rally on the occasion of 25 years BSP's existence
and the birth anniversary of its founder, Kanshi Ram, at the Ramabai
Ambedkar Maidan here on Monday, Ms. Mayawati said the Election
Commission should take a hard look at the Congress and SP's symbols.

Cycles were being distributed to the beneficiaries of the Savitribai
Phule Scheme for girls launched by the BSP Government and the hand was
used by leaders of all political parties to welcome people, the Uttar
Pradesh Chief Minister said. "In that case the hand and cycle symbols
should be de-registered," Ms. Mayawati remarked.

Significantly, the BSP has to submit its reply on a petition filed
against the elephant statues with the poll panel on March 18.

Ms. Mayawati further justified the erection of her own statues when
she said, "Is there any law in the country which bans building statues
of living leaders and whether funds can be spent only on erecting
statues of dead leaders and not the living ones?". She said statues of
Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi have been erected
throughout the country by the Congress and several schemes, colleges,
universities, airports, railway stations and roads using government
funds have been named after them.

Ms. Mayawati added that in 63 years since Independence crores have
been spent on building memorials and museums of Gandhi-Nehru family.
But, when statues and memorials to Mr. Kanshi Ram and other icons are
built, the BSP Government has been charged by the opposition with
misusing government money, Ms. Mayawati said.

In her 90 minute long address Ms. Mayawati trained her guns on the
Congress and dubbed it as anti-Dalit, which supported the caste
system. She blamed the Congress regimes for the corruption in Uttar
Pradesh and inter-related problems, and accused the UPA Government for
stalling the state's development by not releasing the Central funds.
She said the BSP had achieved much more in the 25 years of its
existence than the 125 year old Congress could gain in the first 21
years of its formation.

The Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister accused the Congress and the
opposition parties of trying to finish the BSP in the last 25 years by
making baseless allegations against Mr. Kanshi Ram and engineering a
split in the party. She also mentioned the moves to corner her in the
Taj Corridor and disproportionate assets case. Ms. Mayawati expressed
the satisfaction that despite the opposition tirade, she had managed
to strengthen the BSP movement. The BSP president cautioned the party
workers against the designs of the Congress, which, she said is trying
to regain power in U.P.

The BSP rally was one of the biggest seen in recent years in Lucknow
with the party workers present from all parts of the country. Voicing
her opposition to the Women's Reservation Bill in its present, Ms.
Mayawati announced that dharna and demonstration would be held at the
distruct headquarters on April 14.

She also threatened to launch a countrywide agitation if the prices
were not brought down by the Centre.

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[ZESTCaste] OU students force prof to eat his words

http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=OU+students+force+prof+to+eat+his+words&artid=pstADAF7WSo=&SectionID=e7uPP4%7CpSiw=&MainSectionID=fyV9T2jIa4A=&SectionName=EH8HilNJ2uYAot5nzqumeA==&SEO=

By Express News Service
15 Mar 2010 06:29:00 AM IST

OU students force prof to eat his words

HYDERABAD: A new demand for creation of `Manya Seema,' a separate
State comprising areas predominantly dominated by tribal population
and extending from Adilabad to Srikakulam district, and its advocacy
by Prof Kancha Ilaiah has not gone down well with the students of
Osmania University who are fighting for a separate statehood for
Telangana.
A group of OU students today laid siege to Ilaiah's residence at
Tarnaka and cornered him for raising the voice of a tribal State. The
activists wrote on the apartment walls slogans in favour of separate
Telangana and against `Manya Seema' after taking on the political
science professor.
Nearly 20 students stormed into the apartment of Ilaiah and demanded
that he withdraw the `Manya Seema' demand which he voiced at a time
when the agitation for Telangana State was at its peak. The students
demanded that the professor support separate Telangana and raise the
slogan of `Jai Telangana.' Taken aback, Ilaiah reportedly chanted `Jai
Samajika Telangana' but that too did not go down well with the
students who said that the same slogan was taken up by Praja Rajyam
Party (PRP) but was later dumped by the party. Ilaiah then reportedly
raised the slogan of `Jai BC Telangana' too which did not pacify the
students and they forced the professor to raise `Jai Telangana' slogan
in the end.
The professor, however, insisted that a at least separate district be
created for tribals if separate Telangana is carved out, to which the
students agreed.
``We don't mind Ilaiah leading the ongoing Telangana movement. But we
are against the Manya Seema or any other slogan,'' OU Students Joint
Action Committee (JAC) leader Manavatha Ray said.
The students left the place after painting the walls of the entire
apartment with slogans of `Jai Telangana' and `Manya Seema vaddura (We
don't want Manya Seema).

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[ZESTCaste] Mamata attends annual meet of dalit sect in Bengal

http://indiatoday.intoday.in/site/Story/88270/India/Mamata+attends+annual+meet+of+dalit+sect+in+Bengal.html

Mamata attends annual meet of dalit sect in Bengal

PTI
Barasat (WB), March 14, 2010

In a bid to reach out to the Matuas, a Dalit community in West Bengal,
Railway minister Mamata Banerjee this evening went to their annual
religious meet at Bongaon in North 24 Parganas district in a special
train.

Banerjee, who sought the blessings of their religious head after
reaching Thakurnagar locality, earlier had got honorary membership of
Sara Bharat Matua Maha Sangha, a forum consisting well-wishers from
within the sect as well as outside.

The Trinamool Congress supremo, who was accompanied by the local MLA,
also took 'prasad' after offering prayer at the main temple, having
idol of the founder of the sect.

Banerjee promised every possible help to the members of the sect who
had mostly migrated from Bangladesh after partition.

Over two lakh devotees were attending the religious meet which began
on Saturday.

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[ZESTCaste] Calif. race-based admissions law challenged anew

http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5iFVoX0Ou2IXE_FMy9DCl9qcpIrpgD9DTHA4O1

Calif. race-based admissions law challenged anew
(AP) – Feb 16, 2010

SAN FRANCISCO — A pro-affirmative action group is renewing efforts to
overturn the California law that prohibits public universities from
considering race in student admissions.

Attorneys for Michigan-based By Any Means Necessary filed a
class-action lawsuit Tuesday in federal court in Oakland. It
challenges the constitutionality of the ballot measure approved by the
state's voters in 1996.

Both a federal appeals court and the California Supreme Court have
rebuffed earlier challenges to the law, known as Proposition 209.

The complaint says a pair of U.S. Supreme Court rulings in affirmative
action cases since those earlier decisions warrant another effort to
invalidate the part of Proposition 209 that deals with university
admissions. The law also barred racial preferences in government
hiring and contracts.

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[ZESTCaste] Towards bridging the ubiquitous digital divide

http://www.in.com/news/current-affairs/fullstory-towards-bridging-the-ubiquitous-digital-divide-13167343-beaa294f8faf3c1f444dfcc0d3df5e4d228870d0-1.html

Published: March 15, 2010
Updated: March 15, 2010 16:42 IST BANGALORE, March 15, 2010

Towards bridging the ubiquitous digital divide
Deepa Kurup

'Namma Debian', the localised version of the Debian GNU/Linux
operating system, was released at this slum computing centre. Photo:
Special Arrangement.
Even tech-savvy computer users often fail to grasp the concept of Free
Software, or fathom the philosophy behind it. However, in this
non-descript slum settlement located diametrically behind the
high-rise IT office buildings on Bannerghatta Road, there is
remarkable clarity and awareness on Software freedom.

Tucked away at the end of a crowded lane, the Ambedkar Community
Computing Center (AC3) hosted an unusual programme on Sunday evening.
A motley crowd of software professionals, free software enthusiasts,
students and residents gathered to create music, share information and
perspective, and officially release 'Namma Debian', the Kannada
version of Linux distribution system. 'Namma Debian' is the localised
version of Debian GNU/Linux, a popular and stable free operating
system -- that runs your computer and comes bundled with a set of
programme utilities that are all from the Free, GNU/Linux stable.

The evening was marked by festivities. The crowded gullies came alive
with music and dance. While a local music troupe led by a resident
Arul got the crowd dancing to popular Tamil songs, a group of four
young girls lit up the rickety stage with some folkish music., And
then a 10-year-old boy, dressed like a magician, charmed the audience
with a short talk on his views on the importance of education, his
speech punctuated by several quotes from the Holy Quran and the
Bhagvad Gita.

Raghavendra, a student and a FOSS volunteer described the evening as
"thiruvizha", a Tamil word for celebration. "It was beautiful to see
residents enthusiastically participating in an event – conceptually
still distant to them -- with a hope that at least it would benefit
their children someday," he said. This community initiative started by
four software professionals may not have solved the daily issues
related to urban poverty and subsistence that people in these area
grapple with, but it is a step toward bridging the ubiquitous urban
divide, at least in the realm of the digital world.

"Namma Debian" was released by G. Ramakrishna, editor of a monthly
magazine Hosatu, by handing over the same to the eldest woman in the
community. Mr. Ramakrishna spoke passionately about the "human spirit"
and how it can conquer the worst of circumstances. This was followed
by a brief demonstration of 'Namma Debian', running through games,
image manipulation tools etc. This distribution has been localised by
the Free Software community in Karnataka, comprising software
professionals and volunteers from several organisations.

Shedding light on another issue, Vidya, who suffers from partial
visual impairment, spoke on the issues that the visually impaired face
while using computers. Demonstrating various technical issues with the
proprietary tools she uses, she also spoke about the fact that
accessibility tools (such as screen readers and related software, all
in the proprietary domain) are extremely expensive. At the end of her
eloquent talk, members of the FSMK (Free Software Movement of
Karnataka) committed themselves to working towards solving these
issues by developing better, more accessible and free tools or
software in this domain.

This event is among a series of programmes in the run up to the
National Free Software Conference, slated to be held in Bangalore on
March 20 and 21 at the Central College campus, Bangalore. The Hindu is
a media partner for the event.

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[ZESTCaste] One-third done (Pratap Bhanu Mehta)

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/onethird-done/588516/

One-third done
Pratap Bhanu Mehta

Posted online: Tuesday , Mar 09, 2010 at 0132 hrs
The Women's Reservation Bill is a powerful normative signal about the
desirability of the empowerment of women. It comes against the
backdrop of profound social change. Women have, by the dint of their
capabilities and efforts, torn down so many barriers. Even in
politics, at the top echelons, there is a striking story to be told.
Sonia Gandhi, Sushma Swaraj, Mayawati, Mamata Banerjee, Brinda Karat
hold top leadership positions in five of the most consequential
political parties. The president of India, speaker of the Lok Sabha,
the foreign secretary are all testament to the fact that the normative
barriers to women assuming leadership roles have mostly dissipated;
gender ratios in higher education are also telling an encouraging
story. But there are spheres where old boys' networks remain
operative: law and bureaucracy perhaps the most prominent. But
modernity has also unleashed an appalling contradictory dynamic:
declining sex ratio, continuing nutrition discrimination and
increasing violence against women. This bill is a moment in that
larger history.
But while the bill's normative intent is laudable, there is reason to
be a trifle disappointed over the short shrift serious constitutional
and institutional issues have got in the debates. The political debate
has largely been structured around the discourse of power: displacing
one set of power holders with another and the resistance this process
unleashes. Other opponents of the bill, particularly OBC-based
parties, have expressed worries about other marginalised
constituencies this bill might disempower. But several important
institutional issues have not received political articulation.

The first is simply this. India's electoral system is now becoming an
incoherent patchwork of contradictory principles. We are trying to get
"proportional" outcomes from a first-past-the-post system. If we
genuinely believe that proportional representation based on ascriptive
characteristics like caste and gender are the litmus tests of
political legitimacy, then it would have been wiser to state it
explicitly and design an electoral system (through perhaps a list
system) accordingly. A territorial-based system had its own normative
integrity, which we have now given up on.

The second issue is the normative questions the rotation of
constituencies raise. The rotation principle is a peculiar one in a
democracy because it produces democracy without democratic
accountability. You don't, as an individual, now seek the verdict of
those whom you claimed to serve. Even the rightly heralded
reservations at panchayat level have generated this problem, producing
both an accountability deficit and a weakening of an institution as a
whole.

The third issue is a normative one. We know that in terms of how power
operates in society the idea that we are free and equal as individuals
is a fiction. All kinds of hierarchies of gender, caste and class
characterise the operations of power, and in a healthy polity these
need to be redressed. Affirmative action is often necessary in this
context. But Indian politics has been dangerously close to enshrining
other normative propositions that are dangerous for democracy. The
first is the equation of identity with reason, where the assumption is
policies track the identities of those who promulgate them. This is
often true as a matter of fact, but legitimating it into an organising
principle is detrimental to the idea of public reason. It needs to be
asked whether it befits a free society to restrict the choice of
candidates available to particular constituencies based on particular
identity. While it could be argued that de facto this choice is
restricted for a whole host of reasons anyway, there is still a great
deal of difference between a de facto reality and a dejure acceptance
of a principle that it should be restricted.

While the critique of the SP and RJD does not carry much weight,
underlying it is a kernel of truth. The question raised by their
critique is this. Let us accept that constituencies need to be
empowered through reservations. What classifications are appropriate
for designing quotas? Why not sub-classifications? Why not minorities?
Why not more representation for the poor, who seem most disadvantaged
in our electoral system? Of course these very parties closed off just
these questions when it came to OBC reservations. They themselves
exemplified what they are now alleging: that the classifications that
are used by the state in quotas are, barring the case of SC/ STs,
rarely classifications to empower the weak. They get enacted because
they are classifications that favour the strong, or newly emerging,
not the downtrodden. Other groups will be demanding quotas as well,
and our normative basis for saying no to any quota demand is
diminishing. So the enactment of quotas has this ambiguous status: it
is as much an exercise in power as it is a sign of justice.

Finally, there are several practical issues. The first is this. As we
have seen with other quotas, representation does not translate into
empowerment. This is for several reasons. In India, normative
acceptance has seldom been a problem; the problem has been the gap
between normative acceptance and the ability to implement. Partly it
has to do with sticky dynamics of power. We know for instance that
reserved constituencies for SC/ STs produced weak representation
because they by definition became dependent on the decisive votes of
others. Strong SC representation emerged post-political mobilisation,
not post-reservation. It is an interesting question, the degree to
which reservation de-radicalised demands for justice rather than push
them further. But in India reservation also brings to closure a deeper
question: that of ethical responsibilities. Quotas are our justice on
the cheap; as happened with SCs, once we gave them, we absolved
ourselves of larger and more difficult ethical questions about
discrimination and so forth. Formal representational equality makes it
politically harder, not easier, to articulate the case for substantive
equality.

There were also several alternatives, from well thought out voluntary
proposals, to proposals for list systems, to multi-member
constituencies that might have mitigated some of the institutional
concerns. The fact that they did not find political space is another
sign than we do not often want to match ends and means.

But the time for all this has past. Quotas will certainly open up the
political system in expected and unexpected ways, although their
political effects are indeterminate. Indian democracy has improvised
solutions, even if they are messy and ad hoc, and this bill is better
than many other ad hoc improvisations. But while we celebrate this
desirable normative leap we are about to take, we should just wonder,
whether we are celebrating it because we take justice seriously, or
because we don't take it seriously enough.

The writer is president, Centre for Policy Research, Delhi

express@expressindia.com

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[ZESTCaste] Our wonderful quotocracy (Pratap Bhanu Mehta)

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/Our-wonderful-quotocracy/590788

Our wonderful quotocracy
Pratap Bhanu Mehta

Posted online: Monday , Mar 15, 2010 at 0217 hrs
There is a constitutional revolution underway. It has long been in the
making. But its full logic is unfolding now. This new type of regime
it will beget defies classification. It cannot be captured by the
categories bequeathed by those who understood different regime types:
Plato or Polybius, Aristotle or Kautilya, Montesquieu or Madison. This
new regime is not a monarchy, aristocracy, republic or a democracy. It
has its distinct identity, values and institutional frame. Behold all,
the rise of Quotocracy! Experience the bliss that is this new dawn.
The principles behind quotocracy need to be carefully understood. It
arises out of a democracy and often gets confused with it. But make no
mistake. Quotocracy is distinct. A democracy values choice. Voters are
free to elect whoever they wish. In a quotocracy, voters by turn are
obliged to vote for someone with particular ascriptive
characteristics. In a democracy, a general will is possible. In
principle people can reason in terms that take all relevant reasons
into consideration and are good for all. In a quotocracy, by
definition there are only particular reasons and interests: men for
men, women for women, caste for caste. A general will is a conceptual
impossibility.

Montesquieu said each regime has a principle that sustains its best
form. In despotism it is fear, in aristocracy it is honour, in
republics it is virtue. Quotocracy has its own principle: victimhood.
No quotocracy can be sustained without it. The currency of new claims
is the narrative of hurt. The axis of competition is also victimhood:
those who do not get that status are left most aggrieved. The
identification of each new victim group escalates the race for
identifying the next.

Democracies occasionally make exceptions to redress gross injustice.
In a quotocracy, the exception is the norm. OBCs want quotas for
themselves, but not for women. Women want for themselves, but not for
OBCs. And no one wants for Muslims. Some say, "Why do women need
quotas? Why don't parties give tickets?" But in a quotocracy this
question is not legitimate. However, those who deny the legitimacy of
this question use this same argument when the demand for sub-quotas is
made. "Why not give OBC women tickets under the quota?" But don't
confuse this with hypocrisy. Hypocrisy can exist only in a democracy,
when ideals do not match reality. In a quotocracy, exception is the
norm.

Democracies have ideological contention: between left and right,
liberty and equality, secular and religious. Quotocracy has consensus:
all divisions between left, right and centre are dissolved by quota.
And those who oppose quotas are accused of treason. In a way there is
justice to this charge. After all, in quotocracy, opposing quota is
like subverting a regime. Quotocracy creates a new distinction between
public and private. Privately you may oppose quota, but you
politically act on that belief at your own peril.

Quotocracy has its own conception of justice. It is not equality, or
capability or fitness or fairness. It is simple arithmetic: 33 here,
22 there, 50 for the rest. And since arithmetic can be complicated
there is no point doing fractions and subdivisions. Simple quota is
just what justice is. In a democracy, where you came from should
matter less than where you are going. It seeks to make de jure rights
and privileges we have less and less dependent upon our identity. A
quotocracy is the reverse. It makes de jure rights dependent upon
identity. A democracy prizes individuality (not to be confused with
its bad cousin, individualism). Quotocracy prizes group think. You are
your group. Democracy values self-identification. You should be
whatever you wish to or choose to be or name yourself. Quotocracy is
premised upon ascription. You are what the state certificate says you
are: SC/ ST or OBC. You can be this and no other. Democracy is
suspicious giving the state power to construct identities. Quotocracy
creates new identities by using state power to create incentives.

A quotocracy has a new separation of powers. OBCs get reservation in
jobs and education but don't deserve it in politics. Women can get it
in Lok Sabha but not Rajya Sabha. Women get reservation in politics
but don't get it in jobs. In a quotocracy, legislation and
administration are also confused. Panchayats are equated with supreme
law making bodies forgetting that they have different functions.

Quotocracy also has its own logic of mystification. Tocqueville said
that in a democracy the myth of formal equality can disguise
substantive inequality. In a quotocracy, the fact that select
individuals from some communities are empowered is considered as
empowering the community. And this mystification is justified as a
compensation for democracy's mystification. Since in a democracy there
is a gap between formal and substantive equality, in a quotocracy we
can empower elites within communities with impunity and call it
empowerment for all.

Democracy strives for deliberation. For quotocracy getting numbers
right is paramount. Democracy is bound by constitutionalism. It is
hemmed in by a diversity of values. Quotocracy makes constitutionalism
subordinate to itself. So what if some states exceed 50 per cent and
the courts for fear are unable to pronounce a verdict. Quotocracy
redefines the scale of values: excellence is a ruse for domination,
self-reliance a tactic for injustice and so forth.

Democracy thrives on historical traditions associated with its
founding. A quotocracy thrives on historical amnesia. The British used
two tactics: divide and rule. And they said that we were infants
because we could not think outside of caste and community. We were
incapable of self-government. Quotocracy likes divide and rule. And it
also thinks we are incapable of self-government. Our identities need
to be boxed. Our founders worked hard to combat ascriptive identities.
They rejected two-nation theories, separate electorates, narcissism of
partial groups, communal representation, caste censuses. The logic of
quotocracy is to bring them back. Democracy seeks to unite despite
differences. Quotocracy seeks to divide despite commonalities.

But democracy and quotocracy have this in common: they are never
complete. They are always a work in progress. Democracy has to
continually dissolve hierarchy. Quotocracy has to continually create
new quotas. In a democracy, all animals are equal but some more equal
than others. In a quotocracy, some deprived groups will get their
deprivations recognised more than others.

Quotocracy is truly revolutionary. Make no mistake about it. It is
deeper than most revolutions because it needs a new moral vocabulary.
And it needs a new political science to understand it. Prepare for the
Age of Quotocracy.

The writer is president, Centre for Policy Research, Delhi

express@expressindia.com

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