Tuesday, February 23, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Andhra Pradesh CM directs to speed up atrocities cases against SC and ST

 

http://www.newkerala.com/news/fullnews-57465.html

Andhra Pradesh CM directs to speed up atrocities cases against SC and ST

Hyderabad, Feb 22 : Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister K Rosaiah today
asked the Special Cell created by the Government to speed up disposal
of cases booked under the Prevention of Atrocities (POA) against SCs
and STs.

He said justice delayed is justice denied.

Mr Rosaiah was discussing the progress of the cases booked and other
connected issues with Principal Secretary, Social Welfare, V Nagi
Reddy and other officials today at his residence.

The State Level Vigilance and Monitoring Committee headed by the Chief
Minister, is scheduled to meet on February 24. They would review the
implementation of various provisions of POA and Protection of Civil
Rights (PCR) Acts.

The government has created a Special Cell under the POA rules in he
police department under the control of DIG of police to speed up
investigation of atrocity cases booked under POA Act and PCR Act, to
conduct survey of atrocity prone areas, restoring a sense of security
among SCs and STs and to investigate into false SC and ST caste
certificate cases. This cell is supported by 10 Inspectors of Police,
three Sub-Inspectors, 13 Head Constables and 36 Police Constables.

The State Level Vigilance and Monitoring Committee headed by the Chief
Minister is functioning to monitor the implementation of POA and PCR
Acts. Twenty two Mobile Courts headed by First Class Judicial
Magistrate were functioning to try the PCR cases in all districts
except in Hyderabad, assisted by the Public Prosecutors.

There are 23 Special Courts established in 23 districts for speedy
trial of cases of Atrocities under PCR Act 1955 (Sec 14 and 15) and
Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989. The Joint Collectors of the
District were appointed as Nodal Officers to Co-ordinate with the
Police officers who were responsible for implementation of the Act.

--UNI

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[ZESTCaste] UP court issues summons against Sanjay Dutt

 

http://www.ptinews.com/news/532944_UP-court-issues-summons-against-Sanjay-Dutt

UP court issues summons against Sanjay Dutt

STAFF WRITER 19:51 HRS IST
Barabanki, Feb 23 (PTI) A local court here has issued a summons
against Bollyood actor Sanjay Dutt directing him to appear before it
on March 22 in a case relating to alleged objectionable remarks
against Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati.

Additional Chief Judicial Magistrate (ACJM) Arvind Mishra issued the
summons for the second time against filmstar Sanjay Dutt yesterday
asking him to appear before the court on the next date of hearing on
March 22 after he failed to appear despite earlier instructions,
prosecution sources said.

Dutt had reportedly made the allegedly objectionable remarks about
Mayawati at a rally during Lok Sabha election campaign in Tikaitnagar
in April last year.

The case was lodged against Dutt by the then station house officer
Vinay Kumar Mishra.

The investigating officer later filed a chargesheet against the
filmstar in ACJM's court, which directed Dutt to appear on February
22.

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[ZESTCaste] 478 hostels for SC/ST students in five dists

 

http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=478+hostels+for+SC/ST+students+in+five+dists&artid=66bT4NV1JnM=&SectionID=mvKkT3vj5ZA=&MainSectionID=fyV9T2jIa4A=&SectionName=nUFeEOBkuKw=&SEO=

478 hostels for SC/ST students in five dists

Express News ServiceFirst Published : 23 Feb 2010 03:04:00 AM ISTLast Updated :

BHUBANESWAR: The State Government has decided to construct 478 hostels
for the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe students in five
Maoist-affected districts.

Official sources said that Centre has provided Rs 198 crore for the
implementation of the project. Hostels will be constructed in
Left-wing extremist (LWE) affected districts of Deogarh, Sambalpur,
Gajapati, Malkangiri and Rayagada.

Of these, 190 hostels will be exclusively for girls. The rest will be
for the boys. Each of the hostels will be constructed on 5,000 square
feet land at an expenditure of Rs 41.4 lakh. There will be 10
bathrooms and one entertainment hall for every hostel.

The hostels will be supplied with drinking water and solar power. The
project will be funded by the Centre, sources said, adding that it
will be completed in the next two years.

Construction of the hostels will be entrusted to the Integrated Tribal
Development Agencies (ITDAs). If necessary the Works Department will
also take up construction of some of the hostels.

Construction of the hostels is aimed at wooing more tribal students
from the Maoist-affected districts to schools.

Sources said that spread of education among the tribal and dalit
students in the backward districts will cut into the recruitment base
of the Maoists.

Priority is being attached by the State Government as well as the
Centre on development of the backward tribal districts so that the
youths do not join the extremist outfits at a time when both the
governments are readying to launch multi-state operation against the
ultras.

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[ZESTCaste] Rabri: Speaker partisan at Maha Dalit rally, must quit

http://beta.thehindu.com/news/national/article111693.ece

Rabri: Speaker partisan at Maha Dalit rally, must quit


Sunday's Maha Dalit Unity Rally here has raised the hackles of Bihar's
opposition, with Leader of the Opposition Rabri Devi calling for the
resignation of Speaker Uday Narayan Chaudhary for his "partisan"
conduct during the event.

The rally, despite being touted as a "non-party" programme by the
National Democratic Alliance, is widely viewed as a major attempt on
its part to woo Maha Dalit voters.

Repeated disruptions

Led by the Rashtriya Janata Dal, opposition members on Monday
repeatedly attempted to halt the Governor's speech on the first day of
the budget session of the legislature by shouting slogans and
demanding the removal of the Speaker.

Prior to commencement of the session, Ms. Rabri Devi visited Mr.
Chaudhary in his chamber and questioned his "neutrality."

"I told him that his behaviour at the rally was most unbecoming of a
Speaker. He cannot toe a particular party line as he is supposed to be
neutral. A Speaker cannot organise a party rally," Ms. Rabri Devi told
journalists.

Organised by Mr. Chaudhary under the aegis of the Bihar Maha Dalit
Commission, the rally, which saw a massive turnout, had been heralded
as a strictly "non-political/ non-party event" by the Janata Dal
(United) and its alliance partner, the Bharatiya Janata Party.

The RJD-LJP combine has taken exception to Mr. Chaudhary's
sloganeering during the rally, accusing him of "partiality" and
"impropriety."

Defending him, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar said Mr. Chaudhary was well
within his rights to organise such an event, and the Opposition was
jealous of the NDA government's success in improving the living
conditions of Maha Dalits.

Stressing the "non-political" nature of the event, Mr. Kumar said the
main purpose "was to educate and socially awaken the Maha Dalit
communities." Branding the opposition behaviour in the Assembly
"cheap" and "regrettable," Mr. Kumar dared the RJD-LJP combine to move
a no-confidence motion against Mr. Chaudhary.

RJD State president Abdul Bari Siddiqui said the Opposition parties
would decide on Tuesday whether or not they would bring a
no-confidence motion.


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[ZESTCaste] ‘Dalit unity is undermined’

http://www.frontline.in/stories/20100312270511700.htm


INTERVIEW

'Dalit unity is undermined'


D. KARTHIKEYAN


Interview with Hugo Gorringe, Lecturer in Sociology at the University
of Edinburgh.

S. JAMES

Hugo Gorringe: "The notion of space is the central social idiom of the
Dalit struggle."

In the recent past, there has been a lot of debate on the emergence of
Dalit parties in Tamil Nadu's political sphere on the basis of Dalit
identity. A larger identity constructed by the Dravidian movement has
not only failed to transcend caste identities but has also suppressed
the Dalit question through its hegemony. In this interview to
Frontline, Hugo Gorringe, Lecturer in Sociology at the University of
Edinburgh and author of Untouchable Citizens: Dalit Movements and
Democratisation in Tamil Nadu (Sage 2005), talks about the emergence
of Dalit movements, Dravidian hegemony and the future of Dalit
politics in Tamil Nadu.

Gorringe has written several articles on caste, violence, protest and
policing. He was in Madurai recently. Excerpts:

How did the idea of doing research on a Dalit movement in Tamil Nadu evolve?

My father worked in the Tamil Nadu Theological Seminary (TTS) in
Madurai, so I grew up in Tamil Nadu between the ages of 4 and 11.
During these years, I was able to make good friends. After we left, I
had the opportunity to visit Madurai once every three or four years to
keep up the connection with my friends, maintain my Tamil and meet
people. The TTS is a place where Dalit theology is very important and
I was exposed to dialogues between Gandhi and Ambedkar on
untouchability as well as the social inequalities prevalent here. For
my bachelor's degree, I wrote a 10,000-word project about my
experience with Dalits in India. I thought that the project was easy
to do and also would give me opportunities to meet my friends.

During that project, though, I met more people and learned more about
persistent caste inequalities. Following up on that experience, and
realising that not much work had been done about Dalits and their
movements in English, I thought of filling that gap. That was how my
PhD project came about. Scholars like Michael Moffat (An Untouchable
Community in India: Structure and Consensus; Princeton University
Press, 1979) had argued that caste was based on structural consensus
and that groups at the lower order replicated the forms and
relationships of those at the upper strata.

Others argue that the lower caste groups in fact fight against caste.
The situation has changed dramatically since Moffat's work was
published, and Dalit movements have mobilised across the State. I
wanted to understand these contemporary caste relations and chart the
challenges to caste hierarchy.

How important was your PhD in developing your understanding of caste
and exploitation that continue to frame the lives of Dalits?

My PhD introduced me to the everyday life of Dalits. Once I got to
know members of the movement, my PhD research took me into villages
and urban slums that I had not visited before and opened my eyes to
the subtle manifestations and the everyday practical difficulties of
Dalits and how they are discriminated against both in civil as well as
political society.

One of the significant features of your work was the concept of
production of space and reclamation of rights to public space. How
important is this concept in the case of Dalits?

The notion of space is the central social idiom of the Dalit struggle.
At least superficially, the transformation of Puthiya Tamizhagam (PT)
and Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) as political movements has
enabled them to claim space within urban areas on par with other
parties as can be seen in wall posters, flagpoles and murals.
Likewise, few towns and villages in the urban periphery remain
untouched by the symbols of Dalit politics. Given the immense
struggles and battles that ensued to gain acceptance for these
symbols, the fact that they are now commonplace in itself is extremely
significant. On a more concrete level, Dalits in urban areas continue
to live predominantly in slums or particular enclaves. Urban space in
that sense is still marked by caste; people seeking homes for rent are
often asked about their caste or are asked to get references from
upper caste people before being offered a place. In rural areas,
Dalits still reside in cheris outside the village and must struggle
for access to roads and common resources.

Even in the case of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam government's
Samathuvapuram project, [a residential area] where people of different
castes live side by side, lack of engagement between them in common
cases and spaces indicate the continuing resilience of caste
sentiment.

How important do you think is the emergence of Dalit parties such as
the VCK and the PT in Tamil Nadu's political sphere?

The rise of parties like the VCK and the PT is precisely about
compelling the Dravidian parties to accept Dalits as political
players. In the case of the VCK, so far they seem to have achieved
that but the accusations that they levelled against other Dalit
politicians – as being non-representative and out of touch with the
realities of untouchability – are now being levelled against the VCK.
Dalits I have spoken to felt that there are so many pressing issues
that need to be addressed, but the VCK leaders have failed to address
them in their pursuit of larger issues like the Sri Lankan conflict.

Whilst it is a real sign of progress that a 'Dalit Party' can speak
out on wider issues, the failure to engage with the concerns of their
core constituents can foster disillusionment.

Dravidian hegemony, achieved through the Dravidian parties' investment
in symbolic capital such as social honour and trust and creation of
symbols, idioms of glorious past, was one of the major reasons for the
suppression of the Dalit question. How far do you think the Dalit
parties are able to challenge the hegemony?

The Dalit parties' failure to challenge Dravidian hegemony is one of
action rather than analysis. If one listens to [VCK leader]
Thirumavalavan in Dalit circles or reads his work or that of D.
Ravikumar [Member of the Legislative Assembly representing the VCK],
they offer an insightful analysis of brahminism and of the influence
of Dravidian movement and they explain how Dalits buy into that
rhetoric. Despite this, the VCK has allied itself with both main
Dravidian parties rather than attempting to consolidate a Third Front.
The pertinent question is whether the decision to ally with Dravidian
parties is pragmatic or principled.

Initially it was a pragmatic move to escape persecution and establish
the VCK as a political player, but increasingly they seem to be buying
into the system. Yes, they have gained some concessions and have given
a voice to marginalised people to some extent, but when leaders of
resistance movements fall at the feet of Dravidian leaders, you see
the transformation of figures of liberation to establishment figures.

There is an accusation that the inclusive rhetoric of the Dravidian
movement bypassed Dalits only to empower the regionally dominant
middle castes who oppress Dalits and commit atrocities against them?
How far is this true?

The Dravidian movement was always anti-Brahmin but was never
systematically anti-brahminical as a philosophy and never has
campaigned for that. In fact they never challenged the structural
hierarchy except in symbolic ways, meaning that we still have caste
oppression both at village and urban areas by dominant castes who have
supplanted the Brahmins as power holders but follow brahminical
policies. Brahminism continues to hold sway.

The egalitarian ideology of Periyar has not come into fruition. Even
Vanniyars and Thevars had to struggle for inclusion into Tamil
politics. Indeed, the history of Tamil politics has been one of
successive struggles by marginalised sections in society. The failure
of Dravidian parties is perhaps best exemplified by the fact that
political contestation is still articulated and carried out on caste
lines.

Still the struggle continues?

Yes, after Vanniyars and Thevars, it was Pallars (Devendrars) and
Paraiyars (Adi Dravidars) and now it is Arunthathiyars who are
struggling for political inclusion. This happens precisely because
caste continues to have symbolic and material substance and remains an
important category of practice. This is not to say that social
relations have been static. By and large, there is a widespread
decline of dependency among Dalits. But the advancement of
marginalised communities is largely incidental to, rather than a
product of, Dravidian policies.


S. THANTHONI

Dr K. Krishnaswamy, founder, Puthiya Tamizhagam.

Even Dalit movements are mobilising on caste issues, and it is a
paradox to see that anti-caste movements are reinforcing the social
structures they want to eradicate. There are a number of reasons for
that; firstly, Dravidian hegemony is so strong that whatever the
leaders say and think, Dalits cling to a Tamilian identity. The
failure of parties like the Bahujan Samaj Party and the Communist
Party of India and the CPI(M) testify to that.

Secondly, it reflects a lack of democracy among Dalit movements. The
focus on big leaders, which reflects the dominant form of Tamil
politics, itself leads to division and status competition. Thirdly,
movements have tended to be particularly sensitive to atrocities,
which is important in itself, but perhaps also entails a failure to
work systematically against caste divisions. Even as the VCK recruits
members from the backward castes, thus, they struggle to gain a
foothold amongst Pallars and Arunthathiyars. The result is that now
each caste has its own heroes and mass figures that are inimical to
Dalit unity.

Talking about "heroes", Dalit movements of late have been involved in
reinventing their own caste histories and glorifying "heroes" from the
past. Could this be seen as discourses of empowerment?

Thol. Thirumavalavan, Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi leader, calling
on Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi at his residence. M.K. Stalin, now
Deputy Chief Minister, is also seen. A file picture. Dalit movements
started off as autonomous political forces but have succumbed to
Dravidian hegemony in the belief that they cannot stand alone.


Caste histories can well be seen as discourses of empowerment and we
shouldn't belittle their importance because they provide at least
symbolic forms of capital and have been instrumental in altering the
aspirations and self-perceptions of the subaltern groups.

But do you not think that there is a danger of this form of symbolic
capital not turning into social action?

Yes, there is a double-edged character for this as they detract the
movements from any sense of common struggle and they can lead to
status competition among Dalits as in the case of Devendra Kula
Vellalars. From that perspective, campaign strategies which are formed
on common issues such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
1999, World Conference Against Racism facilitate cross caste
mobilisation.

Perhaps, the best example of such awareness and mobilisation is
Ambedkar's Birth Centenary, which made him a leader of pan-Indian
stature and took him to the remotest corners as champion of the
oppressed. If Dalit movements can build on such platforms, or those of
land rights, there is more hope for Dalit liberation than the
advancement of particular communities.

Most Dalit scholars believe that the idea of resistance politics
identified with the VCK has become a casualty after its entry into
electoral politics.

The compulsions of electoral politics, which engender compromise and
hinder spontaneity, are the reasons for that. Thirumavalavan could
rush to villages during the 1990s and interact with people; now it's
not happening and he cannot do that. Many are disillusioned with this
professionalisation and bureaucratisation and the focus on Tamil
nationalism. The seeming desire to become a general party rather than
focussing on issues largely affecting Dalits is rather depressing for
some cadres though others revel in the party's strength. But having
said this, all the movements suffer from this malaise.

We have to ask whether the Dalit struggle can be advanced by espousing
Tamil nationalism. The VCK has been able to gain some concessions and
goodwill from its political partners through this strategy, but we
must ask at what cost these gains have been won. The VCK mobilisation
in Karnataka, for instance, is resented by other Dalit parties who see
them as primarily a Tamil party. Dalit unity is thus undermined.

What are the significant areas where the VCK still wields a lot of influence?

In some key areas, the VCK continues to inspire people to follow them,
and some shades of women's empowerment are also taking place. One
notable thing is that in Madurai, R. Pandiammal – whom I mentioned in
my book – has risen to become the district secretary from being a
grass-roots worker. This move needs to be applauded as not many
parties have elevated active women to positions of responsibility.

Secondly, they continue to carve out spaces in terms of book launches,
art festivals and conferences. One VCK member told me that
Thirumavalavan talks about Dalit issues in these platforms in a way
that is no longer possible on political platforms. Finally, there is a
suggestion by many people that the VCK is now engaged in the murkier
forms of politics like katta panchayats (kangaroo courts). On the one
hand this heralds the party's arrival as a significant political
player – either because rumours are spread about them or because they
are powerful enough to engage in such activities. On the other it
raises questions about the party's ultimate objectives. If the aim is
a share of political power then this is a step in the right direction,
but if the aim is to transform politics and challenge caste
hierarchies, then this is a retrograde step.

Your view on the question of compartmental reservation…


M. KARUNAKARAN

A rally led by Thirumavalavan in support of Sri Lankan Tamils in
Chennai on May 5, 2009. Dalits feel that there are so many pressing
issues that need to be addressed, but the VCK leaders have failed to
address them in their pursuit of larger issues like the Sri Lankan
conflict.

I am deeply sceptical about the Arunthathiyar reservation. For a
start, if the State filled the 18 per cent available [to the Scheduled
Castes] fully and properly there would be no need for compartmental
reservation. Although it is true that the Arunthathiyars are the
weakest of the main Dalit castes, this move can be seen as a form of
'divide and rule' that channels Dalit mobilisation into caste-based
struggles rather than anti-caste struggles.

Furthermore, the issue of reservation is particularly important
because the persistence of caste in contemporary Tamil Nadu, for me at
least, rests less on 'purity and pollution' and more on the question
of identity, honour and caste pride. Compartmental reservation feeds
into this dynamic and fuels the logic of identity-based politics. It
does not help to overcome the dialectic between honour and
humiliation, whereas general schemes like the National Rural
Employment Guarantee Scheme at least have the potential to transcend
caste boundaries.

Is there any scope for Dalit parties to become politically self-autonomous?

Dalit movements here started off as autonomous political forces but
have succumbed to Dravidian hegemony in the belief that they cannot
stand alone. The Third Front in 1999 and actor Vijaykant's limited
success signals that there is scope for non-Dravidian politics, but
there have been no sustained attempts to build up such a campaign.
This indicates that Dalit parties are caught up in the workings of
everyday Tamil politics, with the result that the options open to them
are limited to Tamil nationalism, idolisation of Periyar at a
rhetorical level and the symbolic occupation of space. Only if Dalit
movements stand apart from the Dravidian parties will we get a sense
of their autonomy.

What are your current projects?

I am currently reading a lot of literature to think more theoretically
about the underpinnings of caste and caste conflicts, thinking through
workings of social power and the way in which everyday interactions
form the basis of caste structures.

Such a bottom-up perspective offers an insight into why caste
continues to inform everyday life even 60 years after Independence. I
am also considering the possibility of carrying out a follow-up study
on Dalit politics in Tamil Nadu that would chart the changes in Dalit
mobilisation over the past decade. The vibrant Dalit movements that I
studied in 1999 are now established political parties and I am keen to
tease out the implications of this shift.


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[ZESTCaste] Mayawati in new trouble over elephant statues

 

http://www.centralchronicle.com/viewnews.asp?articleID=27799

Mayawati in new trouble over elephant statues

Category » Nation Posted On Monday, February 22, 2010
Agencies
New Delhi, Feb 22:
First, it was her memorial parks all over Lucknow that ran into
trouble in the Supreme Court. Now, hundreds of statues of elephants in
these parks are Mayawati's gigantic new problem.
The elephant is the symbol of Mayawati's Bahujan Samaj Party or BSP.
The Supreme Court has given the Election Commission three months to
decide whether these statues violate its poll code.
A Bench comprising Chief Justice K G Balakrishnan and Justices Deepak
Verma and B S Chauhan granted three months to the Election Commission
to decide the issue even as Uttar Pradesh government contended that
the statues of elephants are not the election symbol of BSP, but a
welcome symbol.
"We have given reply to the Election Commission that the elephants
installed in parks are not the election symbol of the party as
alleged, but a welcome symbol. Even in the North Block and South
Block, you have elephants statues," senior advocate and Mayawati's
close aide S C Mishra told the Bench.
Mishra, who is the General Secretary of BSP and appearing along with
senior advocate Harish Salve for Uttar Pradesh government, said
statues of elephants are also found in temples and "the distinction is
quite clear".
Ravi Kant, a lawyer who has taken Mayawati to court over her statues
says, "The petition is about the misuse of public money and
installation of BSP symbols in memorials."
Mayawati's many memorials to Dalit icons, including herself, are also
being studied by the Supreme Court. The parks, being constructed for
close to 2000 crores, use taxpayers' money. The court has so far
slammed Mayawati repeatedly over approving the expenditure in a state
assembly controlled by her. In September, the court asked Mayawati to
stop all construction at these memorials till it delivers it verdict.
Days later, however, media reports, including one by NDTV, found the
court's orders being violated. After the court expressed its anger,
Mayawati's government apologized, claiming that it was restricting its
work to "repairs" rather than new construction.
Hours after her representative issued this clarification in court,
Mayawati threatened at a public rally that any attempt to stop her
memorials would lead to a law and order problem across the country.

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[ZESTCaste] Men molest, burn dalit woman in UP

 

http://www.asianage.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=3518:men-molest-burn-dalit-woman-in-up&catid=35:india&Itemid=60

Men molest, burn dalit woman in UP

Tuesday, 23 February 2010 02:18
Lucknow, Feb. 22: A dalit woman, aged around 25 years, was allegedly
set on fire by a group of men when she resisted attempts at
molestation in Kannauj district.

The incident took place late on Sunday evening and the woman has been
admitted to a local hospital where her condition is said to be
critical.

According to police reports, the woman, a resident of Tajpur town in
Kannauj district, was on her way to the market when she was accosted
by one Altaf and his friends on the way. The men passed indecent
remarks and then started molesting her.

The woman raised an alarm and this apparently annoyed the men who
poured kerosene and set her on fire.

Passers-by rescued the woman and also informed the police. A case has
been registered against the three men, who are absconding.

"Some family members of the accused have been detained and we are
trying to arrest the culprits at the earliest," said DSP Hardev Singh.

Meanwhile, the incident has led to outrage among the Dalits in the
district and several organisations too to the streets, protesting
against the incident.

Additional security has been deployed in the town to prevent
escalation of violence since tension continues to prevail.

Amita Verma

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[ZESTCaste] HC asks authorities to follow provisions of SC,ST Act

 

http://in.news.yahoo.com/20/20100222/1416/tnl-hc-asks-authorities-to-follow-provis.html

HC asks authorities to follow provisions of SC,ST Act

Mon, Feb 22 07:08 PM
Madurai, Feb 22 (PTI) Madurai bench of the Madras High Court today
directed authorities to follow the provisions of the SC and ST
Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989 in the case of a Dalit youth who
alleged that some youngsters thrust human excreta into his mouth. A
Division Bench, comprising Justices Prabha Sri Devan and B Rajendran,
gave the direction after counsel for Sadayandi said provisions of the
Act had not been followed by Dindigul District Collector and the
victim had not been provided immediate relief.

The Collector did not visit the place of occurrence nor was an inquiry
held by an official in the rank of Additional District Collector, the
counsel said. Earlier the Judges asked the Nilakottai DSP if he can
directly probe the incident, to which the police officer replied in
the affirmative.

The DSP has been asked to submit his report next Wednesday.
Arockiasamy, who was alleged to have thrust the human excreta into
Sadayandi''s mouth wanted to be impleaded in the case and the court
asked him to file his affidavit.

The Court suo motu took up the case after a daily reported that some
youths had beaten up Sadayandi for walking in their street in January
at Melakovilpatti in Dindigul district and forcibly put human excreta
in his mouth. A report submitted by the District Collector had said
human excreta was not put into Sadayandi''s mouth and a probe revealed
that he had waylaid Arokiasami and removed Rs.

850 from his pocket. Sadayandi contested the Collector''s report,
saying it was baseless and facts had been distorted.

"I was forced to eat human excreta," he said.

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[ZESTCaste] Orissa’s Lingaraj temple denigrates dalits

www.asianage.com/home/india/2334-orissas-lingaraj-temple-denigrates-dalits.html+lingaraj+dalit&cd=1&hl=en&ct=clnk

Orissa's Lingaraj temple denigrates dalits

Saturday, 13 February 2010 20:08
Bhubaneswar, Feb. 13: The Lingaraj Temple here — a famous Shaivite
shrine of the country — was on Saturday witness to an archaic custom,
which denigrated the dalit Hindus. The dalits were allowed to enter
the 11th-century shrine as cleaners who

removed heaps of flowers and "bela" leaves (a kind leaf offered to
Lord Shiva). However, barely hours after the cleaning, the temple
premises were washed as part of purification ritual, which belittles
the members of the community.

The custom, considered unique to any Hindu temple, is observed on the
day after the Mahashivratri every year. While the dalits are barred
from entering the temple in the rest of the year, this is the only day
when they get the opportunity to visit the shrine and worship the
deities. "The custom is centuries-old. The temple is always littered
with bela leaves and flowers, showered on the deity on the occasion of
Mahashivratri. So the dalits are called upon the next day to clean the
temple. Later they are allowed to worship the Lord in lieu of their
service," Nrusingha Mahapatr, a senior member of the Brahman Nijog, (a
body of priests in the temple) told this newspaper. "The priests later
perform purification rituals in the shrine by giving the deities a
ceremonial bath and washing the walls and floor of the sanctum
sanctorum, while chanting shlokas," he added.

The daily rituals of the deity begin only after the sanctification of
the temple. Even the prasad is offered to the deity after purification
ceremony. "Earlier, the upper caste devotees used to desert the temple
during the period. But time has changed now. Of late, the upper caste
people joined the dalits during the period to worship," he pointed
out.

"The custom is being followed for centuries. We never felt to do it
away," temple administrator P.K. Das told this newspaper.

A senior temple official, however, conceded that the custom is an
affront to the dignity of the dalits and hastened to add, "We are
helpless as any initiative to do it away will invite strong opposition
from the priests and the traditionalists."

Rabindra Nath Choudhury


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[ZESTCaste] Was Indian nationalism inclusive?

http://beta.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article111614.ece?homepage=true

Opinion » Lead
February 23, 2010
Was Indian nationalism inclusive?
K. N. Panikkar
One of the weaknesses of the national movement was that it did not
have an effective programme to ensure the inclusion of the depressed
and socially excluded classes into the nation.

Inclusiveness is the catchword in the current political and economic
discourse, following the 11th Plan prescription to incorporate those
who have remained outside the margins into the mainstream of
development. This is a confession of the failure of democratic
governance, on the one hand, and of caste-class partisanship in the
process of nation building, on the other. It also testifies that a
substantial section has not yet come under the 'benevolent' umbrella
of the nation. In a highly differentiated society, inclusiveness is
indeed a process which takes place in three ways: politically through
common struggles, socially by overcoming internal social barriers and
culturally by identifying a common past by invoking indigenous
cultural consciousness.

The attempt at inclusiveness is riven with internal contradictions,
which account for the complexity, weaknesses and limitations of the
inclusive process and tensions within nationalism. The concept of
nationalism, in the Indian colonial context, becomes meaningful only
when looked at beyond the overarching relationship between colonialism
and the people, and the mutual relationship among different segments
of society is taken into account. Overcoming these differences was
integral to nationalism.

Inclusiveness, therefore, is a necessary strategy of nationalism, even
with contradictory interests finding a place in it. The attempts to
resolve the secondary contradiction within the umbrella of nationalism
do not overlook the primary contradiction with colonialism. In this
sense, the aim of nationalism was not limited to the attainment of
freedom but, as Gandhiji envisaged, had to lead to the creation of a
qualitatively different society, devoid of caste and religious
antagonism. To a deputation of students in 1934, Gandhiji said: "The
two things — the social reordering and the fight for political swaraj
— must go hand in hand. There can be no question of precedence or
division into watertight compartments here." Nationalism was thus
conceived as a combination of political freedom and social
emancipation.

What nationalism sought to achieve was togetherness. The very first
session of the Indian National Congress recognised it by identifying
its purpose as providing a platform for people to come together. What
brought people together were political struggles and public
agitations. The various streams within the movement with different
strategies and modes of struggles were efforts to ensure their
rightful inclusion in the nation. People, however, consisted of
diverse groups, castes, classes and religions with widely differing
interests. What was conceived as nationalism, therefore, was bringing
the people together, regardless of the differentiations. Although the
anti-colonial sentiment ironed out some of these differences and
interests, they were so diverse and sharp that the national movement,
functioning within a liberal framework, was not able to find an
effective solution. Therefore, India emerged not only impoverished due
to colonial exploitation but also socially divided.

That India was economically backward was not surprising, but the fact
that nationalism did not succeed in ushering in social and cultural
solidarity left a deep scar. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, architect of the
Constitution, underlined this failure in 1949: "We must make our
political democracy a social democracy as well. Political democracy
cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy… What
does social democracy mean? It means a way of life which recognises
liberty, equality and fraternity as the principle of life … On the
26th of January 1950 we are going to enter into a life of
contradiction. In politics we will have equality and in social and
economic life, we will have inequality." While pointing out the
political success of the movement by which 'people' became members of
a nation-state with democratic rights, Dr. Ambedkar was conscious that
nationalism did not succeed in creating inclusiveness in the social,
cultural and economic domains.

The roots of this failure can be traced to the early phase of national
awakening, which suffered from a disjunction between political and
socio-cultural struggles. To begin with, the renaissance which
prepared the ground for the emergence of nationalism dissociated
itself from political problems and, therefore, was unable to provide a
critique of colonialism which warped the nature of Indian modernity.
Most of the early renaissance leaders idealised development in the
West. Hence, their ability to envision an alternative was limited.
Later on, the national movement attributed primacy to political
struggles, despite Gandhiji's constructive programme and
untouchability campaign. Although both he and Tagore advocated the
importance of cultural politics, the national movement concentrated
its energies on political mobilisation.

Despite these early limitations, the importance of incorporating the
marginalised sections and thus creating an inclusive society was on
the agenda of nationalism. The different political formations which
participated in anti-colonial struggles with different programmes and
different social base were engaged in incorporating different sections
into the mainstream of national life through participation in the
anti-colonial struggles. Even when contradictions existed among them,
they were struggling for inclusiveness in the nation. The social and
cultural inclusiveness was sought through socio-cultural emancipation,
economic inclusiveness through class struggles and political
inclusiveness through political mobilisation. These three engagements
of the national movement cover the history of the liberation struggle
which was not limited to a direct confrontation with colonialism, but
also aimed at the modernisation and democratisation of society
although with limited success.

A major concern of the national movement was social inclusiveness. The
divisive and oppressive character of the Indian caste system was
antithetical to the spirit of nationalism and it was quite natural
that only social awakening could address this question. Gandhiji gave
equal, if not greater, importance to social issues and cultural
struggles. In Gandhian programme, therefore, abolition of
untouchability occupied a central concern. The ashrams Gandhiji set up
and lived in became a symbol of social equality and also meant a
subversion of the traditional, unequal social system.

The national movement was quite conscious of the importance of
inclusion of the traditionally deprived groups for the actual
realisation of the nation and initiated steps in social, economic and
cultural fields to create conditions conducive for them to identify
their interest with the nation. In pursuance of that, a series of
struggles was conducted covering social, cultural and economic lives.
Each one of them had the effect of creating a community, eventually
forming a part of the nation. Although these struggles increased their
social consciousness, none of them was sufficiently effective to
transform the life conditions of the marginalised, possibly because
these efforts were bridled by the interests of the 'upper' castes and
classes. The marginalised sections, could not, therefore, identify
themselves with the nation. They were sceptical and distrustful.

The consequence of this marginality was the emergence of movements
among the traditionally subordinated groups fighting to gain their
rightful place in society. That happened in all parts of the country
and among all depressed communities. Satyasodak Samaj in Maharashtra
in the 19th century, the Dravida Kazhakam in Tamil Nadu, the Sadhu
Jana Paripalana Sabha in Kerala and, indeed, the movement led by Dr.
Ambedkar are some examples. Emerging out of the oppressed sections,
they did not subscribe to the 'upper' caste urge for reform, of either
caste or religion, but stood for abolishing caste and superstitions
based on religious sanction. In the vision of Dr. Ambedkar, the
annihilation of caste was a necessary pre-requisite for social
inclusiveness.

One of the weaknesses of the national movement was that it did not
have an effective programme to ensure the inclusion of the depressed
and socially excluded classes into the nation. Whatever was attempted
in this field was very superficial inasmuch as it did not frontally
contest the power of the 'upper' castes and classes, the legacy of
which continues even today. That anti-colonial Indian nationalism was
not sufficiently inclusive is possibly one of the reasons why a
substantial section of the population is still not a part of the
nation.

The making of the Indian nation, as Surendranath Banerji envisioned,
can be complete only when nationalism becomes inclusive on a
democratic, secular and socialist foundation. In post-independent
India, this has remained an unrealised dream. Given the capitalist
hegemony over society and middle-class control over administration,
the present urge for inclusion may yet end up as another popular
slogan.

(Based on the Foundation Day lecture delivered at Assam Central
University, Silchar. Author can be reached at knpanikkar@gmail.com)


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[ZESTCaste] Maya govt hikes allocation for Ambedkar villages

 

http://in.news.yahoo.com/48/20100223/814/tnl-maya-govt-hikes-allocation-for-ambed.html

Maya govt hikes allocation for Ambedkar villages

Tue, Feb 23 06:17 AM
Renewing the focus on Dalits once again, the Mayawati government has
raised the amount to be spent for providing basic facilities in
Dalit-dominated villages under the Dr Ambedkar Gram Sabha Vikas Yojna
from Rs 40 lakh to Rs 50 lakh.

The amount can even be raised to Rs 70 lakh on the recommendation made
by the district magistrates and divisional commissioners, depending
upon the requirement of work.

In the upcoming financial year, as many as 2,224 villages will be
developed as Ambedkar villages and provided amenities like roads,
drains, toilets, power, drinking water, health facilities and houses.

According to officials, the development fund had been raised so that
roads can be constructed to connect the hamlets with the main village.

Balvinder Kumar, Principal Secretary of Ambedkar Gram Sabha Vikas
department, said: "Rural Engineering Services and Public Works
Department have been directed to survey the selected villages and send
their estimates by March 15 so that funds can be released on time and
the development work can begin from April 1."

A minimum of 15 villages in every district which were covered by the
scheme in 1995-96 and 1997-98 have been selected once again to be
developed under the new guidelines of the scheme.

"These villages lack amenities like cement-concrete roads and drains
for which there is a provision in the new guidelines," said Kumar. The
funds received from the Central government under the National Rural
Employment Guarantee Act will also be used to develop the Ambedkar
villages.

Express News Service

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[ZESTCaste] The poor man’s palate

http://blogs.economictimes.indiatimes.com/onmyplate/entry/the-poor-man-s-palate

The poor man's palate
 Vikram Doctor  Monday February 22, 2010, 12:50 AM


Some years back my grandmother employed a cook called Mary. Mary was a
good cook, and also fond of eating — a good sign with cooks, even if
their employers don't always appreciate it. She was particularly fond
of non-vegetarian food, and since my grandmother is now vegetarian,
she would give Mary a little extra money to buy meat or fish for
herself. And once when I was eating with my grandmother, knowing my
interest in food, she asked Mary to let me taste what she had cooked
for herself that day.

Mary was a little diffident, wondering if I would really like it. She
brought out a small bowl of what looked like chopped long beans, but
whitish, and in a rich brown gravy. They were goats' intestines she
said, waiting for me to refuse them. But, of course, I didn't and it
was delicious — the slight chewiness was more than made up by the
rich, savoury gravy, which had a slight jelly-like thickness. I knew
from much eating in Mumbai's Muslim areas that some organ meats like
liver and brain are eaten for their own unique texture, but others are
more valued for the rich savour of their juices, and these intestines
were like that.

Once she knew I was interested in her food, Mary would happily serve
me some, always the really cheap meats she bought. Another time she
cooked salt fish curry, and again it was delicious, with a tang that
you never get with fresh fish. It was the sort of dish you would never
find in a restaurant, partly from genuine constraints — the Taj
Group's Chef Ananda Solomon told me wistfully he would love to serve
the Mangalorean salt fish dishes of his childhood at his Konkan Cafe,
but doesn't dare for fear of the smell penetrating and lingering
through his hotel kitchen — but also because most customers would not
order what they saw as poor people's food.

I thought of Mary's food when I read that the Dalit poet and activist
Namdeo Dhasal has started a restaurant. Dhasal has done this due to
the financial problems he's been facing, and it sounds like a regular
place serving North Indian style kebabs and curries, but apparently he
also plans to serve lesser known dishes like a curry of harandodi
flowers and vazri, which is intestines and tripe (the stomachs of
ruminants). These are dishes typically associated with Dalits, or more
generally, the poor who could not afford other foods, and I think
there is a real niche here if Dhasal wants to develop it.

First, a clarification: I'm not suggesting this from any patronising
or political interest in Dalit/working class issues. Such an interest
may exist for some, but mine is on the food, and from that perspective
one has to be careful in talking about Dalit food, when the brutal
fact is that most often it barely existed, or only in a rotten,
repulsive form.

For most of their history the basic fact of Dalit lives was hunger, as
Dhasal addressed it powerfully in his poem of that name: "Hunger, tell
us your game, your strategy/ If we can muster guts enough/ we'll fight
you to the finish/ Can't crawl and grovel on our stomachs..." Where
food was given, dropped into the hands of Dalits from upper caste
Hindus, it was usually stale, or even putrid, as in the mildewed rotis
that gave its title to Poisoned Bread, Arjun Dangle's anthology of
Marathi Dalit writing.

I have written about this aspect of Dalit food before in this column,
and given such a history it can be no surprise if most Dalits who have
escaped such lives no longer want to have anything to do with its
food. Yet there is another side to the food of Dalits, or just the
really poor, who were forced into eating things that the rich upper
castes would not touch. Because quite often there is real value in
such food, and tripe is a good example. Across the world there are
famous dishes made from tripe, like the French tripe a la mode de Caen
or American pepper pot soup. In Turkey I've eaten kokorec, delicious
little stuffed intestines that are a favourite street snack.

There are also regional Indian dishes for tripe and intestines, like
Kashmiri chuste, for which the first ingredient in Krishna Prasad
Dhar's Kashmiri Cooking is, vividly, "3 feet of intestines." But as
with salt fish, restaurants are too squeamish to serve such dishes,
and I am guessing that it is also disappearing from home kitchens for
that reason, and also because of the labour involved in making them.
One of the reasons we value ingredients like chicken breast is because
so little effort is involved in making  it, whereas salt fish must be
soaked and tripe cleaned many times before it can be used. The reward
is their great taste, as compared to the lack of any for broiler
chicken breasts, but perhaps we are also uncomfortable with such deep,
complex flavours these days.

But these are flavours that Dhasal would know well. His father worked
in a Muslim butcher's shop in Mumbai, and one of the perks was to take
home whatever scraps of meat were left over at the end of day, which
would definitely have included offal meats. His mother would cook them
all into one sustaining stew, and perhaps it is this that he plans to
serve in his restaurant. The harandodi flowers sound like they come
from another food tradition of the poor — the wild leaves and flowers
foraged in the countryside.

The Deccan Development Society, an Andhra Pradesh-based organisation
that works with predominantly Dalit women in rural areas has
catalogued the amazing variety of foraged greens they know of, many of
them with vital nutritional and health values. Not all make for good
eating, but some definitely do, and this would be a welcome vegetarian
addition to such a restaurant.

There are also the fish and shellfish which Urmila Pawar writes about
in Aaydan, her autobiography which has been translated as The Weave of
My Life: A Dalit Woman's Memoirs. Pawar's book is notable for
capturing not just the many miseries of Dalit women's lives, but also
their small, fleeting pleasures. For example, there was the collection
of shellfish — backbreaking work, and dangerous too, since the tide
could suddenly rise and drown you. Yet one of the pleasures was the
oysters that could be found under the further rocks, and "once on
shore, they would spread the oyster shells on it, cover these with dry
leaves and twigs and bake the oysters."

Another dish that Pawar remembers is katyacha motla, made from small
river fish, "cleaned and covered with a paste made of amsul, turmeric,
oil and salt. Next they would be wrapped in leaves of the kumbhi tree
and tied with thin long strips cut from the stems of wild creepers.
The packet was kept in the stove under hot ash, sometimes even for
eight days... This was a very tasty dish and while it lasted our
mouths kept watering all the time." Such pleasures are few, in the
long history of hunger and humiliations, many of them linked to food,
that she had to undergo, yet they were real ones.

One thing also worth noting about such dishes is their nutritional and
environmental value. Since rice was too expensive or not given to
them, most Dalits had to eat millets like jowar and bajra; yet it
these millets which are being extolled today for their environmental
value in requiring far less water than wheat or rice, and also for
their exceptional nutritional qualities, which results in them being
sold in health food shops in cities at prices that would boggle the
minds of the poor who ate them from lack of choice. As I said, it is
hardly surprising that when they do have a choice, many spurn them,
yet there is some sense in preserving such traditions, and someone
with the influence of Dhasal, is ideally placed to do so in his
restaurant.


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