Sunday, December 20, 2009

[ZESTCaste] Dalit leader Kamble goes missing

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/Dalit-leader-Kamble-goes-missing/556641


Dalit leader Kamble goes missing

Express News Service Posted online: Sunday , Dec 20, 2009 at 0137 hrs

Mumbai : Author and Former Bharatiya Dalit Panthers leader and Marathi
professor in the Mumbai University, Arun Kamble, has reportedly gone
missing from Hyderabad since December 14, where he had gone for a
function. Mumbai chief of the RPI, (Athawale faction) Gautam Sonawane
said Kamble had gone out of his hotel for a walk and had not returned.
Kamble's family has met Athawale and sought his help to find him, he
said. A complaint has been filed with Saifabad police station.

Kamble, 56, was a senior activist of the Dalit Panthers in '70s and
later formed the Bharatiya Dalit Panthers with Athwale after the
Panthers split on ideological issues.

Kamble was active during the movement to demand renaming of Marathwada
University after Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar.

Kamble is known for his books on Ramayana (in which he wrote about the
cultural conflicts), Ambedkar's conversion and the Dalit movement. He
had also been associated with V P Singh and had joined the Janata Dal.
He was once the Janata Dal state general secretary.


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[ZESTCaste] Kerala's So Called Dalit Terror: How A Dalit Minister Turns Against His Own Community

 

http://countercurrents.org/bhaskar171209.htm

Kerala's So Called Dalit Terror: How A Dalit Minister Turns Against
His Own Community

By B.R.P Bhaskar

17 December, 2009
Gulf Today

The fate of a set of proposals sent to the Kerala government by the
State Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Commission illustrates how
the political establishment scuttles efforts to address the problems
of the weaker sections.

The commission, headed by PK Sivanandan, a former IAS officer,
received on Oct.6 a complaint from VV Selvaraj, chairman of Dalit
Human Rights Movement, alleging police atrocities against the
organisation's supporters in Varkala. It also received a petition
signed by 536 Dalit women containing the same allegation.

The commission forwarded the complaints to the Chief Secretary, the
Director General of Police and the Secretaries to the Home and
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Welfare departments. It received
no response from any of them.

Varkala was the scene of a dastardly murder on Sept.23. The victim was
a person named Sivaprasad with no known affiliation. Within hours of
the murder, the police said DHRM members had killed him to proclaim
the organisation's strength.

Police swooped on Dalit colonies and arrested many DHRM workers.
However, it has still not filed a charge-sheet in the murder case.

On Oct.21, the commission visited Varkala and gathered evidence
directly from all concerned. It went to the Dalit colonies and spoke
to both supporters and opponents of DHRM. It found the police version
of events suspect and the testimony of DHRM supporters credible.

In the report, approved on Oct.29, the commission specially drew
attention to the evidence of two women. One of them was a pregnant
woman, who said police had taken her in a jeep and abandoned her on
the roadside. The other was the mother of Das, DHRM organising
secretary. She said the deputy superintended of police (DySP),
Attingal, had taken her son to the police station and tortured him
after a magistrate had remanded him to judicial custody.

The commission referred to the high-handed action of the circle
inspector in locking the house of an arrested person and walking away
with the key, denying his mother and sister access to their dwelling.

The key was returned to the family a day before the commission's visit
after the chairman took up the case with the superintendent of police.

During the visit to the Thoduve colony, noting the prevailing tension,
the commission's chairman directed the police superintendent to set up
a picket there to prevent anti-social elements from taking advantage
of the situation.

The report pointed out that if the police had taken adequate security
measures, the clash on Oct.27 in which several women were injured
could have been averted.

To put an end to the continuing strife, the commission suggested a
visit to the colony by a high-powered government team, preferably
under the leadership of the Chief Minister. It also proposed the
formation of a committee comprising officials and elected
representatives at the local level to maintain constant vigil.

The commission asked the government to order an impartial inquiry into
the charges against the police, keeping the DySP and the Circle
Inspector and Sub-Inspector of Varkala away.

The commission noted that many residents of Thoduve were living in
tenements put up on government land. It proposed that they be given
preferential treatment under the EMS housing scheme and rehabilitated.

Seven weeks have passed since the report was sent to AK Balan,
Minister for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Welfare, with
copies to the Chief Minister, the Home Minister and a host of
officials. So far there has been no action on the basis of its
recommendations.

Inquiries have revealed that Balan, who is himself a Dalit, turned
down the proposal for a visit to Thoduve by a team headed by the chief
minister, saying it was impractical. He termed the proposal for
rehabilitation of the colony residents also as impractical. He
effectively killed the proposal for an impartial inquiry into the
police conduct by referred it to the DGP.

The government's inaction reflects the ruling establishment's callous
attitude towards the problems of the Dalits, who have been victims of
discrimination for centuries. Since DHRM has been propagating the view
that all established parties have betrayed the Dalits, it has invited
the enmity of the entire political spectrum.

A campaign waged by DHRM has weaned away a large number of Dalits away
from liquor and drugs. It has endeared the organisation to Dalit women
but earned it the wrath of the drug mafia and those in its pay.-

Gulf Today, Sharjah, December 14, 2009

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[ZESTCaste] A study of inclusiveness in Indian polity

http://www.organiser.org/dynamic/modules.php?name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=323&page=22

Home > 2009 Issues > December 27, 2009

A study of inclusiveness in Indian polity
By Jayant Patel

Politics of Inclusion: Castes, Minorities and Affirmative Action, Zoya
Hasan, Oxford University Press, Pp 302, Rs 675.00 (HB)

India is one of the few countries in the post-colonial world to have
taken up the challenge of building an inclusive democracy in a highly
diverse, multicultural, multilingual and multi-religious society. The
establishment of democracy and universal adult suffrage in a
hierarchical society characterised by unprecedented social inequality,
deprivation and oppression has been a revolutionary principle, a bold
experiment in political affairs – perhaps the most significant in a
country. Nearly 60 years after Independence, India remains a major
success story in respect of democracy and social inclusion,
essentially due to the importance given to equality and social justice
as the cardinal principles of contemporary political life.

The author says that the government has taken measures like
reservations in government jobs for the OBCs in order to handle the
caste question. But she laments that over the last decade or so,
questions of inter-group equality and minority participation in the
economy and polity within the framework of governance and development
have not been adequately attended to. So she chooses to focus on
comparison of the disparate experiences of lower castes and religious
minorities and how these have shaped the politics of inclusion.

The first chapter of the book also examines the prevailing definition
of social backwardness and the criteria of affirmative action in the
context of evidence of disparity and deprivation of groups beyond
castes. It explores both the historical and contemporary contexts of
the strategies of inclusion. It says that an analysis of the situation
in terms of progress of minorities can be useful in assessing the
effectiveness of existing strategies and policies.

The book explores how the State in post-colonial India addressed the
question of discrimination and exclusion suffered by disadvantaged
groups, notably the Scheduled Castes and religious minorities. In
particular it explains the policy of framework in relation to these
groups and the divergences in policy and consequences of this for the
protection of the disadvantaged. It attempts to delineate the policies
as well as changes in the constellation of policies for these two
groups while arguing that the "well-being of minorities has suffered
due to a greater lack of attention to issues of institutionalised
inequality and deprivation than is commonly supposed."

It goes on to examine the extension of reservation to the OBCs and the
rationale of reservation in relation to the debate over the
desirability and flexibility of reservation to them. The book outlines
the political context of the mergence of the backward-caste
reservation issue in the 1970s and 1980s, culminating in the
implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations on OBC
reservations from 1994 onwards. Another segment devoted to the field
of higher education in the context of the economic reforms and the
growing importance of technical and professional education in the new
economy.

The book concludes asking for a re-examination of the framework of
affirmative action in the context of the demands for substantive
equality of minorities. What the author wants is that since rapid
economic and social changes in the past 15 years along with failure of
economic growth to trickle down has led to increased inequalities, a
revision of the whole system with the Indian State addressing the
issues of under-representation and socio-economic disadvantage of
minorities.

On reading this book one gets the impression that the author is
essentially concerned with offer of greater political and
socio-economic powers to the Muslims, under the pretext of fighting
for the cause of other minorities.

(Oxford University Press, YMCA Library Building, Jai Singh Road, New
Delhi-110 001.)


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[ZESTCaste] Guj Assembly: Cong walkout on Rangnath Mishra report

 

http://www.ptinews.com/news/431596_Guj-Assembly--Cong-walkout-on-Rangnath-Mishra-report

Guj Assembly: Cong walkout on Rangnath Mishra report

STAFF WRITER 17:51 HRS IST

Gandhinagar, Dec 19 (PTI) Opposition Congress today staged a walkout
from the state Assembly on the issue of discussion on Rangnath Mishra
Commission's recommendations.

The commission favours reservation to minorities and giving SC status
to the converted Dalits.

Gujarat minister for social justice and empowerment Fakirbhai Patel
introduced a resolution in the Assembly, asking the Central government
to not implement the recommendations which will create social
divisions in the country.

However, leader of opposition Shaktisinh Gohil demanded that since the
matter is sub judice and the report has just been placed before
Parliament, it could not be discussed in the state Assembly.

But the speaker, Ashok Bhatt, allowed discussion on the issue, which
promoted the Opposition to walkout on the last day of the three-day
brief Assembly session.

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[ZESTCaste] Uncivilized Practices Of The Civil Society

http://www.countercurrents.org/dungdung191209.htm

Uncivilized Practices Of The Civil Society

By Gladson Dungdung

19 December, 2009
Countercurrents.org

The term 'Civil Society' is mostly used for voluntary organizations,
non-governmental organizations and non-profit institutions. These are
also called as civil society organizations. Interestingly, most of
these organizations are always busy in criticizing the state (which is
of course not wrong as the state is a failure), but they themselves
behave like the state when it comes to the issues of Adivasis, Dalits
and Women of D-section (deprived sections), even though they have also
failed in delivering justice to marginalized peoples. Most of these
organizations are led by elites even after 62 years of Indian
independence. They enjoy corporate rate salaries, luxurious
accommodations and air travel in the name of Adivasis, Dalits and
women of D-section. The misappropriation of funds in the name of
marginalized groups remains uncounted, despite that they are masters
in lecturing on the issues of responsibility, transparency and
accountability.

There are very interesting kinds of so-called civil society
organizations – 1) based in the small cities or villages and getting
less funds, 2) headquartered in Delhi and other big cities and bagging
huge funds, and 3) NGO federations called people's organizations.
Perhaps, the secretary, director and chief functionaries of these
organizations are never replaced against their will, though they talk
much about democracy. These civil society organizations also bring the
mass organizations, social movements and displacement movements into
their clutches and cash these in dollars, euros and pounds. Don't be
surprised if some organizations based in Delhi show you a beautiful
power point presentation about the Adivasi movements against
displacement in Jharkhand, Orissa or Chhatishgarh.

There are also the holy cows called 'funding agencies' (national and
international), who love to be called civil society organizations,
whose prime job is to collect the money, enjoy most of it and give the
rest to other organizations. Ironically, these organizations fund
those NGOs headed by non-Adivasis for the revival of Adivasi
tradition, culture and ethos, but at the same time they avoid joining
hands with Adivasi-headed organizations for the same purposes. The sad
part is, the Adivasis are still unqualified for the funding
organizations; therefore, a few Adivasis can be seen in the lowest
strata of these organizations, despite their professional qualities,
commitment and dedication. There are also some organizations who
advocate for the Adivasi Chief Minister for the state of Jharkhand,
but when it comes to the matter of their organizations, they cannot
bear to see an Adivasi in the driving seat. They also advocate for
promotion and protection of Adivasi languages, but their doors are
always closed for the non-English speaking, marginalized people.

These organizations tirelessly use the connotation 'empowering the
marginalized', 'voice to the voiceless' and 'women empowerment,' but
when it comes to the question of leadership, they just escape in one
way or the other. Why did the civil society organizations fail in
bringing up the Adivasi leadership was the most important question
repeatedly asked in the National Consultation on Adivasis of India
organized by the National Centre for Advocacy Studies (NCAS) in Delhi
on December 15-16, 2009. A noted Gandhian and founder of the Ekta
Parishad, P.V. Rajgopal, accepts in denial mode that the civil society
organizations have failed in bringing up the Adivasi leadership but he
also advocates for a united fight by saying, "The issue like
displacement is not just limited to the Adivasis but it is also
hitting the farmers, vendors and fishermen." But does it mean that the
question of Adivasis get less priority?

Ironically, the non-Adivasi leaders of the civil society organizations
not only respond diplomatically but also justify their leadership of
the Adivasis. While responding to the questions of Adivasis
leadership, a prominent social activist from Jharkhand, Sanjay Bosu
Mullick, says, "Since the Adivasis do not know about the exploitative
system and structure of our (non-adivasis) society, therefore we are
fighting with our people on behalf of them." One can only appreciate
this diplomatic response and thank the God who has given wits, wisdom
and knowledge only to the non-Adivasis for not only understanding
their society but also the Adivasis, and shame on those Adivasis (like
me) who do not even possess the wisdom to understand their own
society.

The reality is that the Adivasis are racially discriminated, exploited
economically and denied their rights in the civil society
organizations. Similarly, the Dalits are treated like untouchables,
uneducated and inhuman, and the women of D-section are not only
exploited socially, economically and mentally but they are also
exploited sexually by the Big-bosses of the civil society
organizations. The irony is, our participation is for them is to
listen to our sorrows patiently through their tongues in a conference
hall, give our consent to their words and always make sure that they
are our messiahs. How would you explain it when your wisdom,
commitment, dedication, capacity and efficiency do not matter for them
but your race, caste, class, colour and relationship possesses
multiple values for them instead?

When the Adivasis enter into these organizations, especially in the
funding ones, their years of work experience are counted as one or two
years (so that they can be kept in the lowest strata), they are
compared with their counterpart (always a non-adivasi is used as a
parameter for them) for further promotion and their ten achievements
are not enough to beat the couple of achievements of a non-Adivasi.
When one raises these issues in the organizations, they would
manipulate, manufacture consent with their colleagues and dilute the
whole debate to ensure that the Adivasis lose the game. Finally, if
the Adivasis leave these organizations, they would frame them as
opportunists, non-committed to the Adivasi cause and counted as one
more enemy of the Adivasis.

One can question that why are the marginalized people of these
organizations keeping quiet in these circumstances? The instant answer
is, a wage labourer bears all kinds of discrimination, exploitation
and torture only because he/she knows that the day a question is
raised, he/she would be thrown out of the job. Similar theory is
applied to the marginalized people, who are ensuring their daily bread
from these civil society organizations. How can one dare to question
the big-boss, when he/she is just struggling for survival? Can you
imagine how the marginalized people are being exploited, denied and
discriminated against in those organizations, who tirelessly talk
about participation, empowerment, rights, equality and justice?

The fact of the matter is the perception, attitude and behaviour of
the elite heads of civil society organizations towards Adivasis,
Dalits and women of D-section are no different from the common people
of the so-called civilized society. They talk much about
participation, empowerment, rights, equality and justice merely to
ensure themselves a luxurious life, bag awards and become a role model
in the name of Adivasis, Dalits and Women of D-section; therefore,
they also play the game of words just like the politicians do. Can
anyone remind me about how many Adivasis, Dalits and women of
D-section were awarded (megasese) for their extraordinary work and
became a role model for all Indians?

Interestingly, the vision of these organizations is more or less the
same – formation of an equitable and just society, but the pertinent
question is how the utopian vision can be achieved through
discriminatory, inequitable and unjust practices? In fact, the elite
heads of the civil society organizations should stop their uncivilized
practices, which they are carrying out for decades. It is the right
time to let the marginalized people play their own game, become
umpires and take over as the match referee. And the elites should only
become the fourth umpires rather than playing match for the
marginalized people. Then only their talks about the empowerment,
equality and justice can be fulfilled.

Before civil society organizations organize the next consultation,
convention or conference on Adivasi, Dalit or Women's Rights, all
marginalized people should stand up and say strongly that enough is
enough, let the Adivasis, Dalits and women of D-section speak for
themselves. The time has come to tell them (non-Adivasis heads) that
we are grateful to you for advocating on behalf of us for the last six
decades, but no more manipulation please. We are tired of hearing
about our grievances through your holy tongues; therefore, we want the
world to listen to our grievances through our mouths. We want to speak
for ourselves and we are capable enough to save our culture. But the
question that may remain unanswered is, will you, the Messiahs of the
Adivasis, Dalits and women listen us?

Gladson Dungdung is a Human Rights Activist and Writer from the
Adivasi (Indigenous) Community of Jharkhand. He can be reached at
gladsonhractivist@gmail.com


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[ZESTCaste] Mishra panel rebukes govt for not deleting well-off castes from OBC list

http://www.centralchronicle.com/viewnews.asp?articleID=22216

Mishra panel rebukes govt for not deleting well-off castes from OBC list

Saturday, December 19, 2009
Agencies
New Delhi, Dec 19:

In what may raise eyebrows of OBC satraps, the Rangnath Mishra
Commission report has slammed the government's timidity to purge the
OBC list of castes which have ceased to be "backward", a decennial
exercise enshrined in the National Commission for Backward Classes
Act.
The failure to exclude castes from the OBC list has led to a sharp
increase in number of OBCs — provocation for Mishra panel to slam
"political considerations" and "vested interests in remaining
backward" for distortion of the system.
The purging of OBC list is a sensitive issue which saw the government
plump for status quo when Mandal Commission completed 10 years in 2003
and the first exclusion exercise was to be taken up. Citing inclusion
of Jats and Vokkaligas in OBC list as examples of "political
compulsions", the report said "non-exclusion of ineligible" castes has
hurt genuine backward groups.
If the report's comments threaten to touch a faultline in backward
politics, its recommendation for 8% subquota for minorities within 27%
OBC quota is a testing proposition too. The panel has suggested the
measure for increasing representation of minorities in government
jobs.
While minorities form part of the OBC list, it is argued that they are
unable to compete with `general' OBCs, who are better equipped
educationally to take advantage of quota. Of the 8% subquota, 6% is to
be earmarked for Muslims in keeping with their share in minority
population.
An 8% subquota would shrink the playground for `general OBCs' to 19%,
which may not be liked by existing beneficiaries. However, a strong
reason why the subquota may still be accepted by OBC champions of
"secular" hue is the fear that their opposition may send a wrong
message among minorities.
Minority affairs minister Salman Khursheed said he was working on the
quota-within-quota proposal as is followed in Kerala, Karnataka and
Andhra Pradesh.
The move, however, is set to come under attack from BJP which has
decided tomobilise opinion against Mishra panel, especially its
recommendation that SC status be extended to dalit converts among
minorities like Christians and Muslims. The recommendation, to be
achieved through a constitutional amendment, is opposed by the RSS-BJP
combine which feels that extending dalit status to religious converts
would encourage conversions. The National Commission for SCs has also
opposed the move.
The intricate issue is likely to test the Centre which feels the
demand from strong sections of Muslims and Christians is politically
sensitive. The Mishrareport was tabled in Parliament.
The commission recommended that owing to their poor socio-economic
condition. minorities be given 15% quota in central and state jobs.
However, it added that in case of difficulty in implementing the
suggestion, the government should move for quota-within-OBC quota
route.


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[ZESTCaste] Rewriting history

http://www.financialexpress.com/news/Rewriting-history/556518/

Rewriting history
Harish S Wankhede
Posted online: Dec 20, 2009 at 1957 hrs

The contemporary political period is a terrain of democratic
contestation as history is reviewed by multiple claims, intentions and
ideological persuasions. Socio-historical narratives are seen as a
necessary capital which is utilised by the intellectual junta to
develop a concrete consciousness about the past in order to claim
their legitimate space in the present. The Dalit-Bahujans are the new
entrants in this knowledge system with a poised motive to debrahmanise
history in a radical way by applying epistemological tools derived
from their social experiential past. Kancha Ilaiah, one of the
important contributors within this discourse, in his recent work,
locates the difference between the dominant brahmanical values and the
emerging consciousness among the Dalit-Bahujans on the basis of
certain ethical concerns. His latest work, Post-Hindu India is a
journey to explore the nature of social communities in Andhra Pradesh,
which periodically provides a generalised picture of India's
contesting social realities.

The core premise of his argument is based on the formation of a
communitarian robust selfhood of the depressed castes in comparison
with the obsessive individualism of the Brahmanic self. He uses rich
empirical evidences to argue that some tribals have devoted their
lives to enhance human capabilities in several ways. They adhere to
scientific temperament and their social milieu is highly egalitarian
with little offshoots of patriarchal domination. These passionate
judgments prove the parasitic nature of Brahmin castes in particular
and upper castes in general. He argues that the exclusivity of
brahmanic nature has created caste as the divisive force and
consciously condemned the productive labour forces as impure, degraded
and inhumane beings to perpetuate their control over the society. The
usage of new metaphors such as spiritual fascists to demonstrate the
social psyche of Brahminism is innovative.

The Dalit-Bahujan perspective judges the popular interpretations of
India's past as another attempt to camouflage the realities of social
relationships. The author argues that the projected Hindu spiritual
universe is crudely fascistic and crafted under the leadership of
brahmanical elite to avoid dialogue over religious superstitions,
patriarchy, and caste exploitation. He tries to build a collective
Dalit-Bahujan perspective on Indian culture which attacks the
operative dominant elements within society and engages in the
discourse of reinventing alternative non-Hindu perspectives of culture
and tradition. He assumes that it helped them (especially the OBCs) in
strengthening their autonomous identity, acquiring self confidence and
in carving out a new growth path. It also presents a possible roadmap
on what would be the driving force to constitute a future Indian
society in a democratic and egalitarian fashion. In this process the
author lays the foundation for a transformation of the caste-cultural
consciousness among the Dalit-Bahujans, with the aim to wage a final
revolutionary battle to annihilate the dominant social psychology of
brahmanical system.

The book is a passionate attempt to quench the thirst of the activists
who hope for a social revolution. It is a commendable work that
utilises wide anthropological resources to bring forth a variety of
productive tools, customs and food habits of the Dalit Bahujan
communities. Excluding some factual errors eg Manipur is a Christian
majority state (page xx) and South Korea is a socialist country (page
xvii) and using degraded terms like chandala to notify Dalits (page
237) the book sincerely problematises the notion of Hinduism in a
provocative way. It has the capacity to generate a debate over this
very notion.

The writer teaches at Delhi University


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