Saturday, November 28, 2009

[ZESTCaste] Appeal for Volunteers on 5th & 6th at Chaitya Bhoomi

 

Dear All,

Jai Bhim!

Every year from last five years `The Bahujans Club' organizes a `Cleanliness Awareness Program'. More than 450 Volunteers took part
last year in this project which included men, women,
children, students, Officers, Doctors, Engineers etc.
and was very successful. This is one of the way to pay
respect to Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar to keep Chaitya
Bhoomi area Clean and maintain good hygienic conditions.

This year also many volunteers are going to take part
in it for two days ie on 5th and 6th Dec. Volunteers
form Mumbai Friend Circle, Dr. Ambedkar centre for Social
Justice and other organizations which includes
volunteers from many vihars, Colleges, Sansthas etc.
are taking part this time also.

Any interested persons who want to pay
their respect to Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar can register
themselves for the same at `The Bahujans Club'. You
can register by providing two copies of your
photograph at the office or mail us and/or directly
register at the `The Bahujans Club's Stall which is
expected to be next to the BAMCEF Stall at Shivaji
Park. As you enter from Meenatai Thakare statue at
Shivaji park then you turn to left, our stall will be
situated there.

Please forward this so that many
interested persons who can take part in it.
Also all our friends from the forums gather every year
at `The Bahujans Club Stall on 6th Evening and
discuss.

This year the project is being organised in association with the Vishwa Leader Publication
Both the Stall will be side by side. Many people from all over Maharashtra are expected along with people from film industry and also many senior citizens along with many Graduates and many top Govt. Officials, Business people and also people from all over India and abroad are going to visit both the stall and taking part. You all are wellcome also........

Hope to see you all at the stall.

For more details contact:
Sandeep Waghmare :9870006543
Mrs Surekha Ramteke 022 20600000
Shirish Ramteke 9987034782
Ankush Wakchoure 9324821248
or contact at :

Vishwa Leader Publication
Unit No.1, Malwa, Patanwala Ind. Estate,
L. B. S. Marg, Ghatkopar West, Mumbai 400086.
Tel.: 91 22 25006697
Tel./Fax : 91 22 25006696
email : vishwa.leader@gmail.com or
thebahujansclub@rediffmail.com

Regards,
Shirish Ramteke
For `The Bahujans Club'.

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[ZESTCaste] Humble Request to His Excellency President Obama to Clebrate Buddha Jayanth at White House on 27 May 2010

 



VR1

(WE  ARE  ONE )

+VE  NEWS
NOW IS ALL THAT YOU HAVE

MAY YOU BE EVER HAPPY, WELL AND SECURE!

MAY YOU LIVE LONG!

MAY ALL BEINGS BE EVRER HAPPY, WELL AND SECURE!

MAY YOU ALWAYS HAVE CALM, QUIET, ALERT, ATTENTIVE AND

EQUANIMINTY MIND!

WITH A CLEAR UNDESRSATNDING THAT

NOTHING IS PERMANENT!

 

MERITS
makes us HAPPY

MORALITY
makes us HAPPIER

MEDITATION makes us HAPPIEST
Request to His Excellency President Obama to Clebrate Buddha Jayanth at White House on 27 May 2010Desappriya
jayasuriya

0n Subject: Buddha

mentioned
Remarks by President Barack Obama at Suntory Hall"……. It is wonderful to be
back in Japan. 
Some of you may be aware that when I was a young boy, my mother brought me to Kamakura, where I looked
up at that centuries-old symbol of peace and tranquility -- the great bronze
Amida Buddha……" Now Barack Obama is been described as one of the greatest
leaders. The Leader as Visionary. Like the captain of a ship, he has a definite
goal to chart his course and steer his ship in the right direction. He has one
goal - to find the cause of suffering and a way out of suffering. Despite much
hardship and setback, he never veered from his course but persevered till he
gained awaken-ness after he got elected as President of US.

Guided by this
vision, his mission is an all-embracing one. It is a mission founded on
compassion and love for all beings, regardless of race, creed or status quo.

The Leader as
Role Model

He has an
exemplary figure, someone we can respect and emulate. He is extraordinary,
virtuous and righteous in every thought, word and deed. He says as he does and
does as he says. Such integrity and consistency won him the trust of his
followers. He is aware of the ten principles which a ruler ought to be possessed:

1.                 
Alms
giving

2.                 
Morality

3.                 
Unselfishness

4.                 
Integrity

5.                 
Gentleness

6.                 
Self-restraint

7.                 
Non-anger

8.                 
Non-violence

9.                 
Patience

10.             
Agreeability

 

The
Leader as Mediator

As
a leader,

He
demonstrated both skills in mediation and impartiality in judgment, showed his
ability to resolve problems and arguments.

Hence
Jagatheesan Chandrasekharan suggested "…..Let all of us
request His Excellency the president-barack-obama to celebrate next (27-May 2010)Buddha Jayanthi at White House to
spread the message of non-violence and peace by chanting relevant gathas by
Maha theras for the happiness and welfare of all….."

 

 

MAHINDA welcomed
the same by saying "…..DEAR FRIENDS ...ABSOLUTELY WONDERFUL!!!

                        
WHAT MARVELOUS IDEA. WE SHOULD ASK THE ENTIRE BUDDHIST WORLD TO RESPECTFULLY
REQUEST FROM PRESIDENT BARAK OBAMA TO COMPLY WITH OUR HUMBLE IDEA AND
HONOR IT.

                     
The main reason being    THAT THERE WERE NOT SINGLE  A DROP OF
BLOOD WAS SHED IN THE NAME OF THE BUDDHISM 

                     
        BUDDHA PREACHED ABSOLUTE NONVIOLENCE ,THE
UNBOUND LOVE AND COMPASSION TOWARD EVERY LIVING CREATURE.

                     
  

    MOST LIKELY THE PRESIDENT MAY NOT BE FULLY AWARE OF

 THE DETAILS OF THIS PARTICULAR ASPECT OF BUDDHISM.

                     
    

                     
  FURTHER MORE THE BUDDHA TOLERATED ALL BELIEF SYSTEMS AND NEVER
CONDEMNED OR PUT DOWN OTHERS' FOR THE PURPOSE OF PROPAGATION OR
PROSYLITIZATION /FOR HIS OWN. HE WAS THE MOST TOLERANT TEACHER OF DARMA
WHICH ADVOCATES THE TOTAL OPENNESS LIKE MAMMOTH TENT WITHOUT DOORS AND
WINDOWS  WHERE EVERY ONE IS WELCOME   AND NO ONE IS ASKED OR
REQUIRED TO GIVE UP THEIR BELIEF.

                          
HE INVITED THE FOLLOWERS TO CAREFULLY INVESTIGATE HIS TEACHING, LIKE GOLD
DIGGER TRYING FINDING THE PURE GOLD, BEFORE MAKING ANY HASTY DECISION TO BECOME
A BUDDHIST.

            SO LET US
SEND OUR REQUEST THE WHITE HOUSE AS A UNOFORM VOICE.  LET US
ALSO REQUEST HIS HOLINESS DALAI LAMA TO JOIN US  ...  "

Therefore I
request you to kindly take steps from your end to request His Excellency President Barack Obama to celebrate Buddha's Birthday
on 27th May 2010 at white house.

--- On Sat, 28/11/09, Desappriya jayasuriya <ceylontjaya@yahoo.com> wrote:

From: Desappriya jayasuriya <ceylontjaya@yahoo.com>
Subject: American War against Buddhist Vietnam People
To: "Sumal -UHO" <ruhunuvoice@yahoo.co.uk>, "Jagatheesan Chandrasekharan" <bspnow@yahoo.co.in>, "DESMOND CHIONG" <desmondchiong1976@yahoo.com>, "Dr. K. Jamanadas" <kjmndas@gmail.com>, "Ayeshi Jayakody" <suchinikhan@yahoo.com>, "W JAYASURIYA" <wilfredjayasuriya@yahoo.com>, "Jaisridhar. S" <jaisridhars@yahoo.co.in>, "TISSA WELLAPILI" <chandrawellappili@hotmail.com>, mspencer@web.net, shyamtagade@yahoo.co.in, "net" <bdea@buddhanet.net>, "TC" <SURENS_RESIDENCY@HOTMAIL.COM>, "d.C." <MDSIRI1@yahoo.com>, "mallika" <arangamallika@gmail.com>
Cc: "bo khinmaung" <bokhinmaung@yahoo.co.uk>, "C Lokuliyanage" <pol_sambola2004@yahoo.co.uk>, "lake house" <sachitra@gmail.com>, "Hanh Tri` Thich Nu" <thichnuhanhtribodhgaya@yahoo.com>, "Hung Pham" <hoituthienphohien@yahoo.com>, "dalit" <buddhistcircle@yahoogroups.com>, "afgan" <aryabuddha@yahoogroups.com>, "Sinhapura" <bfellow@singnet.com.sg>, "sandeep" <sandeepkom@yahoo.com>, "kerala" <pardeepattri@yahoo.co.in>, juana.c.rios@gmail.com, "kandy" <rmn.dhamsara@gmail.com>, "BUDUSARANA" <BUDUSARANA@LAKEHOUSE.LK>, "DK" <KALANI@SOL.DK>, "DES" <CHARLESSARVAN@YAHOO.COM>, "abeysekara" <anura47@hotmail.com>, "germany" <Edward.Perera@gmx.de>, "premasiri" <sardhaps@yahoo.com>, "Ashin" <slinmaung@gmail.com>, "perera" <gaston@eureka.lk>, "IL" <mahinda5@yahoo.com>, "burma" <bhantent@gmail.com>, "hls" <hls@virginia.edu>, "janaka" <sriyanjanaka@gmail.com>
Date: Saturday, 28 November, 2009, 8:12 PM

My Lai: "Smoke coming from the muzzle"Phil Coomes |  10:17 UK time, Thursday, 26 November 2009A little over 40 years ago Ronald Haeberle walked into the offices of the Plain Dealer newspaper in Cleveland, Ohio, clutching a set of pictures that were to change history. He held in his hands photographs of people's bodies lying in the dirt of Vietnam who had been killed by US soldiers.On the 16 March 1968 more than 500 men, women, children and babies were murdered in the village of My Lai and surrounding areas, but it was not until 1969 that news of this came to light following an investigation by the journalist Seymour Hersh. The inquiry that followed resulted in the court martial in 1970-71 of Lieutenant William Calley - a member of Charlie Company who was tried and convicted of murdering 22 "Oriental human beings" in My Lai on that morning in 1968.Behind closed doors an internal army investigation in to the massacre revealed the true extent of the
operation that involved two companies:
Bravo and Charlie. Both received orders from their commanding officers, permitting them "to kill everything and anything".Until now it has always been accepted that US Army photographer Haeberle did not photograph any of the actual shooting, he focused his lenses on the dead and those about to die.Haeberle carried two cameras with him that day, one was an army camera and with it he was charged with photographing the mission to obtain pictures that would be used in the US press to say to the public "here's what we accomplished"; the other was his
personal camera.It was this one that contained a roll of colour-slide film which he used to record the day. He processed the film himself on his return to the US a couple of weeks after the events in My Lai. The film included pictures that, as he puts it, show "smoke coming from the muzzle".In a recent interview with the Plain Dealer, Haeberle now admits that he did indeed take pictures of some of those doing the killing but later destroyed them. He said: "There are some photographs that after I arrived home [in the US] I realised that there is
no way I can release photographs showing who the actual persons are doing what. I figured I'm not going to point my finger at any one soldier. I'm there. I'm part of it. I'm as guilty as anybody else, not for shooting a person, but for not reporting it... it's like one big cover up. There are photographs I could have pinpointed who did what."You can hear and see the full interview on the Plain Dealer website. But what does it say about the role of the photographer. Some commentators have pointed out that during the inquiry into the event and even with the pictures of the massacre that survived, many Americans did not believe US soldiers could commit such acts.Would Haeberle's pictures of the actual killing have changed that, or would they even have been printed? I doubt it, but as David Quigg said on the BBC World Service they would have helped create the context for the pictures we have seen. Quigg goes
on to mention that today we'd press the delete button, and indeed he calls it the "cover-up button". I think that's possibly a little too simplistic. To follow that through for example you could argue that by simply not taking a picture we are effectively pressing the delete button. A photograph is but a representation of something and the decision to point the camera one way or another will change perceptions of the event depicted. It's also a flat representation and as well as revealing truths some would rather hide, it can also create untruths just as easily.Haeberle's pictures are without doubt some of the most powerful from the conflict in Vietnam, a conflict that photographically speaking was arguably the high point of photo-journalism. His pictures changed public opinion and there are not many that can make such a claim.You can read about the events in My Lai in a BBC report marking the 30th anniversary in 1998 and details of the recordings
from the army investigation can be read
here.

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[ZESTCaste] Marichjhapi and the Revenge of Bengali Bhadralok: The story of a Dalit Genocide that remains untold

 

From  http://blog.insightyv.com/


Marichjhapi and the Revenge of Bengali Bhadralok

The story of a Dalit Genocide that remains untold

By Nilesh Kumar, Ajay Hela, Anoop Kumar

[Nilesh and Ajay are pursuing their Masters in Social work, TISS, Mumbai]

Exactly 30 years ago, Dalits, in West Bengal, came to realize the true nature of Indian state that is being dominated, in every sense, by a tiny section of population but at a great personal cost.  It was in 1979, when thousands of Dalits, refugees from East Bengal (now Bangladesh) lost their lives at Marichjhapi, in Sunderbans, for their dream of resettling in the region which they considered part of their motherland.

Marichjhapi is just once incident in the tragic tale of one of the most powerful Dalit Community-Namashudras of Bengal - who first became the victim of Hindu-Muslim communalism during the partition and later became the victims of their castes in independent India.

Moreover, the complete silence of Bengal's civil society for almost 30 years and the fact that Dalits were killed by Communist government of West Bengal that came in the power in the name of poor and dispossessed, raises some serious questions about representation of Dalits in every sphere, the constitution of civil society and hegemony of few privileged castes over the political power in Independent  India.

Apart from these, the Namashudra problem also poses a big question for the Dalits (and Dalit movement) living in other parts of the country about whether they are willing to fight for the rights of their fellow community people who, unfortunately, paid the ultimate price for sending Babasaheb Ambedkar to the Constituent Assembly. 

Before Marichjhapi

In 1946, Constituent Assembly was constituted with the mandate to frame Indian constitution and to function as provisional parliament for independent India. Its members were elected by state assemblies and represented almost all major communities of the country. However, the Congress government in Bombay province, headed by B.G. Kher and under instructions from Sardar Patel, ensured that Babasaheb Ambedkar was not elected.

At this crucial juncture, a very prominent leader Jogendra Nath Mandal ensured his election from the Bengal province. Thus Babasaheb could enter into the constituent assembly and, later, become prime architect of Indian Constitution that guaranteed many rights for the Dalits including representation in education and government jobs.

Who was Jogendra Nath Mandal? How could Babasaheb enter into Constituent Assembly from Bengal being ambushed by Congress in Bombay province and declared persona non grata due to his exposure of Gandhi and Congress as upholder of 'upper' caste Hindu domination?

He could enter at the strength of the then untouchable community called Namashudras and Jogendra Nath Mandal was one of the prominent Namashudra leaders of Bengal.

Namashudras were largely an agrarian community well-known for its hardworking nature, agricultural and artisan skills. It was one of the biggest communities of Bengal, with majority of its population based in east part of undivided Bengal (now Bangladesh) with a long tradition of resisting caste-hindu domination and fighting against untouchability practices and other ignominies thrust on them by the caste system.

The Namashudra movement had been one of the most politically mobilized untouchable's movements in colonial India that, even before Dr Ambedkar, had rejected Congress leadership for upholding the interests of landowning 'upper' castes under the ruse of Indian nationalism. The complete monopoly of rich Bengali Bhadraloks (a land owning class of people belonging to three Hindu 'upper' castes – brahmins, kayasthas and vaidyas) on congress leadership validated their severe indictment of the policies of the Congress.

Even prior to congress, the Namashudras were the only voice of resistance to much touted Bengal 'renaissance' that, in all practical terms, were efforts of 'upper' caste hindus to consolidate themselves and aggressively bargain with British colonial government to restrict the benefits of British built institutions like that of education, judiciary, bureaucracy and local governance for themselves.

The success of the Namashudra Movement could be easily measured by the autonomous political space which they were able to chalk out for themselves in Bengal politics and in alliance with Muslims had kept the Bengal Congress Party in opposition from the 1920s. At the strength of this political space only they could get Babasaheb elected to the Constituent Assembly.

This exclusion of 'upper' caste Hindus from power in Bengal led Hindu elite and eventually the Congress Party pressing for partition of the province at independence, so that at least the western half would return to their control. So successful they have been in their design that West Bengal is probably the only state in the country where 'upper' caste hegemony went completely unchallenged in independent India till today.

It is clearly manifested in every sphere of life there and one hardly comes across any murmur of Dalit assertion ever.

One of the best indicators of 'upper' caste Hindu domination over West Bengal would be the number of Cabinet positions enjoyed by them in the successive state governments - the tiny tri-caste Bengali elite (consisting of brahmins, kayasthas and vaidyas) increased its Cabinet composition from 78 percent under the Congress regime (1952-62) to 90 percent under the Communist regime indicating their complete domination over West Bengal.

How this was achieved? What happened to the once powerful Namashudra community that resisted the 'upper' caste hegemony in pre-independent India?

The Plight of Namashudras in post Independent India

Marichjhapi is one of the small islands lying within the Sundarbans area of West Bengal. It was here, in 1979, that thousands of Dalits were killed by the communist led West Bengal government. Hundreds were killed directly in police firings but many more died of starvation, lack of drinking water and diseases due to the economic blockade that was imposed on them by the state government and carried out by the police and communist cadres together.

Their settlements in Marichjhapi were completely bulldozed, destroyed and hundreds of women raped leaving behind only the dead bodies of the Dalits to be either dumped in the water bodies or to be eaten by the beasts of nearby jungles in one of the biggest genocide carried out by any state in independent India.

The people who survived were driven out of West Bengal to continue living with the tragic memories of their lost loved ones and perpetual longing for the soil that once constituted parts of their motherland.

What happened at Marichjhapi is just one incident in the long tragic history of this particular Bengali Dalit community that started with the partition of the country and is continued till today. They have been living in their own country as second grade citizens, being forcefully scattered throughout the country.

These helpless victims belonged to a Dalit community called Namashudras and were refugees from East Bengal (now Bangladesh) who were dispatched to different parts of the country by the state government citing the lack of space in West Bengal but took no time and least efforts to provide maximum possible relief and rehabilitation to the 'upper' caste refugees.

Apart from this, these refugees illegally occupied large areas in and around Kolkata and other major cities of Bengal and got it regularized but when it came to Dalit refugees, the then Congress Chief Minister B.C. Roy wrote to Prime Minister Nehru that 'we have no place for them, send them to other states'.

Then these Dalit refugees, despite their vociferous protests, were dispatched to inhospitable and far flung areas of states like Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Uttaranchal, Assam to live in completely alien environment. They were driven down to these places packed in government vehicles as cattle, under strict police supervision. Later many of their settlements in different states, like Mana camp in Orissa, were turned into concentration camps as government employed the services of Indian army to guard the camps for 12 long years, lest these people would escape to West Bengal.

Marichjhapi massacre of Dalit refugees by Left government in Bengal is just one incident. Even before Marichjhapi there were numerous incidents where many Namashudra refugees got killed by police while demanding for better provisions in the camps where they were being forcefully kept.

Apart from being persecuted by the state, the Namashudras, settled outside West Bengal, also suffered enormously from various other factors. They continuously faced hostility of local populace that strongly resented the presence of outsiders in their surroundings. Most of the camps were in the areas that were not fit for agriculture and being primarily an agrarian community, totally different type of climates and soil conditions made them handicap.

Also even the reservation provisions for which, as Dalits, they would have been eligible in West Bengal, were not recognized in the states in which they were settled, as their castes were not native to those states.  Despite all the difficulties, Namashudra refugees settled in different states kept their dream alive of returning back to the environment/culture/land that they belong to.

The Great Communist Betrayal

During this period, in late 1960s and till mid-70s, the Bengali communists led by CPI (M), which was in opposition then, took up the case of these refugees and demanded the government to settle them within their native Bengal rather than scatter them across India on the lands of other peoples.

The communist, again its leadership monopolized by 'upper' caste, started raising their voices in the support of Dalit refugees and promised to provide them rehabilitation in West Bengal. The sites they mentioned in West Bengal for resettlement were either the Sundarbans area of the Ganges delta or vacant land scattered in various places throughout the state. The party leaders went around various Dalit camps campaigning for their return to West Bengal, simultaneously promising full support after coming in power.

Particularly one, Mr. Ram Chatterjee, who later became minister in the CPI (M) led government, exhorted the Dalit refugees by thundering, "The 5 crore Bengalis by raising their 10 crore hands are welcoming you back."

In 1977, when the Left Front came to power, they found that the Dalit refugees had taken them at their words having disposed off whatever their meager belongings were and have marched towards West Bengal. In all, 1, 50,000 refugees arrived from Dandakaranya region of what is now Chhattisgarh expecting the communists to honour their words.

Instead the Left Front government started sending them back forcibly citing the lack of space in the state – the same reason that was cited earlier when the Dalits arrived from East Bengal during the partition. It was a rude shock for the refugees who were depending on the newly elected Left Front government. When they opposed this, Dalit refugees were brutally evicted from various railway stations, being fired upon by the West Bengal police and were denied food and water.

Still many refugees managed to escape and reached Marichjhapi, an island that lies in the northern part of the Sunderbans. Thousands of other Dalit refugees also marched to Marichjhapi on feet along the railway tracks, avoiding the police.

By the end of the year 1978, there were 30,000 Dalit refugees in the island of Marichjhapi who rapidly established it as one of the best-developed islands of the Sundarbans. Within a few months tube-wells had been dug, a viable fishing industry, saltpans, dispensaries and schools were established. In short, in just few months, the hard working Namashudras built a thriving local economy without any government support in the region that is considered the poorest in West Bengal.

Deeply humiliated by the successful resettlement of Namashudra refugees in Marichjhapi, the Left Front government started their propaganda against them by stating that the 'Marichjhapi is a part of the Sundarbans government reserve forest' and therefore Dalit refugees were 'violating the Forest Acts and thereby disturbing the existing and potential forest wealth and also creating ecological imbalance'.

This was a blatant lie as Marichjhapi did not fall under government reserve forest at all. The Bengali Bhadralok leadership of Left Front had to resort to such lies and take up environmental concerns as an excuse as the Marichjhapi exposed their earlier lie too regarding 'lack of space in West Bengal'.

The West Bengal government launched a full frontal assault on the Marichjhapi and the Dalit refugees. It started with the economic blockade. The police cordoned off the whole island, cutting every communication links with the outside world.

Thirty police launches encircled the island thereby depriving the settlers of food and water; they were also tear-gassed, their huts razed, their boats sunk, their fisheries and tube-wells destroyed, and those who tried to cross the river were shot at. Several hundred men, women and children were believed to have died during that time and their bodies thrown in the river.

And those who tried to defy this economic blockade by swimming across to other islands in search of food and water were brutally shot. On the January 31, 1979 the police opened fire killing 36 people who were trying to get food and water from a nearby island.

It was not that the media was not aware of the sufferings and police brutalities on hapless Namashudras. When the reports of Marichjhapi started appearing in the media, Jyoti Basu, then chief minister of Bengal, shamelessly, termed it as 'CIA conspiracy' against newly elected communist government of Bengal and exhorted media to support the government in 'national interest'.

Jyoti Basu justified the police actions by accusing Namashudra refugees of being agents of foreign forces and using Marichjhapi as arms-training centre. Moreover, Jyoti Basu declared the whole area to be out of bound for media and thus effectively silencing any dissenting voices or reporting of the killings of Dalit refugees.

It took more than five months and killings of thousands of Dalit refugees for the West Bengal government to effectively crush the Namashudra resistance in Marichjhapi. Totally devastated by the government brutalities the rest of the Namsahudras were packed off, as prisoner of war, back to Chattishgarh and Andaman.

After destroying all the huts, markets, schools and all other visible markers of Namashudra settlement, West Bengal government declared, in May 1979, Marichjhapi 'finally free from all refugees'.

Regarding the total lives lost during the West Bengal government's assault on Marichjhapi we will quote from one of the earliest writings on this incident by A. Biswas who wrote, in 1982, that '…out of the 14,388 families who deserted [for West Bengal), 10,260 families returned to their previous places . . . and the remaining 4,128 families perished in transit, died of starvation, exhaustion, and many were killed in Kashipur, Kumirmari, and Marichjhapi by police firings".  [A. Biswas, 1982, "Why Dandakaranya a Failure, Why Mass Exodus, Where Solution?" The Oppressed Indian 4(4):18-20.]

Memories in the black hole

Exactly thirty years have passed by of this fateful event that took place in Marichjhapi but not many from outside are aware of the communist government's genocidal acts against Dalits. There has been complete silence even from the Bengali civil society that claims to be very progressive and free from caste biases.

The Bengali scholars, Marxist or otherwise, rule the Indian academia and write, articulate on all the problems that plague this earth. But none of them broke their silence ever on the merciless killings and eviction of people who belonged to the same Bengali society but were Dalits. Marichjhapi was soon forgotten, except by the Dalits themselves.

The communists who keep on harping on fighting for the poor and dispossessed took no time in killing the same people soon after occupying the state power.

Perhaps this was the apt revenge from the Bengali Bhadralok, (that completely monopolizes the Bengali civil society, it's so called scholarly class, communist and congress leadership) against Namashudra community that once successfully challenged 'upper' caste hegemony in undivided Bengal. So successful is the revenge that the community now lives in complete oblivion and scattered across the country without anyone standing for their rights or speaking about what actually happened in Marichjhapi in 1979.

References:

While writing this article, we have drawn heavily from following two research articles among very few that are available on the tragic tale of one our Dalit communities. We are reproducing both the articles for the benefit of our readers so that we all become more aware of the tragedy and are able to fight for the justice. We are taking the liberty of posting the articles in all good faith despite the possibility of infringing copy rights.

1. Mallick, Ross, 'Refugee Resettlement in Forest Reserves: West Bengal Policy Reversal and the Marichjhapi Massacre', The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 58, No. 1. (Feb., 1999), pp. 104-125.

2. Jalais, Annu, 'Dwelling on Morichjhanpi: When Tigers Became 'Citizens', Refugees 'Tiger-Food', Economic and Political Weekly, April 23, 2005   

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