Wednesday, September 22, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Will Bodhisatva Dr Ambedkar's residence Rajgriha declare as National Manuments by Congress Govt.

 

Will Bodhisatva Dr Ambedkar's residence Rajgriha declare as National
Manuments by Congress Govt.
Bodhisatva Dr B R Ambedkar,Father of Indian Constitution died on
December 6, 1956 at 26, Alipur Road, New Delhi and due to making the
big pressure by Ambedkarite people, the concerened government has declared
the 26, Alipur Road, New Delhi as a National Manuments. But The Congress
Government has not given the status to Ambedkar's manuments as like the
RajGhat, the funeral place of Mh. Gandhi. Hence such types of demand
should be needed.
Recently The Chief of Bharatiya Bahujan Panther of Nanded Mr.Pankaj
Shivbhagat met an eminent person Dr Milind Jiwane, Chairperson of World
Buddhist Conference 2006 at Dr Jiwane's Nagpur Office for making strong
agitation for the demand of Rajgriha, as a National Manuments. Dr Jiwane
has given full co-operation and every support to Mr Shivbhagat for its
suceess.
During the discussion between Dr Milind Jiwane and Mr. Shivbhagat,
Dr Jiwane said that, Dr Ambedkar's Mahaparinirvan day is December 6,1956
and from January 26, 1950 India becomes the real Republic state, due to the efforts of Dr Ambedkar. Now it passed the period of 61 years. But sill
Congress Government failed to take the decission to declare and
implementation of Rajgriha, the residence of Bodhisatva Dr Ambedkar as a
National Manuments.
The Congress Government has failed to provide the Housing Boards
Flats to the rental persons of Rajgriha and the Bunglow to Adv. Prakash
Ambedkar, National President of Republican Party (!). Why Congress Government has not taken the decission of Rajgriha yet, we have to think
about it. The Congress is very well known about our leaders' policy. Will
Ambedkarite People will come on one dias to show our power to them.......
Expecting your comments.....
Naresh Dongre
PA to Dr Milind Jiwane

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[ZESTCaste] India to crack down on discrimination in private sector?

 

http://marketplace.publicradio.org/display/web/2010/09/21/pm-india-to-crack-down-on-discrimination-in-private-sector/

India to crack down on discrimination in private sector?

India's government is attempting to reduce caste discrimination in
the country by setting employment quotas for some of India's lowest
caste members. It made a move into the private industry by asking
India's largest companies to disclose which castes their employees are
from.

TEXT OF STORY
Kai Ryssdal: In the Indian economy, what a person can do, what they
can become, is not entirely in their own hands. The caste system there
still plays a huge part in where you can go to school, who you can
marry and what job you're likely to get. The Indian government's
latest try at elevating Dalits -- or those from lower castes -- isn't
going over so well with private companies.

Raymond Thibodeaux reports new from New Delhi.

----------------------------------------------------------

Raymond Thibodeaux: India has long set aside a quarter of government
jobs for the country's most oppressed castes. Now the government is
mulling quotas for the private sector. It asked India's biggest 1,000
companies to disclose the caste of their employees. Fewer than 60
companies complied with the request.

Chandrabhan Prasad is an activist and author from the Dalit community
-- India's largest, most-oppressed caste.

Chandrabhan Prasad: Those companies that are not prepared to disclose,
that means they don't have as many lower-caste Dalits in their
companies. If they did have more, what would they have to fear?

Prasad says it's too bad the government has been forced to get
involved in this issue.

Prasad: The private sector should have come into the picture and said,
"Now we are reforming the economy. We have a liberal economic setup.
We should have a liberal social setup as well."

Prasad says even many big American companies operating in India have
been slow to hire from among the lower castes. He says it's because
many U.S. companies outsourcing to India are unaware of the caste
system's complicated legacy of discrimination.

Narendra Jadhav: The caste system has survived for 2,000 years. It is
a brilliantly conceived and brilliantly administered scam. It was all
done to maintain the hegemony of a very small strata of society.

That's Narendra Jadhav, a Dalit and a senior member of the
government's Planning Commission for Economic Development. He says
there's been some progress in moving India's lower castes into
better-paying jobs -- certainly, in the public sector, and to some
extent in the private. But he says this isn't because of any concerted
effort on the part of the bosses. The disadvantaged castes are making
their own opportunities.

Jadhav: But India is moving to becoming an economic superpower. They
have opportunities to educate. They have opportunities to make
something out of their lives. This process has begun. It is still a
long way to go.

Jadhav predicts there's always be caste distinctions in India, but he
agrees with many business leaders who say that in the new, more
urbanized India, discrimination based solely on caste is declining,
but perhaps too slowly. Some big Indian corporations such as Tata and
Infosys are starting to take notice. They have taken the lead in
affirmative action-hiring and training programs.

Jamshed Irani: Tata in particular believes that these discriminations
should be erased.

Jamshed Irani is director of Tata Sons.

Irani: The Tata Group is leading this movement, as it believes that it
is the right thing to do for Indian industry.

Irani says private industry would be better off voluntarily hiring
lower-caste employees. Analysts say if it doesn't take affirmative
action more seriously, India's government is likely to force it to.

In New Delhi, I'm Raymond Thibodeaux for Marketplace.

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[ZESTCaste] Samajwadis ready to dent BSP’s brahmin base

http://www.asianage.com/india/samajwadis-ready-dent-bsp%E2%80%99s-brahmin-base-037

Samajwadis ready to dent BSP's brahmin base
Sep 22nd, 2010 - Amita Verma | Lucknow

The Samajwadi Party is now planning to hit the Bahujan Samaj Party
where it hurts the most, the party is ready to target the brahmin
votebank that had catapulted the BSP to power in 2007.
The Samajwadi Party has now promised brahmins "greater representation"
in the ticket distribution for the next Assembly elections and
"greater respect" within the party set up.

"Are you aware that in the Mayawati regime, more than 1,600 brahmins
have been booked in false cases for alleged atrocities on dalits?
Among the upper castes, brahmins have been at the receiving end in
maximum cases and this, when the BSP claims to be a pro-brahmin
force," said senior SP leader Shivpal Singh Yadav.
The SP leader went on to say that brahmin leaders and ministers in the
BSP were subjected to humiliation on a regular basis and were targeted
if they even dared to complain about this. He added that brahmins had
the power to sway public opinion and were known to be highly
intellectual.
"We are confident that brahmins will join the Samajwadi Party in
uprooting the BSP in the next elections," he said.
The Samajwadi Party has now asked the Samajwadi Brahmin Sabha, one of
its subsidiary organisations, to prepare a list of brahmins who had
been unfairly treated in every district.
"We are already compiling the list and will release it sometime next
month. The result will shock all those who think that the BSP is a
pro-brahmin party. Except for a handful of brahmin leaders and
officers, the Mayawati government has treated all brahmins with
disdain and we will expose the truth before the people," said national
president of the Samajwadi Brahmin Sabha, Vijay Tiwari.
The SP is also drawing up a list of brahmin leaders who are
disillusioned with the BSP and is keen to wean them away.
Mr Tiwari further points out that the Samajwadi Party has always held
brahmins in high esteem and that fact that leaders like Janeshwar
Misra, Rama Shankar Kaushik and Brij Bhushan Tiwari formed a part of
the party's decision making body, proves this.
This incidentally, is the first time that the Samajwadi Party is going
all out to woo brahmins.
The party, until now, had relied only on the Muslim-Yadav combination
to bring itself into power.
"We want to broad-base the party and bring in new vote banks in order
expand our reach," said a senior leader.


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[ZESTCaste] T-organisations attack TRS chief

http://www.deccanchronicle.com/karimnagar/t-organisations-attack-trs-chief-028

T-organisations attack TRS chief

September 22nd, 2010
DC Correspondent Share Buzz up!Karimnagar, Sept. 21: Telangana Rashtra
Samiti (TRS) and its president K. Chandrasekhar Rao have been under
attack ever since latter's comments on the right of Telangana-born
people to the jobs in the region in a television debate last week.

While Telangana advocates associations have already made strong
criticism of Mr Rao, other joint action committees like students and
people's organisations are turning heat on the party and its leader
who have become synonymous with the separate state movement in the
last one year.

Former TRS dissident Dileep Kumar, people's organisations' joint
action committee leader Bellaiah Naik, Dalit organisations' JAC leader
Visharadan and others are raising the pitch in their criticism of Mr
Chandrasekhar Rao.

This attack on the TRS and KCR is putting even the Telangana Joint
Action Committee (TJAC) in the district on a defensive as it is not
able to defend his "Telangana-borns have right" contention.

Sources said the surge in criticsm against Mr Chandrasekhar Rao is
less about his comments than political battle among the pro-Telangana
outfits. Since November 2009, when Mr Chandrasekhar Rao commenced his
fast, the chain of developments pushed him and his party into the
prime position in the region's political scene. Other pro-Telangana
organisations and TRS rivals have been complaining in the last few
months that Mr Chandrasekhar Rao has been using his new-found clout
only to strengthen his party organisation instead of taking forward
the movement further.

Political observers feel that elements and organisations within the
movement which are opposing the TRS are just making use of KCR's
comments to mount attack on the party to diminish its dominance on the
movement. Leaders of SC, ST and BC organisations are complaining that
TRS is seeking to marginalise them in the separate state movement and
cite the incidents of attack on Manda Krishna Madiga in Kakatiya
University meeting and the recent disruption of Mr Visharadan's speech
at Osmania University.


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[ZESTCaste] Caste, a double-edged sword (Opinion)

http://www.dnaindia.com/opinion/main-article_caste-a-double-edged-sword_1441320

Caste, a double-edged sword

Published: Wednesday, Sep 22, 2010, 0:35 IST
By Nilotpal Basu | Place: Mumbai | Agency: DNA

It is about capitalism and hierarchy


The government has now reached a final conclusion on the raging
controversy over the caste-based census in the country. In order to
reconcile with the contending positions, the government has decided to
conduct a separate stand-alone exercise of a parallel house-to-house
enumeration of the caste affiliations of households. It is not yet
clear as to whether the results and the data of the census proper and
this separate exercise will be integrated in the end.

Caste has managed to sustain itself because of the
nature of the underlying economic relations and processes. It grew as
part of our pre-feudal and feudal phase of history. Today, though,
feudal relations have given way to semi-feudal relations with a great
degree of penetration of capitalist market forces in our countryside.
Post-independent governments and the ruling elite have not only
refused to deal a death blow to caste, but have actually used it as a
major instrument of political, and more particularly, electoral
mobilisation.

The contemporary political process has become more complex. On the one
hand, hitherto socially oppressed sections like Dalits and OBCs have
come to question discrimination on the ground of social stratification
and, on the other, campaigned aggressively for a share in the
political process. However, what is absent from such an articulation
is the question of equality in the economic sphere of which the most
notable is the need for agrarian reforms and commensurate change in
the land relations.

On the other hand, major shifts in the overall economic paradigm of
international finance capital-driven globalisation have accentuated
economic inequality. It is obvious that this development in the
economic sphere has impacted socially-oppressed sections more
adversely. This has led to a stronger demand for social justice. The
consequent consolidation of the socially deprived sections and castes
has resulted in obscurantism and medievalism in the traditionally
advanced social groupings and castes.

Phenomena like honour killing have, thus, become part of the
contemporary social responses. It is unfortunate that this phenomenon
has come to threaten the very vitals of our society and polity. The
unity and reconciliation which was part of our freedom struggle and
which led to the modern vision of the composite and plural Indian
nationhood has been jettisoned. And, this vision did get
institutionalised and enshrined in our Constitution. Unfortunately,
the realisation of this ideal has remained an elusive goal. The
present neo-liberal developmental paradigm has actually accentuated
the gulf between precept and practice.

While it can be nobody's brief to deny the legitimate concern for
social justice, it is equally important to recognise the dual
character of caste. At one level, the aspirations of the oppressed
castes represents an extremely legitimate concern. Unless linked with
the process of achieving economic equality, such an approach can end
up reinforcing caste and its implied
hierarchy. Therefore, the battle for social justice cannot achieve
what it intends to unless it transcends the demand for reservation and
integrates with the larger question of achieving a holistic equality.
While the need for a social profile of our demography is important, it
cannot be done in a manner which would strengthen the retrograde
process of the use of caste for electoral mobilisation — particularly
those of the dominant castes.

Therefore, the need for differentiating the two processes — that of
the census and caste enumeration was a real democratic requirement.
Additionally, there was a technical complexity. The nature of OBCs
does not have pan-Indian homogeneity. So a separate exercise for
ascertaining this break-up would not have been effective but for a
differentiated exercise. Therefore, this decision of the government
seems to have addressed this concern.

Hopefully, this will bring down the curtain on the raging controversy.


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