Monday, March 22, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Movie Review: Love Sex Aur Dhokha

http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?264736

Love Sex Aur Dhokha

The film, a set of three stories that intertwine, is remarkable in the
way it experiments with the digicam to create a novel, audacious
narrative
Namrata Joshi


Starring: Anshuman Jha, Shruti, Raj Kumar Yadav, Neha Chauhan, Amit
Sial, Arya Devdutta, Herry Tangri
Directed by Dibakar

Initially, the jerky, odd camera movements of LSD can prove quite
unsettling for an audience used to sanitised, textbook frames. The
kitschy metafilm (inspired from pulp fiction) adds to the bizarreness.
But it doesn't take long to fine-tune your vision to the inventive
look, feel and idea of LSD.

The film, a set of three stories that intertwine a la Kieslowski's
Three Colours, is remarkable in the way it experiments with the
digicam to create a novel, audacious narrative. The camera becomes a
character as well as the carrier of the theme—changing dynamics of
love and sexuality in a voyeuristic, commercial, brutal world. It's
about the Buntys and Bablis going dirty.

The first story, Superhit Pyaar, shot like an amateurish home video,
is about Rahul, the Adi Chopra-obsessed student, making a romantic
film and falling for the heroine himself. It might seem like a
Bollywood spoof but a casual mention by Rahul of his Dalit roots
portends a tragedy that is unflinchingly disturbing, shot shockingly
in The Blair Witch Project mode.

The second story, Badnam Shohrat, plays with CCTV imagery. Adarsh
instals security cameras in a store, then thinks of making a quick
buck by stealthily shooting a sex clip with attendant Rashmi. The dark
and gawky (as against fair and lovely, mind you) girl may not be his
fantasy woman but things take a turn. The third story, Paap ki Dukaan,
uses the visuals out of a hidden camera, sting operation to tell the
tale of TV journo Prashant and model Naina trying to unearth a casting
couch racket.

There are cheeky moments that play on the quirky Delhi lingo and
culture, like a hilarious tour of a Noida mansion. The characters are
real and rooted, so are their relationships and dilemmas. There's a
superb ensemble performance by a rank new cast. The flashy singer Loki
Local and Shruti's ostentatious dad are stand-out sketches. Even the
editor of LSD, Namrata Rao, in the cameo of a rough and ready store
attendant, makes an impression. The music is irreverent, raunchy and
brazen, the film itself is provocative but not titillatory.


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[ZESTCaste] Alleged rape of dalit girl figures in Uttarakhand House

 

http://www.ptinews.com/news/576884_Alleged-rape-of-dalit-girl-figures-in-Uttarakhand-House

Alleged rape of dalit girl figures in Uttarakhand House

STAFF WRITER 19:27 HRS IST
Dehra Dun, Mar 22 (PTI) The alleged rape of a 9-year-old Dalit girl in
Haridwar figured in the Uttarakhand Assembly today with the Bahujan
Samaj Party staging a sit-in in the well accusing the state government
of trying to shield the accused.

As the House re-assembled after lunch, BSP members, led by its leader
Mohammed Shehzad, raised the issue and demanded a compensation of Rs
five lakh for the family of the girl who was allegedy raped on March
18.

Shehzad alleged the government was trying to shield the accused who,
he said, was an influential person.

Chanting slogans, the BSP members trooped into the well and staged a
sit-in as Speaker Harbans Kapoor asked them to resume their seats.

Amid the din, Parliamentary Affairs Minister Prakash Pant said an
inquiry had been ordered into the alleged rape.

He said a compensation of Rs 2.

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[ZESTCaste] Clash of castes in Maddur

http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=Clash+of+castes+in+Maddur&artid=sjbYQqSE3bU=&SectionID=7GUA38txp3s=&MainSectionID=fyV9T2jIa4A=&SectionName=zkvyRoWGpmWSxZV2TGM5XQ==&SEO=

Clash of castes in Maddur

K Shiva KumarFirst Published : 22 Mar 2010 06:35:44 AM ISTLast Updated
: 22 Mar 2010 12:30:27 PM IST

MANDYA: History was made in S I Honnalagere of Maddur taluk in Mandya
district when around 100 Dalit families forced entry into the temple
of the local deity Bevenamma to offer special prayers on Sunday.


Dalits have, for generations, stood outside the temple to pray. They
even paid Rs 750 per family for the renovation of the temple, and
offered rice and jaggery for the inauguration, but the upper caste
Hindus still kept them out, they claim.

Around 11 am on Sunday, they gathered at the temple carrying fruits,
flowers and sweets. The upper caste Hindus did everything possible to
prevent them from entering the temple — from verbal abuse to nearly
coming to blows. When all else failed, they pulled out the priest and
asked him not to conduct the puja.

But the Dalit familes entered the temple, offered puja and returned
home. Now, they fear ostracisation by upper castes. Shops in the
village are closed and landless Dalit labourers fear they could lose
their jobs as a backlash by the upper castes, who have already held
talks with villagers.

It all started when Nagaraj galvanized the Dalits and made a
representation to the Deputy Commissioner, the SP and others seeking
police protection to make the offering possible at the temple.

Based on the petition, Additional SP Rajanna convened a meeting
between representatives of both the sides, where the upper caste
Hindus are said to have refused entry to the Dalits.

The Dalits, however, ignored the warning and entered the temple,
amidst slogan-shouting by the upper castes.

The police have pressed in additional forces and imposed prohibitory orders.


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[ZESTCaste] UP yatra of the Congress aimed at weaning away BSP's Dalit vote bank

 

http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_congress-up-yatra-aimed-to-wean-away-bsp-s-dalit-vote-bank_1361518

UP yatra of the Congress aimed at weaning away BSP's Dalit vote bank
PTI

Sunday, March 21, 2010 9:56 IST

New Delhi: The Congress' 'Mission 2012' in Uttar Pradesh is set to
roll from April 14 when Rahul Gandhi will flag off a 'rath yatra' to
consolidate gains made by the party in the Lok Sabha elections last
year and make it a serious contender for power in the coming assembly
polls.

The party general secretary and Amethi MP, credited for scripting the
party's success story in the key state, will flag off the yatra on the
birth anniversary of Dalit icon BR Ambedkar, with an aim to wean away
the core Dalit vote bank of Mayawati-led BSP.

Gandhi has been visiting Dalit households in UP for the last several
months and his efforts had led to the party bagging 22 of 80 seats in
the state in 2009 Lok Sabha polls, its best ever performance in the
last two decades.

"Rahul Gandhi will flag off the yatra on April 14 at Ambedkar Nagar,"
AICC general secretary in-charge of UP, Digvijay Singh, said.

The first phase of the yatra would begin on April 14 and end on May 31
and the second phase will begin after the monsoons from September 15
and conclude on November 10 with a rally of party president Sonia
Gandhi at Allahabad, he added.

Singh said the yatra will highlight achievements of the UPA government
and also that of Congress in its journey of 125 years.

Party leaders said the yatra also aims to expose "anti-Dalit policies"
of the Mayawati government and her "ill-acquired" wealth over the
years and her "devil may care" attitude towards the Dalits, her
primary vote bank. The Congress' strategy includes 10 different 'rath
yatras' in every nook and corner of the state to cover all assembly
constituencies and blocks.

Singh said the party leaders would use the yatra to tell the people of
UP how Mayawati had become "daulat ki beti and not a Dalit ki beti"
(daughter of wealth, not Dalit). He said the party was compiling the
list of assets she acquired after coming into politics.

Gandhi, known for visiting college campuses and mingling with
students, will also visit Shibli National College in Azamgarh in the
next academic session to interact with the students there.

Azamgarh has been in news after several youths from the city and
nearby areas were charged in over 50 terror related cases in six
cities across the country.

"He (Rahul Gandhi) will be visiting there in the next academic
session. The date has not yet been finalised but he will go there,"
Singh said.

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[ZESTCaste] The method in the madness of Mayawati

http://www.livemint.com/2010/03/21210458/The-method-in-the-madness-of-M.html

Posted: Sun, Mar 21 2010. 9:04 PM IST
Columns

The method in the madness of Mayawati

The predictable attacks on the Uttar Pradesh chief minister by her
political rivals, threats of scrutiny by income-tax authorities and
the revulsion of the urban middle class were precisely, the response
she and her BSP had wanted to evoke

Capital Calculus | Anil Padmanabhan

Watching the Mayawati show of opulence through the prism of mainstream
television last week, undoubtedly, revolted our middle-class
sensibilities. Going beyond the initial reaction, it is more than
apparent that there was a method to the madness of the wily
politician, the most iconic living representative of Dalits in the
country.

The predictable attacks on the Uttar Pradesh chief minister by her
political rivals, threats of scrutiny by income-tax authorities and
the revulsion of the urban middle class were precisely, I believe, the
response she and her Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) had wanted to evoke.

While the middle-class angst may not have gone beyond the family
drawing room, some of Mayawati's political rivals were far from
circumspect in their condemnation of the BSP chief for accepting
garlands made of currency notes from her admirers.

Also Read | Anil Padmanabhan's Earlier Columns

What it did was to fit into the stereotype of caste politics
portraying Mayawati as the victim, even while her Dalit base, bearing
the grudge of being historically disempowered, would have been
injected with a dose of feel-good factor at the display of ostentation
and camaraderie towards their leader.

But why now?

In the 15th general election, held in May last year, Mayawati entered
the electoral contest as the clear top dog (if I may use the slang to
describe the opposite of an underdog) in Uttar Pradesh. After all, she
had surprised everyone by first setting up an unbelievable alliance
between the Brahmins and the Dalits and then making it click to manage
a majority for the BSP on its own in the 2007 assembly elections.

Not surprisingly, therefore, pundits in general and Mayawati in
particular were convinced that, post-general election, BSP was going
to be a key player in the electoral arithmetic of any future coalition
at the Centre; there was even talk of Mayawati emerging as a prime
ministerial candidate in the event of a dead heat.

With the advantage of hindsight, we know that this didn't pan out. The
Congress, which was virtually written off, surprised everyone in Uttar
Pradesh. It won 22 seats, up from nine in the 2004 general election
and two more than what was managed by the BSP.

Clearly, the rainbow alliance cobbled by Mayawati was not working any
more. The Brahmin vote, once the Congress had revived, was swinging
back to where it has always tended to belong. Worse, Rahul Gandhi's
much-publicized visits to Dalit homes was a signal that the Congress
was taking the battle to Mayawati.

She has been quick to figure that her principal rival is the
rejuvenated Congress and not Mulayam Singh Yadav, the politician
representing other backward classes (OBCs) as the Samajwadi Party (SP)
chief. The Muslims, who account for nearly one-fifth of the vote in
UP, had become disaffected with the SP and were now lining up behind
the Congress.

This obviously set the stage for Mayawati to consolidate her vote bank
ahead of the showdown in 2012 when UP, the country's most populous
state that elects 80 members to the Lok Sabha, will go to the polls.

The easiest way to do this is tap into the deep-rooted anger among
Dalits. At the receiving end of caste discrimination, they have in the
last three decades begun to witness an alteration in their
circumstances with the ascent of the BSP and the progressive loosening
up of the Indian economy.

Economic opportunity and grass-roots political activism has probably
done more for this community than affirmative action in the six
decades since the country achieved independence in 1947.

I believe, from casual conversations with scholars, that the Dalits
are among the first migrants to move to cities to take advantage of
the economic opportunities that the new growth process has generated.
The push factor is enormous: Mostly landless and socially exploited,
they have nothing to lose but their chains.

So Mayawati has done two things: One, she has back-pedalled on her
very public acknowledgment of the Brahmins associated with the BSP.
Second, she has used spectacles such as the construction of life-sized
statues of her and, now more recently, the use of a Rs5.20 crore
garland, to inject a feel-good factor among her Dalit base and at the
same time solicit a backlash from her opponents. The Supreme Court's
intervention in the unveiling of statutes and the sharp censure of
Mayawati would have only reinforced the feeling of victimization among
the BSP cadre.

It is too early to say whether this would work for the BSP in the 2012
assembly elections in UP. A lot would depend on how the Congress
succeeds in its consolidation efforts and also whether Mayawati is
able to effect a turnaround in governance—as Nitish Kumar seems to
have managed in Bihar.

But viewed this way, it is easier to understand the actions of
Mayawati. They are the machinations of a political mind and not the
random antics of someone besotted by power.

Anil Padmanabhan is a deputy managing editor of Mint and writes every
week on the intersection of politics and economics. Comment at
capitalcalculus@livemint.com


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[ZESTCaste] With mala, Maya just carrying forward Kanshiram’s legacy

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/With-mala--Maya-just-carrying-forward-Kanshiram-s-legacy/593859


With mala, Maya just carrying forward Kanshiram's legacy

Ashutosh Bhardwaj Posted online: Monday , Mar 22, 2010 at 0244 hrs
New delhi : India might have found Chief Minister Mayawati's currency
note garland unwearable, but for her party and supporters this is just
another way of being different and asserting the party's identity.
"This is a tradition from the time of Kanshiram. While others accept
flowers, shawls, gold and silver crowns or get themselves weighed in
gold, we take cash directly from our party workers and supporters so
that it can be utilised for people's welfare. We did in front of
cameras, what other parties do away from them. Why isn't anyone
talking about all that instead of trying to defame us? Other parties
pay voters, while we collect money from them," said BSP Rajya Sabha MP
Ambeth Rajan, an associate of Kanshiram and Mayawati.

Party veterans remember how Kanshiram first asked workers to give him
money, as he said flower garlands were a waste of money. In 1986, he
collected coins of his weight, Rs 12,000, soon he also gave the slogan
of 'one note, one vote'.

Symbolism has always been an important part of Dalit politics. B R
Ambedkar stayed clear of the Gandhian dress code, but still chose to
stick to the western style suit, which also found favour with
Kanshiram. Similarly, Mayawati is rarely seen in a saree, the
traditional dress of women in UP.

"These symbols are very important psychological boosters for the
community. When Ambedkar wore a tie and coat, when his community could
not even afford a langoti, and carried a pen in the coat, it was a
symbol of education, self-respect and an example of how to present
oneself," said Dalit artist Savi Savarkar.

Institute of Dalit Studies director Surinder S Jodhka said : "The
grammar of Dalit politics can be tricky sometimes and not easy to
understand. She is doing what all politicians do. She is bringing her
people together, creating a sense of excitement and making a point
that she is a Daulat ki beti. Also, there is no bribe involved here,
it is open and not hidden. She has used Kanshiram tools earlier, when
she used to celebrate her birthday in a lavish way to make the same
point."

While most BSP leaders refused to come on the record, a former party
leader had a cynical view: "The message that at least she,
symbolically, has riches, has been made so many times. Making it now,
at a time when she wants votes of others too, may be overdoing it.
Also, as she is the CM. People will ask what she has actually done for
the community. It won't work this time. It may help her hold her basic
votes."

'Why overlook donations to temples?'

The BSP state unit chief, Swami Prasad Maurya, said row over the
currency garland is a needless controversy aimed at deflecting
attention from BSP's achievements. "Why shout now? Are they jealous
that a Dalit ki beti is wearing the crown? What about the massive
money donated to Hindu temples? What is the accountability of this
money and the donors. Why does the IT department overlook such
donations?" he countered. "Indira Gandhi was weighed with gold coins,
Chowdhry Charan Singh was weighed with Rs 75 lakh in 1978. Congress
leaders have often been weighed with gold, mace and swords," he said.
"The BSP doesn't have a culture of corporate funding like the Congress
and the BJP. We raise funds from masses, not from Bofors. This is
hard-earned money of the common man," said BSP general secretary Dr
Suresh Mane.


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[ZESTCaste] No in-house quota, but Cong mulls affirmative action

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/No-in-house-quota--but-Cong-mulls-affirmative-action/593857

No in-house quota, but Cong mulls affirmative action

Express News Service Posted online: Monday , Mar 22, 2010 at 0242 hrs
Lucknow : Unable to reserve seats for women within the party in the
ongoing organisational polls, the Congress is trying to find out
alternative ways to ensure that women get enough representation in
different committees.
During the meeting of the returning officers in the state on Sunday,
Oscar Farnandes, chairman of Congress central election authority,
instructed that more women should be motivated and encouraged to be
elected or else the party will have to nominate them.

Fernandes was speaking at a gathering of returning officers for the
state organisational polls at IMA Bhawan in Lucknow.

He also emphasised that even weaker sections of the society should be
encouraged to come forward.

While Fernandes refused to comment after the meeting, J D Seelam,
additional state Returning Officer for UP election authority, said:
"We already have a provision in our constitution to have around
one-third women representation in our organisation. Though, we have
not reserved any posts for women, we can always encourage them to come
forward."

Asked how they would nominate women members if there are not enough
women elected in the state, Seelam said:

"We have a provision to introduce 15 per cent additional posts. In
case, not enough women representatives are elected then we might
nominate them on these posts."

"It is, however, the second step and in the first place, we will try
to encourage as many people as possible," added Seelam.

Interestingly, while Congress workers claim that the provision for
one-third women representation is already present in the party's
constitution, even the existing body in Uttar Pradesh does not have
enough women representation.

Asked about this, senior members of the Congress election authority
admitted that they would try and implement it more vigorously this
time.

To charge or not to charge

The party's decision of charging Rs 5 from the members for providing
Unique Identity Cards has not been received too well.

Party workers expressed their dissatisfaction in the meeting of the
returning officers.

"It was difficult to collect even Rs 3 for the membership. How will we
motivate people to pay Rs 5 for ID cards?" asked a returning officer.
"Congress workers will have to pay this money from our their pocket,"
said a returning officer.

Even Rita Bahuguna Joshi came out in support of the party workers in
the state during the meeting and asked the gathering to vote for the
amount of money, which should be kept for

ID card. Since, Congress workers did not even agree on Re 1, it was
decided that the matter would again be discussed at the AICC level.

"The cost of printing the ID cards itself is coming to around Re 1 and
then its distribution and other things. We will try to keep it to a
minimum of Rs 2 like in Rajasthan," said Seelam.


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[ZESTCaste] Investigation in SC/ST Atrocities cases to be expedited

 

http://news.webindia123.com/news/Articles/India/20100321/1469151.html

Investigation in SC/ST Atrocities cases to be expedited
Kakinada | Sunday, Mar 21 2010 IST

The Vigilance and Monitoring Committee at its meeting on prevention of
atrocities on members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, today
directed the police to expedite probe in atrocities cases to render
justice promptly to the victims. The Committe also instructed the
officials of the Social Welfare Department to furnish the reasons for
ruling a particular case as not proved to enable victims to seek
remedial measures in appropriate court. Social Welfare Minister Pilli
Subhas Chandra Bose agreed with members' suggestions that rape victims
should be paid the compensation in full without waiting for the
doctors report.

He urged district officials to scruplously follow the provisons of the
Protection of Civil Rights and Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
Prevention of Atrocities on Dalits.

District Collector Gopalakrishna Dwivedi who presided, assured the
agitated members that instructions were issued to the police officers
to expedite the investigation in specific cases raised by them. He
also agreed to take action in providing employment on humanitarian
grounds to the family members of those killed.

-- (UNI) -- 21MS38.xml

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[ZESTCaste] Govt plans photographic tribute to Ambedkar

http://www.indianexpress.com/news/Govt-plans-photographic-tribute-to-Ambedkar/593507

Govt plans photographic tribute to Ambedkar

Express News Service Posted online: Sunday , Mar 21, 2010 at 0154 hrs
Mumbai : The Maharashtra government has decided to release a book of
photographs showing the life of B R Ambedkar, on his birth anniversary
on April 14. The government has already published 21 volumes of his
writings and speeches and the 22nd volume would be his
'photo-biography'.
NCP member (and state chief) Madhukar Pichad on Saturday, through a
Calling Attention motion in the Assembly, said the publication of
further volumes of Ambedkar's writings had been delayed as the
government had failed to address problems of the committee constituted
for publishing Ambedkar's unpublished literature.

MoS for Higher and Technical Education Varsha Gaikwad said the
'photo-biography' would be published and nine volumes reprinted, while
Higher and Technical Education Minister Rajesh Tope said problems
faced by the publishing panel headed by Datta Bhagat would be solved
within eight days.

Pimpri-Chinchwad land acquisition disputes, CM to intervene
A meeting would be convened to discuss disputes over land acquired and
leased by Pimpri-Chinchwad New Town Development Authority. Replying to
a Calling Attention motion by Independent MLA Vilas Lande from Bhosari
(Pune) CM Ashok Chavan admitted there were some illegal transactions
and also demands from some residents to convert from leasehold to
freehold. He said he would discuss the matter.


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[ZESTCaste] In Pursuit of Ambedkar

 

http://www.allvoices.com/contributed-news/5401186-in-pursuit-of-ambedkar

In Pursuit of Ambedkar

By RandeepWadehra Chandīgarh : India | Mar 13, 2010
In pursuit of Ambedkar

Posted by: RandeepWadehra
The story of a Dalit who had a multi-hued life - not all colours dark
or ...See All Images
In Pursuit of Ambedkar by Bhagwan Das (Translation: Isha)
Navayana. Pages: 87. Price: Rs. 175/-

Although the author belongs to a caste considered as "untouchable
among untouchables" he comes from a comparatively prosperous family as
his grandfather was a contractor who supplied various personnel like
cooks, cleaners, waiters etc to the British Army and had acquired
property in different parts of North India. This didn't ensure any
privileged life for the young Bhagwan Das but facilitated
comparatively good education and comfortable living. His caste was
reviled by his Hindu and Muslim colleagues equally. After working in
CPWD and other government departments he joined the Royal Indian air
Force as radar operator. Das was able to befriend Dalit leaders and
activists in different parts of the country. Later on, he became BR
Ambedkar's aide.
Bhagwan Das's views on the term "Balmiki" for his caste are thought
provoking. In an interview in this volume he points out that there is
a logical connection between Kabir and the julaha caste and "when the
chamars claim Ravidas, there's a link between the two… but there is
absolutely nothing to link the Valmiki of the Ramayana with the
sweepers." Although the British Raj proved to be blessing in disguise
for Dalits, conversions to Christianity improved their lot only
marginally but were better off than those who had converted to Islam
and Sikhism. He goes on to explain how Dalits have their own religion
and pantheon which is different from that of Hinduism.
This slim volume is worth a serious read and, also, the DVD
accompanying it is a must watch.
Short Takes
www.tribuneindia.com

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[ZESTCaste] A quarter century of Kanshi Ram & Mayawati

http://beta.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article261256.ece?homepage=true


Published: March 22, 2010 00:14 IST | Updated: March 22, 2010 03:17
IST March 22, 2010

A quarter century of Kanshi Ram & Mayawati
Vidya Subrahmaniam

Ms Mayawati was neither Ambedkar nor Kanshi Ram; she had no time for
lofty intellectual pursuits. She was blessed with enormous native
intelligence and she was cast in the street-fighter's mould. The two
qualities made for a lethal combination. Inside the Lok Sabha as
outside, she came to be known for her acid tongue.

The image of Mayawati swaddled in a giant currency garland at the
silver jubilee celebrations of the Bahujan Samaj Party brought
conflicting emotions.

Who could grudge the BSP this supremely deserved highpoint? There are
not many parallels to the story of the BSP. A party of the socially
deprived making the rough journey to the seat of power in the
country's most populous State is remarkable in itself. When that party
wins a majority of seats under the leadership of a self-made woman of
Dalit background, then the feat becomes immeasurable.

Which is why the currency garland is disconcerting. It was a needless
appendage to a momentous milestone. The Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister
has much to celebrate and celebrate she must. But when she reduces the
grandness of the occasion to a worship of currency notes, she detracts
from her own implausible achievement.

True, her critics are the carping kind. They will ceaselessly
disparage her even as they overlook the overabundance of her
competitors' wealth. Perhaps there is also some merit in the view that
the showmanship was a necessary signal to her core constituency, to
tell Dalits that wealth is not the preserve of the 'upper' castes. But
15 years have passed since Ms Mayawati first became Chief Minister.
And it is three years since her party independently captured power.
Surely, symbolism that once motivated and uplifted Dalits cannot
indefinitely do so, and symbolism in perpetuity might even become an
affront to their dignity and self respect.

My mind travelled to the early years of the BSP — and from there back
to the present. It was the summer of 1988 and a horde of journalists,
me included, had descended on Allahabad in U.P. to cover the
by-election that set the stage for Vishwanath Pratap Singh to take on
Rajiv Gandhi.

We obsessively followed 'VP' on the campaign trail, and tracked down
Sunil Shastri, the elusive Congress candidate. But there was a
mysterious third candidate about whom we knew nothing. Then a strange
thing happened. Almost overnight, the city was doused in the colour
blue : little blue elephants covered every inch of the walls while
bi-cycle riders carrying blue flags clogged the roads. The sight was
truly something to behold. Kanshi Ram was the third angle of the
triangular contest. But the BSP, formed four years earlier, was
ideologically hostile to the 'upper' caste media, and it took me many
attempts to breach the barrier to the leader and his army of fiercely
committed soldiers.

The effort opened my eyes to a whole new world. Over long stretches of
conversation, we discussed institutionalised prejudices, the daily
slights, and the media's refusal to even consider the Dalit point of
view. I learnt why the BSP hated the word 'harijan' : Are we orphans
(they used a coarser word) that we need to become children of God? The
words stung like arrows, and though aware of the purity of heart
behind Gandhi's coinage, I pledged never to use the offending phrase.

Kanshi Ram lost the election but performed impressively, polling close
to 70,000 votes in an election where he was up against a future Prime
Minister.

Some three years later, the BSP founder introduced me to his
understudy, a wisp of a girl with daring in her eyes. By then Ms.
Mayawati was already a veteran of many Lok Sabha elections. Her vote
trajectory was a harbinger of things to come – as much for Ms.
Mayawati herself as for her party. Kairana, 1984: Third with 44,445
votes. Bijnor, 1985 : Third with 61,504 votes. Hardwar, 1987: Second
with 1,25,399 votes. Bijnor, 1989: First with 1,83, 189 votes.

Ms Mayawati was as aggressive as her mentor was calm and reflective.
Kanshi Ram was not a towering intellectual like Baba Saheb Ambedkar
but he gave the BSP its philosophical underpinning. And what was the
philosophy? One of his staunchest disciples, Ambeth Rajan, was fond of
demonstrating it with the flick of his pencil. The standing pencil,
with the Brahmins and other upper castes at the top, the OBCs in the
middle and Dalits at the bottom, symbolised inequality at its worst.
But the same pencil, laid flat on the table represented samta muluk
(equal) society. But Mr. Rajan knew, as did Kanshi Ram, that what was
possible in theory was not possible in practice. Thus was born the
"opportunism" of the BSP. "Yes, we are opportunists. We will seize
every opportunity that comes our way," Kanshi Ram would say defiantly.
It was a different matter that for the elitist media this deliberate
"admission" became just one more stick to beat the BSP with.

Ms Mayawati was neither Ambedkar nor Kanshi Ram; she had no time for
lofty intellectual pursuits. She was blessed with enormous native
intelligence and she was cast in the street-fighter's mould. The two
qualities made for a lethal combination. Inside the Lok Sabha as
outside, she came to be known for her acid tongue. The more she lashed
out at the manuwadis, the greater the motivational levels of the BSP
cadre. Ms Mayawati's rabble-rousing skills made her an instant draw
among Dalit voters, who thrilled to the guts and pluck of Kanshi Ram's
heir. For Dalit voters, treated for years as a captive constituency by
the Congress, the new, assertive BSP represented freedom, respect and
a completely new way of thinking.

The confidence could be seen in the BSP's career graph. In just one
decade, from 1989 to 1999, the party's strength in the Lok Sabha (out
of 85 seats) went up from only two seats for a vote share of 9.93 per
cent to 14 seats for a vote share of 22.8 per cent. In the 425-member
U.P. Vidhan Sabha, the party's seat share rose from 13 for a vote
share of 9.41 per cent in 1989 to 98 for a vote share of 23 per cent
in 2002.

The decade also saw the BSP seize power through its stated policy of
"opportunism." In 1993, the BSP teamed up with the Mulayam Singh-led
Samajwadi Party to stunning effect. Together, the SP and the BSP
overthrew the Bharatiya Janata Party, then at the peak of its Hindutva
glory. But soon, the applause died down. In June 1995, the
Dalit-ki-beti became Chief Minister with the support of the BJP. The
ideologically mismatched alliance shocked critics and friends alike.
The BJP was the BSP's mirror opposite in terms of how it viewed the
'upper' castes. Accusations of "opportunism" were again thrown at
Kanshi Ram and his favourite pupil.

Yet in office, the BSP proved to be the BJP's nemesis. Between 1995
and 2003, the BSP aligned thrice with the BJP, and each time it grew
at its partner's expense. Between 1996 and 2004, the BJP's Lok Sabha
tally from U.P. plunged from 52 (of 83) seats for a vote share of 33
per cent to 10 (of 80) seats for a vote share of 22 per cent. Between
1996 and 2002, the party's seat share in the Assembly declined from
174 (of 425) seats for 32.5 per cent to 88 (of 403) seats for 21 per
cent.

But the BSP was not content with this. Ms Mayawati had long ago
convinced herself that her party had little to derive from pre-poll
alliances. But post-poll alliances were fraught with tensions as could
be seen from the repeated rupture of the BSP-BJP partnerships. The
germ of a winning idea began here. The BJP-BSP alliance represented
the fusion of 'upper', OBC and Dalit castes. Rather than depend on an
external ally, what if the BSP made this its own internal alliance?
The implementation of the idea saw the birth of the 'Brahmin jodo
abhiyan' as well as the reaching out to other castes.

The new scheme of things saw Mayawati, the aggressor, turn into
Mayawati, the community builder. The transformation was beyond belief.
In building a caste coalition on its own terms, the BSP had come
tantalisingly close to its founder's 'samta muluk' vision. But the
danger was that this could be strategy more than vision. Indeed,
today, nearly three years after that fantastic peak, the BSP no longer
looks that good.

In the 2009 Lok Sabha election, the BSP lost votes from almost all
sections in U.P, including marginally from her own community of
Dalit-Jatavs. An educated, socially-conscious community, the
Dalit-Jatavs no doubt noticed that Ms Mayawati had allocated only as
many seats to Dalits as there are reserved constituencies in the
State. The BSP chief owed her success to them; they transferred their
vote almost wholly to whoever she named. In return, they did not get
even one seat more than their constitutionally sanctioned share.

The BSP is still the forerunner in U.P. Ms Mayawati's biggest
advantage is her transferable vote bank. However, for this vote bank
not to feel used and slighted, she must do more than wear currency
garlands.


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[ZESTCaste] Is it back to basics for BSP?

 

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Is-it-back-to-basics-for-BSP/articleshow/5709342.cms

Is it back to basics for BSP?
TNN, Mar 22, 2010, 03.44am IST

NEW DELHI: BSP supremo Mayawati is just past the halfway mark of her
stupendous mandate for chief ministership and the question begging
answer from a mid-term appraisal is: Is BSP back to `bahujan' after a
dalliance with `sarvjan'?

Lucknow's mega rally last week has sent out a message that BSP is back
to its moorings. The future reliance will be more on SCs and most
backward castes. A clear message has been sent to the sceptical dalit
constituency which felt itwas marginalised after the Brahmin outreach
of 2007 resulted in a massive success at the hustings.

The party is likely to shed the emphasis on Brahmins and rope in
non-Brahmin upper castes. The nomination of Naresh Aggarwal to Rajya
Sabha after Akhilesh Das is seen in that light. Muslims are obviously
a target group high on its agenda.

Besides the rally and its symbolism showing a BSP bid to consolidate
the home constituency, the reshuffle effected in top bureaucracy is
seen as laden with meaning.

The marginalisation of party's Brahmin face S C Mishra has come with
the movement of an officer closely identified with BSP as the second
seniormost bureaucrat in UP. BSP-watchers dub it as a definitive sign
of things to come.

For a party which defines itself as much by symbolism as by concrete
actions, the sacking of around 150 lawyers in Allahabad High Court
last week has also drawn political comments.

Though the Lucknow rally was reduced in the public discourse to the
currency garland that Mayawati was gifted, two events may accentuate
BSP's dalit edge -- a possible ministerial reshuffle and the
Congress's UP campaign from April 14.

Rahul Gandhi is to flag off a 47-day long Congress `yatra' from
Ambedkar Nagar on Ambedkar Jayanti. The symbolism of the place and day
is significant, and may force the CM to blunt the Congress offensive
by casting herself in the dalit mould. Rahul's visits to SC households
across UP had this effect on the BSP supremo.

However, the resurfacing of `back to basics' approach is not sudden.
The Lok Sabha results, which were way below the party's expectations,
led to a revision. A leader recalled the meeting called in the
aftermath of results where S C Mishra faced serious criticism. Since
then, he is rarely by the CM's side and does not make speeches at
rallies as he used to.

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[ZESTCaste] 'In reality, it is not a disadvantage to be an OBC daughter'

http://www.business-standard.com/india/news/%5Cin-reality-it-is-notdisadvantage-to-be-an-obc-daughter%5C/389208/


'In reality, it is not a disadvantage to be an OBC daughter'

Excerpts from a speech by CPI(M) MP Brinda Karat
Brinda Karat / March 21, 2010, 0:00 IST

It is unfortunate that the propaganda against the Bill is that it will
benefit only one section — the well-off women. In reality, in today's
situation, it is not a disadvantage in politics to be a daughter in an
OBC family. This is clear, for example, in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.

A myth is being created that the SC, ST and OBC women would not get
anything. In the UP Assembly, out of 402 seats, only 23 are occupied
by women. Of these, our SC, ST, OBC and minority sisters account for
over 65 per cent. In Bihar, there are only 24 women in the 243-member
state assembly, 70.8 per cent of whom are OBC, SC or Muslim women.
Therefore, it is totally wrong to say that the Bill will benefit only
upper-caste women. Data show that wherever there is reservation for
women, women from all sections benefit.

If seats are reserved for women, it is clear that the parties that
give tickets on the basis of caste configurations will continue to do
so. Thus, the change that will occur is, a woman will get the ticket
when the seat is reserved. The numbers of OBCs will not change. What
will change will be the gender — women instead of men. There will be a
Constitutional guarantee of equality.

As far as the issue of minorities is concerned, one of the greatest
weaknesses in India's democratic system today is the low
representation of minorities, particularly Muslims. This is a shame
for all of us. Why are our minorities so poorly represented? Why is
their number in Parliament and state assemblies not commensurate with
their population? There is indeed some weakness in our democratic
system. How can we remove this weakness? This issue must be addressed.
There should be a discussion and debate on it.

But the women's Bill is not a magic wand that will remove all the
weaknesses of India's democratic system, nor can it be. Still, it is a
fact that where there is women's reservation at the local level, more
Muslim women have an opportunity to contest and win. A recent example
is from Hyderabad: Fifty out of 150 corporation seats are reserved for
women. Out of those 50 seats, Muslim women have won 10 seats. How did
they win there? Because those seats were reserved for women. Thus,
taking advantage of seat reservations, our sisters can definitely
contest and win elections.

Some people have asked: Why a rotation of seats? Some say rotation is
a totally wrong principle. But we want to ask: Why should one person
indefinitely be the representative of a constituency where there are
hundreds of thousands of voters? Is there no other person capable of
doing so among so many people? This is a totally wrong understanding.

Our party has taken the step to give a member only two terms in the
Rajya Sabha. As for elected Lok Sabha representatives, our endeavour
is to bring up a new comrade after one completes two or three terms.
If someone says that, once elected, he or she will never leave that
position because there will be instability, it is like promoting an
indirect form of monarchy. Yes, it is indirect monarchy! We cannot
accept this idea.

Some people ask: What will happen after the Bill? What is the
guarantee that women will improve the present political scene? Will
corruption end? Will all good things take place? We say a woman is not
a supernatural being that she would enter Parliament and change the
country and the world, though she does have the power to change many
things. Please don't expect women to treat themselves as superwomen in
order to fight against the discrimination that is there in politics.

However, I do believe that women's entry into electoral politics is
most definitely going to lead to more sensitive politics. I believe it
is going to be our effort to change the core political agenda.

(Excerpts from a speech by CPI(M) MP Brinda Karat on the Women's
Reservation Bill in the Rajya Sabha on March 9)


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[ZESTCaste] Dalit Symbolism and the Democratisation of Secular Spaces

http://subalternexpression.wordpress.com/2010/03/20/dalit-symbolism-and-the-democratisation-of-secular-spaces/

Dalit Symbolism and the Democratisation of Secular Spaces

March 20, 2010 at 7:20 am (Article/Essay/Speech, Debate, Struggle)


By Harish Wankhede

Mainstream, Vol XLVIII, No 12,

In the recent past, wider discussion and debate have been built over
the issue of mega-construction works undertaken by the Uttar Pradesh
(UP) Government. Intellectuals and social activists were worried that
public money was being drained out in such a big way to build
something which blatantly represents the political symbols of a
particular political party. In the media also we have noticed severe
criticism against these construction works by describing them as
ecologically dangerous or political gimmick over a petty emotional
issue which the current government has undertaken. The critics argue
that the Mayawati Government indulged in excessive immaterial
symbolism without understanding and prioritising the need for deeper
social changes required for the empowerment of the Dalits and other
sections of the poor. The criticism of the intellectuals and the media
represents an exclusivist middle class artificiality without taking
into cognisance the value of these symbols and the way in which the
statues and symbols have spread historically. They negate the meanings
and stakes involved for the people who are mobilised around these
symbols.

I believe that the main motive behind such quasi-moral and selective
attack against the UP Government is not as simple as is explained by
the critics; otherwise there are multiple other examples in which
wastage of public funds is starkly visible but these never become an
issue of contestation in public debates. I would like to argue that
the core of the problem is located within the standards of aesthetics
and the subjective interpretation of cultural history, shaped and put
forward by the social elites. The symbolism crafted under Dalit
aesthetics deconstructs these given standards and provides new
meanings to the public spaces.

The Usage of Dalit as Objective Appendage

Dalit as a socio-political concept appears frequently in the
contemporary discussions on Indian politics. Most of the social
scientists have positively valued it as a particular and alternative
perspective of some caste groups and has targeted the hegemonic
domination of the modern 'universal' model of social progress
represented by the 'mainstream' caste Hindus. While upholding the
Dalit perspective as a radical model of social transformation, it was
never granted legitimacy by the academic community as the
representative voice within the post-colonial studies. In the study of
history through this perspective, it is argued that it lacks
diachronic scientificity essential for any discipline. Dalit as a
collective identity was related and defined under the narrow
boundaries of a particularistic approach, political ideology and the
beholders of alternative religio-cultural values and it was argued
that it has limited elements to become a universal approach.

The perspectives of Dalits are stereotyped as the ideological
constructs of lesser merit, and prejudiced in the general academic
world as another counter-voice of a passionate but irrational being.
In political discourses, academic seminars and ideological debates
their methods are ridiculed as infantile and criticised for lack of
social consciousness which is universally applicable like the other
modernist positivist ideas. This commonsensical prejudice and hate
creates an understanding about the Dalit in public reasoning. Such
classification of the Dalit perspective as lesser and other
perspectives as universal, is reiterating the notion of superiority
and impurity within the public discourse. The Dalits because of their
dehumanised past are devalued, their capacity of thinking as
individuals is questioned and cunningly portrayed as the voice of the
community and therefore of less merit. This is a form of academic
violence which promotes casteist myths and beliefs concerning the
presumed inferiority and incapability of the Dalits. Thus Dalits
become a static community, prisoner of a Dalit stereotype. This is a
sheer casteiest attitude created by the socio-cultural norms of the
society which distrusts, fears and envy the capabilities of Dalits in
breaking the hegemonic modernist constructions built by the
upper-caste elites of the Indian society.

Most of the Dalit thinkers are also content with such analysis and
have internalised 'Dalit' as a separate perspective with a limited
audience to address. They candidly admit the inferiority of the Dalit
perspective in the popular mainstream discourses. They also lack the
courage to assert the Dalit perspective as a competent method of
analysis and hurriedly embrace the hegemonic academic codes of the
upper-caste Hindus. The desire is to be a part of the collective
mainstream academic circle or to become 'general' or 'universal'; this
is a process of Sanskritisation which is unknowingly adopted by most
of the Dalit thinkers. I will call it Brahmanisation of the Dalit
minds. Under such adopted commonsensical model of 'Particular and
Universal', the Dalits are ghettoised and condemned as incapable,
incompetent to produce sociological theories, meta-narratives, and
universal symbols of inclusivity. Even the democratic appeal of the
Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) for a sarvajan empowerment is scrutinised
with a critical hypothesis that the possibility of such manoeuvring is
less as the leadership has history of deep indulgence with the
empowerment of a specific social group or to enlarge its petty
political success.

Such gross misrepresentations of the Dalits reduce them to an
identified collective category in the academic community, having the
single agenda of constructing the 'other' (Manuvadi, Brahmin,
upper-caste Hindus) and charge against this enemy for the unjust and
unequal relationships perpetuated in the society. The Dalit
perspective is therefore allegedly criticised by the mainstream
academic community for finding solace and comfort in continuous
representation of their dehumanised past in the modern world. Dalits
are incapable to provide inclusive symbolisms, a universally
sensitive, transcendental philosophical model for a better world
because they are deeply rooted and entrenched in the 'other' and all
their academic interventions are peripheral only to their own
self-obsessed constructed centre. The Dalit perspective is not even
seen as a representative counter-argument of the socially excluded
groups. This perspective, which has a distinct experiential
epistemology because of its social particularity, was never
acknowledged in a fair manner. The Dalit perspective has further
substantiated these arguments of unfairness by explaining the livid
experiences of their degraded social presence and how the given
traditionalist and nationalist nomenclatures are insufficient to
address their concerns.

The New Claimants of Historical Knowledge

Such discriminatory treatment is visible further when it comes to the
valorisation of the national leadership. Indian history is inseparable
from its brahmanical origin and it necessarily imposes a tacit version
of cultural and political history over the people. Brahmanism is seen
under the Dalit perspective as the ideological and institu-tional
system which forcefully monopolises knowledge and power by excluding
and dominating other social groups of the society. The elites have
constructed historical knowledge by making Gandhi as a National and
Ambedkar as a Particular icon when they were at the helm of political
affairs. Such claims that belittle the contributions of the leaders of
social struggles operate under a superior caste psyche which
eventually regards the upper-caste leadership as national and others
as specific, regional or caste icons. Therefore, breaking such
ideological construction is an essential prerequisite for the
contemporary Dalit perspective. The reconstruction of history is
necessary to ignite the minds of ignorant masses as they are mentally
enslaved through the extensive integrationist symbolisms of the social
elites. By mobilising the masses on alternative symbols, the Dalit
perspective has historically tried to defeat the philosophical
foundations of brahmanical elites. Today, following the democratic
churning of six decades, a representative government led by the BSP
has aspired to build an alternative consciousness by making Ambedkar,
Jyotiba Phule and Shahu Maharaj as true National leaders.

The stereotypical humiliated Dalit image needs a makeover in the
current juncture of democratic spaces to enable Dalits to represent
themselves as equal citizens and these symbols have the capacity to
transform the Dalit image in a very positive way. Public acceptance of
alternative cultural and religious symbols re-emphasise the Dalit
presence as the independent assertion of organic knowledge and
challenges the hegemonic social norms that locate the Dalits as an
abnormal appendage to the great Hindu tradition. Such motivated effort
hurts most of the intellectuals and social activists because it
demands a different language and thought process to understand the
social reality in which they feel very uncomfortable. To avoid the
debates on caste and its current value in political circles, the
critics are trying to mobilise people on symbols which they believe
are secular, universal and acceptable to the traditional standards of
aesthetics. The rise of Dalit politics is consistently seen as an
attack against the secular and collectivist abstract standards of
upper-caste imagination and avoids the understanding of this assertion
through a subjective ethical argument crafted by the Dalits.

Construction of an alternative vision of Indian history has been seen
as an essential entity within the Dalit perspective. The symbolic
assertions by inventing popular myths, folk heroes, and cultural
attributes related to the pride of the socially deprived people are
reconstructing historical narratives with a futuristic vision. Such
historical imagination deconstructs the brahmanical notions of history
and become a decisive force to mobilise subalterns around the renewed
collective identities. The recent politics of the Bahujan Samaj Party
of erecting grand monumental structures on the name of Dalits and
other Bahujan leaders is a medium to propose an assertive positive
identity which can be utilised to illuminate the minds of socially
oppressed sections from their inverted negative psyche which they have
internalised under the caste-based oppressive social order of the
present times. Such occupation of public space also legitimises their
claim over the knowledge of history and consecutively formulates an
argument for a greater democratisation of history through subaltern
perspectives.

The mainstream subjectivity has consistently represented Dalits as
dependent objects by specified nomenclatures. As a result, Dalits were
consistently denied the status of subject and were always represented
by others as a submissive category parasitically attached to the
paternalistic brahmanical normality. Subversion of such negative
instrumentality of social identity as sheer object becomes the
revolutionary élan within the Dalit perspective. It not only
deconstructs the Dalit identity as empowered one but also demands
mainstream space to become an equal subject with the capacity to
re-associate and negotiate with the given objects.

Value of Symbols

The new monuments constructed in UP represent an alternative
symbolism, radically different from the normally adopted values,
political beliefs and standards of secular public symbols to which the
critics had adhered so meaningfully. These symbols directly hurt the
pride and prestige of the elites who have historically constructed
most of the national symbols and claim for its universality among the
public. The social elites have valued history with a romantic
broadening and have even included popular myths and folklores as valid
historical contents. In the past, the valorised history of the social
elites was not even open to any hermeneutic analysis and any attempt
which tries to democratise history was craftily dismissed. The
contemporary political period is a terrain of democratic contestations
as history is reviewed by multiple claims, intentions and ideological
persuasions. Historical narratives are seen as a social capital which
is utilised by the intellectual junta to develop a concrete
consciousness about the past. The Dalits are the new entrants in this
knowledge system with a poised motive to debrahmanise history in a
radical way; however, their efforts are criticised in the crudest
manner in most of the public debates.

The erected symbols are embedded with a set of progressive values and
radical contents. The classical Left critics have adopted a normative
comparison claiming that such aesthetics is rooted in bourgeois
tactics and hardly provides any material benefits to the poor. Such
diachronic distinctions between material and aesthetic values and
prioritising the prior over the other have consciously undermined the
embedded values of these symbols for bringing about a radical social
change in the public psyche. The value of these symbols is dependant
on their capacity to deconstruct the socio-cultural hegemony of the
social elites and provide democratic spaces to the voices which were
raised in favour of the socially deprived sections.

The symbolism based on naming statues, memorials, awards etc. stands
as a major feature of the Dalit movement in India. The conjecture is
that the imposition of such icons through statues and other symbols in
public places can contribute to develop an understanding among the
public by which the oppressed sections are projecting their model of
alternative state, nation, culture and political philosophy. These
statues seem to be the focal point for renewed aspirations towards
democracy and equality, while the ceremonies organised around them
have provided these oppressed citizens the opportunity to assert a
sense of their presence in the social and cultural life. The
iconisation of the Dalit heroes in public is the most assertive
gesture of growing democratic consciousness of the socially deprived
sections as these groups were perpetually excluded from all the claims
of human rights and dignity. The symbolism constructed by the UP
Government has the capacity to dethrone the hegemony of abstract
elitist standards of public and national symbols with its aggressive
alternative representation. These symbols, including that of
Mayawati's statue, have a tremendous appeal among the oppressed
sections as they look upon these statues with a poised aspiration that
will bring social empowerment, dignity and justice.

Conclusion

The debate over the erection of Dalit symbols at public spaces is
burdened with middle class reflexivity and therefore the critics do
not understand the ethical values supplemented by these statues. The
statues explain the unheard claims of Dalits to become an integral
part of the normal public life which was historically denied to them.
They provide a new meaning to the secular spaces by democratising
these in a subs-tantive way. These symbols have demonstrated that the
Dalits are endowed with concentrated reflexive agency having the
capacity to promote themselves as a group of equal beholders of all
the public spaces.

The author is an Assistant Professor (Political Science), Ramlal Anand
College (E), University of Delhi.


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