Sunday, February 28, 2010

[ZESTCaste] Budget silent on Plan outlay for SC/STs

http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/features/the-sunday-et/dateline-india/Budget-silent-on-Plan-outlay-for-SC/STs/articleshow/5625970.cms

Budget silent on Plan outlay for SC/STs

28 Feb 2010, 0105 hrs IST, ET Bureau


NEW DELHI: What is the budgetary outlay for the welfare of Scheduled
Castes and Tribes? The answer is not immediately apparent to a lay
reader of
the Budget documents. For a government and a political leadership
trying to establish its pro-Dalit credentials, this kind of sloppy
accounting is quite surprising.

Dalit leader and Indian Justice Party president Udit Raj, for example,
has demanded that the government increase the outlay for the ministry
of social justice and empowerment from the Rs 4,500 crore allocated in
the Budget, to Rs 61,187 crore, the share of the total Plan
expenditure that corresponds with the share of Scheduled Castes in the
population. While conceding that outlays of other ministries would
also include the special component outlays meant for Dalits, the sheer
lack of accounting transparency in this regard has led him to conclude
that the government is unlikely to have allocated more than 5% of the
total Plan expenditure to Scheduled Caste welfare and development.

The government now undertakes gender budgeting. A question that arises
from Mr Raj's demand is whether the government should not create an
accounting framework that makes it clear how much of the taxpayers
money actually goes to improve the lives of the subaltern sections of
society that the government and the political class seek to uplift.


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[ZESTCaste] Eklavya bows to arjun no more

http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=Eklavya+bows+to+arjun+no+more&artid=lZYR7hRqmnY=&SectionID=f4OberbKin4=&MainSectionID=f4OberbKin4=&SEO=political+parties,Dalit+parties+,+militant+group&SectionName=cxWvYpmNp4fBHAeKn3LcnQ==

Eklavya bows to arjun no more

G Babu JayakumarFirst Published : 28 Feb 2010 10:23:00 AM ISTLast
Updated : 26 Feb 2010 10:55:56 PM IST

Driving through Chennai's roads, it is hard to miss those ubiquitous
hoardings, posters, wall paintings and signboards with a common
picture of a man with a moustache. Even the most politically ignorant
modern-day urbanite knows the name of the man. He is Thol
Thirumavalavan, founder of the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK).
Though all those who have heard his name also know that he is a Dalit
leader, many people may not know that he is also a member of the Lok
Sabha.


His recent entry to Parliament, however, signifies just one of the
many successes of Dalit parties in capturing political and social
space in Tamil Nadu, which, despite being the home of social justice,
till recently, had not seen many leaders from the Dalit community
capturing the imagination of the common people, particularly in the
urban areas.

Today the situation has changed with urbane and educated persons like
Dr K Krishnasamy and P Sivakami, a former IAS officer, heading parties
that strive for a casteless society. In fact, it was Krishnasamy who
was the first leader of a Dalit organisation to win an election. He
was elected to the state assembly from Ottapidaram in 1996 when he
headed the Devendra Kulla Vellalar Federation.

Even before that, Tamil Nadu had been the pioneer in having Dalits in
legislative bodies: M C Rajah became member of the Madras Legislative
Council in 1920. But not many leaders from the oppressed classes
emerged on the political horizon which was dominated by the Backward
Classes.

Even Rajah, a contemporary of B R Ambedkar, was part of the Southern
India Liberal Front, popularly known as the Justice Party, which was
started on a plank to fight Brahmin domination in all spheres of life.
Though several other intellectuals and scholars from the Dalit
community, like Ayothia Dasar and Rettamalai Srinivasan, have been
part of the struggle for social justice, the oppre­ssed communities,
mainly in the villages, led miserable lives, often being at the
receiving end of violence unleashed on them by the better-off
communities.

One of the main causes for the Dalits being unable to assert
themselves was their lack of a distinct political voice. Of course,
Ambedkar, who remains the universal icon of Dalits, had ensured
representation for them in the state legislatures and Parliament by
reserving constituencies for Scheduled Caste representatives. But the
nomination of candidates was made by the other political parties,
whose top rung leaders never had Dalit empowerment as an agenda.

As Krishnasamy says, "Big parties chose their own henchmen and they
were not independent Dalit representatives." Those party members
elected to Parliament and state legislatures could voice only the
party's viewpoint and not present any case from a Dalit perspective.
Krishnasamy, who launched the Puthiya Tamilagam (PT) party in late
1997 feels the same forces that dominated and oppressed Dalits in the
social sphere continue to treat Dalit parties the same way in the
political sphere, too.

Listing the hurdles he faces in running PT as an independent party, he
cites lack of money as the main reason behind the inability of Dalit
parties to challenge the mainstream political parties. Next, he says,
is the press. Accusing the mainstream media of projecting a negative
image of Dalit parties, Krishnasamy says the media always ignores the
Dalit parties and their candidates during elections.

Even Sivakami, who contested the 2009 Parliamentary election as a BSP
candidate from the Kanyakumari constituency, complains that the media
refuses to give sustained support to Dalit parties. Issues like
atrocities do not get the required the amount of coverage and
editorial analysis, she feels.

Sivakami, who recently launched her Samuha Samathuva Padai (Party for
Social Equality), adopts an activist's approach to Dalit issues. But
she is sure that more can be done to empower Dalits through electoral
politics than by being part of the bureaucracy. But even activism has
its limitations, particularly in the context of Dalit activism being
branded as violent, says Sivakami, who was also involved in activism
during her days with the government.

The main challenge in mobilising Dalit voters is in educating the
people, she feels. As she has started meeting the poorest of the poor
in the villages, she has found the ignorance of the people over
economic, social and political issues to be the first hurdle towards
their uplift. For instance, she says most of the downtrodden people
see a free television set as a bonanza. "I had to point out to them
that they would pay Rs 48,000 for cable charges in four years even if
they got the television set worth Rs 2,000 free of cost."

Sivakami even found that the poor had no idea about taxes. "Ask them
what taxes they pay, and they'd talk about electricity charges and
water charges. They have no idea about commercial tax that every
consumer of any goods pays," notes Siva­kami, who has taken upon
herself the task of mobilising the people through education and
creating awareness on issues that impact daily life.

But as the third Dalit party to emerge on Tamil Nadu's political
horizon, does Samuha Samathuva Padai underline the dearth of unity
among Dalits? Not necessarily, says Sivakami, pointing out that all
Dalit parties have the same ideology and agenda. There are no
differences on core issues like reclaiming land for Dalits, the thirst
for a personal identity, a casteless society and of course having
Ambedkar as their idol, she says.

In fact, she feels that no single leader can manage to mobilise the
state's entire Dalit population. "It is hard work," she says,
suggesting that different leaders can take care of the interest of
people in different areas. Perhaps there is no proper strategy now to
coordinate the work of the various parties, she feels.

N Ravikumar, MLA and ideologue of the VCK, flinches at the suggestion
of 'Dalit disunity', asking which caste, religious or ethnic group
enjoyed total unity. He feels the idea of 'disunity' has been
constructed in order to weaken Dalit politics. But, Ravikumar, who was
a CPI(ML) activist before taking up a role at the vanguard of the VCK,
is convinced that electoral politics brings in more gains than
activism.

When the VCK was known as the Dalit Panthers of India and was more
into activism than politics, the popular image of the organisation was
that of 'militant outfit', though the fight was only for just causes.
But after the party started contesting elections in alliance with
other parties in 1999, the leaders gained a more respectability and
acceptability.

Besides that, the Dalit community and the party leaders were taken
seriously by the mainstream parties. However, listing the hurdles that
parties like his face in the political sphere, Ravikumar says there is
always a bid to brand them as a 'militant group' and also isolate
them.

But then in a state where the Dravidian movement launched by E V R
Periyar (1879-1973), who transformed the elitist SILF into a common
man's party and also spoke in favour of Dalits, has been dominating
electoral politics, when was the need to have a separate party for
Dalits felt?

For the present VCK, the Venmani incident of 1968, was the defining
moment that created a stir among the Dalits, while for the PT, it was
the murder of Immanuel Sekaran in 1957. Sivakami, however, feels
Periyar himself did not encourage Dalits to take up leadership roles
and sees the social justice movement as a revolution that took place
at the middle level of society and not as one that started from the
grassroots level.

In Venmani, a village near Nagapattinam, caste Hindus massacred 44
agricultural labourers, including 20 women and 19 children, on
Christmas Day. The incident that took place a year after the DMK had
captured power and when C N Annadurai was the chief minister, made the
Dalits in the region lose their faith in the party, according to
Ravikumar.

Krishnasamy sees the murder of Immanuel, a politician owing allegiance
to the Congress, that took place in 1957 at Mudukulathur in
Ramanathapuram district during a peace talk between communities, as a
turning point in Dalit politics. That incident prompted the educated
Dalits to look for an alternative to the mainstream political parties,
Krishnasamy, who was also associated with the CPI (ML) earlier, said.

Yet the Dalit parties have not been able to win elections
independently and have had to rely on other bigger parties for
support. Do they see a time coming when they will able to win
elections on their own? All the leaders feel that there is no need for
that. Their parties are not exclusive but only inclusive. The parties
have no qualms about having people from other castes and communities
as their members and office-bearers. In fact, they are functioning
even now in that fashion.

"Puthiya Tamilagam means a new Tamil Nadu sans caste differences and
discriminations," explains Krishnasamy, while Ravikumar says, "We want
to go beyond caste. Our aspiration is to achieve a casteless society
so we do not discriminate between people on the basis of their caste.
We take in everybody."

Have these leaders and their parties, through their electoral politics, helped

Dalits? In many ways, says Ravikumar. The classic example is the Tamil
Nadu government's recent announcement about replacing 21 lakh mud huts
in the state with concrete houses. "For the past three years I have
been speaking in Assembly in favour of a hut-less society. The
government has now heeded my plea," Ravikumar says and adds that more
than an activist, a legislator can bring changes in the life of the
people he represents.

Does that mean that the ex-Maoist feels that his former comrades,
currently holding the government to ransom, should also enter
electoral politics? "Yes," says Ravikumar. "In fact, I would like to
send across the message to all those poor and low-caste people going
with the Maoists to take a practical route towa­rds empowerment."

babujayakumar@expressbuzz.com


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[ZESTCaste] A platform for shared experience

http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=A+platform+for+shared+experience&artid=/SzMX5QZZD8=&SectionID=f4OberbKin4=&MainSectionID=f4OberbKin4=&SEO=Dalit+,+magazine,+Insight&SectionName=cxWvYpmNp4fBHAeKn3LcnQ==

A platform for shared experience

Anoop KumarFirst Published : 28 Feb 2010 10:32:00 AM IST

Last Updated : 26 Feb 2010 11:03:24 PM IST

Why did you start the magazine and when?


Insight magazine was started by a group of students from JNU in August
2004. Its main objective was to create a platform for Dalit students
of the university to share their experiences and articulate their
views on issues that concern them as well as the larger Dalit society.
Also, Insight is a platform for the community's mobilisation and
networking towards removing the vacuum that exists between the
students and larger Dalit movement as we never had our youth platform.

The idea of this magazine came in response to student outfits like the
SFI, AISA and ABVP. You know, JNU has a strong Left movement that
professes liberalism and progressiveness. However, on caste issues,
every political group tends to ignore these issues or raise it in a
patronising way. But our weak socio-economic and political background
made it tough for us to create a counter-organisation. Hence this
journal.


How did it pick up?

The magazine initially used to be a compilation of photocopies. We'd
type the articles using computer, take Xerox of the printouts and
staple it into a booklet form. And sell them. Within the first three
issues, the magazine became known outside JNU and we started getting
requests for copies across to other places and educational
institutions. Within one year, Insight was printing more than 1000
copies; it had more than 800 subscribers from 50 varsities and
educational institutions across the country and even abroad.

It all began with money being pooled in from within the group but
later we found we could generate finances from the larger Dalit
community. One big achievement is our lending a platform of networking
Dalit students at the national level: we organised a national
convention in JNU in 2005 to commemorate our first year of
publication.


Wasn't there a break after that?

Soon after the convention, reasons like financial crunch and academic
pressure led to stoppage of the printing of hard copies of magazine.
We could restart it only in 2007 — and some editions came out till
early last year. Since last June, we again stopped publication for
lack of funds — it's instead running as a blog. It's a stopgap
arrangement. We are working on a long-term solution to sustain
publication.


Who are the people involved in the making of the magazine?

It was started basically by a group of Dalit students which included
Rajneesh, Rajesh Katulkar, Kaushal Panwar, Pratap and Samuel Tharu
besides me. All of us were students of JNU doing their post-graduation
or PhD. After coming out with a few issues, our team broadened. It has
now more than 20 people from different castes and various part of the
country. Some of us bec­ame full-timers for the publication.


Why did you think young Dalit voices (in particular) needed this medium?

Apart from being able to respond towards other student groups on caste
issues, such a medium is important to raise voice against the
discrimination Dalit students suffer in campuses — even from faculty
members and even in premier institutions.


Is there a new Dalit identity you are trying to

articulate?

We don't try for an identity other than what leaders like B R Ambedkar
envisaged. A majority of us come from rural or semi-rural background
and share a similar level of caste prejudices. This movement helps us
contribute back to the communities we come from.


Who is the target reader?

Primarily educated Dalit students and fresh Dalit professionals, who
are our mentors too. We also target non-Dalit students, academicians
and professionals who are sympathetic to our cause. We want to others
to know about the community's long struggle.


What is the most powerful medium to reach your audience, given that
your magazine includes even poetry and cartoons?

Feedback says it's the interviews with scholars,

activists, writers and students on socio-political issues. Then come
articles and poems.


What are the core ideas behind the articulation and mobilisation?

To intervene so as to ensure higher education beco­mes conducive for
the Dalit students, fight against casteism, fill up a gap that exist
between the Dalit movement and students/youth of the community, create
a Dalit youth leadership, sensitise larger society on the issues of
discrimination inside and outside campus.

iwitnessfeedback@expressbuzz.com


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[ZESTCaste] The dalit treasure hunt

 

http://wap.business-standard.com/storypage.php?id=0&autono=387073

As on February 28, 05:41 pm Font Size S M L

News for the hour

Sreelatha Menon: The dalit treasure hunt
Sreelatha Menon/New Delhi - Feb 28,2010 00:42 AM

There is no end to the variety of demons that the mind can engender.
The feeling of hatred or fear based on one's position in the caste
hierarchy is only one of them.

In a Madurai village, some people recently went to the extent of
building a wall so that they are saved the "impure'' sight of dalits
living in the other part of the village.

In north Indian villages, a Harijan basti is a common sight.
Caste-based discrimination is a mental illness, a virus that hits the
brain, as Dr A Rosaiah of Tata Institute of Social Sciences Mumbai
puts it.

In this lunacy, all institutions become suspect. Recently, the social
justice ministry's Ambedkar Chair at Indian Institute of Public
Administration (IIPA) and Pria, a non-government organisation,
organised a workshop on dalit leadership in panchayats. At the event,
activists pointed fingers at the panchayati raj system itself.

Is panchayati raj the right way to go? Is it right just because
Mahatma Gandhi recommended it? It was something BR Ambedkar, known as
the father of the Constitution, was against. He felt it could not work
in a caste-ridden society.

There are so many cases of dalit panchayat presidents acting as rubber
stamps, of panchayat presidents being forced to sit on the floor, of
being forced to wash their chairs at the time of leaving.

Today, if a dalit becomes a panchayat president, he becomes the worst
enemy of his community, says Paul Diwakar, who heads the National
Campaign for Dalit Human Rights. The reason is that he is chosen by
the upper caste leaders of the community. So, he acts in the interests
of his "masters," leaving the dalits feeling betrayed.

This proves right the thesis of dalit leaders that India got freedom
from external masters but continued to be a slave of internal masters.

There had to be a cultural revolution, Ambedkar had said, to reverse
the hierarchical system. How can dalits get their due?

Quotas are like a balm. But a balm is not enough, for there are fresh
wounds every day.

Five years ago, Arun Khote, a dalit activist, started an online news
magazine to document atrocities on dalits. It goes to almost everyone
who matters in the country. Yet, the country doesn't recognise the
apartheid that is being played out in the name of democracy.

Just shedding tears about these atrocities is not enough. There has to
be a celebration of the wealth that the community stands for. The
wealth of its tradition and history needs to be studied.

The social justice and empowerment ministry's Budget allocation has
seen a huge jump in this Budget. It beats both the National Employment
Guarantee Scheme and the government's education and health programmes.

The Ambedkar Foundation under the ministry has already made a
beginning by setting up ten research chairs in ten different states.
In New Delhi, the IIPA conference brought together researchers and
dalit organisations. This will lead to more information on dalit
culture, where seeds of a cultural revolution lie. Khote is talking
about dalit festivals, dalit music. It's a new beginning to kill the
virus of hatred.

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[ZESTCaste] Courage ensures justice

http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=Courage+ensures+justice&artid=dNWjbCjQ7zw=&SectionID=mvKkT3vj5ZA=&MainSectionID=fyV9T2jIa4A=&SectionName=nUFeEOBkuKw=&SEO=

Courage ensures justice

Riyan Ramanath V

First Published : 28 Feb 2010 05:16:00 AM IST

Last Updated : 28 Feb 2010 08:04:55 AM IST

BALANGIR: She finally plucked up the courage and narrated before the
court her plight.


She testified despite opposition from her in-laws. And her exemplary
courage helped the court punish the culprits, who raped and tortured
her in a brick kiln in Andhra Pradesh in 2003.

Prabhanjali Deep (name changed), a Dalit girl, who had gone to
Rangareddy district of Andhra Pradesh to work in a brick kiln, was
raped and held captive in Bharat Nagar in Hyderabad. Three other
tribal girls, who had gone with her, also underwent the same trauma.

After the girls were rescued by some organisations, they returned to
village and a case, which was filed in AP, was put in cold storage
because no victim was ready to appear before the court to narrate
their plight.

Meanwhile, Prabhanjali got married.

Although the torture still haunted her, she couldn't do anything
because of opposition from her in-laws. However, she finally stepped
out and decided to testify before the court in Hyderabad. After she
agreed to narrate her ordeals, court fixed a new date for hearing and
she courageously narrated the ordeal before the court.

Prabhanjali heaved a sigh of relief when the court held three persons
guilty and sentenced them to 10 years rigorous imprisonment.

The court gave the verdict in January.

"Other girls decided to forget the incident but it haunted me even
after my marriage," narrated Prabhanjali who turned emotional. She
said she felt happy when the court pronounced the judgment in her
favour. Brick kiln owner Feroz Khan, his brother Ayub Khan and labour
agent Sanju Sagaria were involved in the heinous crime. The trio were
punished. Sources said the case was heard in-camera.

One of the members of the rescue team Umi Daniel said the matter had
come to light when the parents of one of the girls escaped from the
brick kiln and reported the matter to the local media.

Immediately some activists from Balangir rushed to Hyderabad and
rescued 40 persons, including the rape victims. However, he said it
was because of Prabhanjali's courage, she got justice. "We initiated
the rescue operation and then the government officials came to know
about the rape incident. Immediately a case was registered in the
police station", said Daniel. He said after the court issued summons,
no girl except Prabhanjali was ready to go to the court.


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