Tuesday, November 3, 2009

[ZESTCaste] A battle won

http://www.frontline.in/stories/20091120262303400.htm

SOCIAL ISSUES

A battle won

S. DORAIRAJ
in Chettipulam

Dalits of Chettipulam, who faced unprecedented violence by caste
Hindus in October, offer worship at the Siva temple in the village.

Statue of Mahatma Gandhi on the compound wall of the Ekambareswarar
temple in Chettipulam.

"Untouchability is a crime against God and man…. Untouchability is a
hydra-headed monster…. Untouchability, I hold, is a sin, if Bhagavad
Gita is one of our divine books."

– Mahatma Gandhi

THE Ekambareswarar temple at Chettipulam in Nagapattinam district,
Tamil Nadu, presents an irony. Casteist forces in the village have all
along denied Dalits their constitutional right to enter the shrine and
offer worship there. And, a statue of Mahatma Gandhi reading the Gita
sits on the southern compound wall of the temple as a witness to all
this.

However, the Dalits' determination to assert their right and the
uncompromising stand of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the
Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication Front (TNUEF) on the issue
resulted in the Collector and other top officials of the district
administration leading the oppressed sections into the shrine under
tight police security on October 27, close on the heels of the "peace
talks" held with representatives of different communities.

Interestingly, the temple entry programme coincided with a massive
rally held in Chennai on the same day by the TNUEF and several Dalit
organisations with the backing of the CPI(M). The issues highlighted
at the rally related to the denial of access to the oppressed people
at the places of worship and other public places such as burial
grounds, and discriminatory practices they face at tea stalls and
haircutting saloons. Leaders who addressed the meeting reiterated
their commitment to the cause.

The rally, among other things, demanded the appointment of a
commission headed by a High Court judge to recommend a time-bound
programme for the socio-economic uplift of the Scheduled Castes and
the Scheduled Tribes in the State. It called for steps to raise the
percentage of reservation for Dalits from 18 to 19 per cent, clear the
backlog of vacancies in the S.C./S.T. category, redistribute surplus
lands to Dalits, retrieve the panchami lands belonging to Dalits, curb
manual scavenging, ensure entry of Dalits into temples and extend
internal reservation benefits for all sub-sects of the Arunthathiar
community.

But the path that led the Dalits into the Siva temple was not strewn
with roses. Unprecedented violence was witnessed on October 14. It was
aimed not only at Dalits who tried to fulfil their long-felt desire to
enter the temple but also at the revenue and police officials who
tried to implement the decision of a peace committee meeting on
October 8 held at the initiative of the district administration.

The TNUEF and the CPI(M), which have led the temple entry struggle at
Chettipulam and other places in the State, had made it clear that they
would not compromise on the issue. They set October 30 as the deadline
for the district administration to find an amicable solution to the
issue. Dalits would be helped to enter the temple on November 2 if the
administration failed to fulfil its constitutional responsibility,
they stated. When Frontline visited Chettipulam, the village wore a
deserted look. The majority of the caste-Hindu men, particularly those
who were directly involved in the violence, had gone into hiding, and
Dalit farm workers were away in neighbouring villages to eke out a
living. Most of the shops had downed their shutters. Daily pujas
seldom took place at the 80-year-old Siva temple. Police pickets were
set up at different places.

PICTURES: M. MOORTHY

Nagapattinam Collector C. Munianathan offering prayers along with
Dalits at the Ekambareswarar temple.

Recalling the circumstances under which the temple entry agitation was
launched in the village, "Nagai" Maali, district convener of the
TNUEF, and A.V. Murugaiyan, district secretary of the CPI(M), said a
survey conducted in 36 panchayats in Vedaranyam block in November 2008
had revealed that discriminatory practices against Dalits existed in
several villages. Chettipulam was only the tip of the iceberg. At
Marudur (South), Vanduvancheri, Ayakkaranpulam, Kadinavayal,
Panchanathikulam Naduchethi, Kodiyakarai and Pushpavanam, and many
other villages, Dalits were denied access to temples, the survey found
out.

According to the survey, in 15 villages, washermen and hairdressers
turned away Dalit customers. In 10 villages, Dalits were forced to do
menial jobs such as removing carcasses. Dalits were not allowed to use
public ponds or bury their dead at the common burial grounds, they
were denied a path to Dalit burial grounds, they were discriminated
against with the two-glass system at tea stalls, Dalit children were
humiliated in schools, Dalit staff members were insulted at noon-meal
centres and Dalit women were sexually assaulted in several villages.
In many villages, the survey found that the police were either
reluctant to book cases relating to atrocities against Dalits or took
no action even after registering cases.

After the findings of the survey were released, a special conference
was held at Vedaranyam on January 31. It passed resolutions seeking
the intervention of the district administration to end the social and
economic oppression, increase employment opportunities for Dalits and
provide financial assistance to them.

In the absence of any worthwhile response from the administration, the
CPI(M) and the TNUEF decided to focus on the Chettipulam temple issue
and highlighted it in their State-wide agitation, held on September
30, against acts of caste-based discrimination, the TNUEF convener P.
Sampath said. The agitation coincided with the death anniversary of B.
Srinivasa Rao, the doyen of the kisan movement in the State. Srinivasa
Rao had led many a heroic battle against feudalism and atrocities
against Dalits since the 1940s.

The agitation at Chettipulam assumed significance as the kisan and
Left movements were not as strong in the tail end of the Cauvery delta
region as they were in the rest of east Thanjavur, CPI(M) Central
Committee member G. Ramakrishnan said.

V. Duraimanickam, the general secretary of the Tamil Nadu Vivasayigal
Sangam, recalled the powerful struggles launched by the kisan and Left
movements in east Thanjavur against the onslaught of feudalism and the
brutal punishment "erring farmhands" were subjected to, which included
savukkadi (flogging) and saanipal (forced drinking of cow dung mixed
in water). These brutalities came to an end through a tripartite
agreement in 1942. Another landmark achievement of these movements was
the enactment of the Fair Wages Act for east Thanjavur in 1970,
enabling farm workers to get wages beyond what was prescribed under
the Minimum Wages Act. However, the inhuman treatment of Dalits
continued for several years in Vedaranyam taluk, he pointed out.

Chettipulam has a population of around 7,000, including 600 Dalits.
The village is only 40 km away from Keezhavenmani, where 44 Dalit farm
workers were torched on December 25, 1968, by landlords for demanding
a paltry wage hike. Even today, almost all Dalits of Chettipulam are
either agricultural workers or manual labourers. These landless people
have to rely on the caste-Hindu farmers for their livelihood. Some of
them migrate to far-off places in search of jobs.

The entire village once belonged to the family of Vadapathimangalam
Thiagaraja Mudaliar. Settlements between 1965 and 1975 enabled the
caste-Hindu tenants to bring most of the lands under their control.
Ironically, the erstwhile tenants wanted the Dalit workers to be
subservient to them.

Enquiries with the local people revealed that though casteism had
blurred the political lines to some extent, politics of one-upmanship
adopted by the non-Left parties, particularly the Dravida Munnetra
Kazhagam (DMK), the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK)
and the Congress, in the area had complicated the issue.

Maheshwar Dayal, Superintendent of Police, Nagapattinam, with police
personnel outside the temple at Chettipulam.

When Dalits were about to reach the Siva temple on September 30, caste
Hindus, mostly belonging to the most backward Vanniyar, Mutharayar,
Thevar, Konar and Nadar communities, gathered in strength under the
leadership of the local panchayat president, A. Manimaran of the DMK,
and vice-chairman of the panchayat union S. Sivaprakasam of the
Congress, to block them from entering it. They locked the shrine. Even
as the CPI(M) activists threatened to break the lock, the authorities
clamped Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure and sealed the
lock. Around 300 activists belonging to the CPI(M) and the TNUEF were
arrested.

The Revenue Divisional Officer (RDO) ordered that the seal be opened
only after persons belonging to all castes were allowed to enter the
temple. However, the caste Hindus violated the ban and removed the
lock on October 1 on the pretext of enabling devotees to offer worship
on pradosham (the 13th day of the waning or waxing of the moon) when
special pujas are offered to Siva. Both Manimaran and Sivaprakasam
claimed that they only removed the seal, said Kovai Subramanian,
Vedaranyam block committee secretary of the CPI(M). The police and
revenue authorities were shocked at the high-handedness of the
casteist forces. Condemning the unlawful act, the CPI(M) and the TNUEF
announced that they would revive the temple entry agitation on October
22.

As events took a new turn, the district administration convened a
peace committee meeting on October 8 of officials and representatives
of Dalits and caste Hindus. It was decided that the RDO, along with
the legislators of Vedaranyam and Nagapattinam, S.K. Vedarathinam
(DMK) and V. Marimuthu (CPI(M)) respectively, would lead Dalits to the
temple on October 14. The authorities also warned that action would be
taken under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of
Atrocities) Act, 1989, if entry into the temple was obstructed.

But the local AIADMK leaders, including former panchayat president M.
Santosham, were not prepared to allow the DMK and the Congress to gain
political mileage out of the situation. At a meeting on October 13,
they decided to ensure that the temple entry programme became a
non-event. As part of their plan, the Village Administrative Officer
was asked to go on leave on health grounds.

Roadblocks using wooden logs and cement pipes were put up by casteist
elements along the 1.5-kilometre path leading to the temple. They also
laid down several conditions; some of these were that Marimuthu and
Dalits from other villages must keep away from the village and only a
token entry by a small group of Dalits should be sought. Although the
authorities fulfilled all these, caste Hindus unleashed violence. They
did not spare even the RDO and the Deputy Superintendent of Police.
They stoned the police van carrying 15 Dalits, including 10 women,
into the temple, and attacked the victims with sticks and soda-water
bottles. The police opened fire in the air to scare away the mob.

According to police sources, cases have been booked against 315
persons under various sections of the Indian Penal Code, including
Sections 147 (punishment for rioting), 148 (rioting, armed with deadly
weapons), 324 (violently causing hurt by dangerous weapons or means),
332 (voluntarily causing hurt to deter public servants from performing
duty) and 341 (punishment for wrongful restraint). Cases have also
been registered under Section 3 (1) (xiv) of the S.Cs and S.Ts (PoA)
Act, 1989 (denial of customary rights of passage) and Section 3 (1) of
the Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act, 1984 (mischief
causing damage to public property). A total of 34 persons were
arrested until October 23. The kingpins of the violence were yet to be
arrested.

Birla Thangadurai, an activist of the Republican Party of India (RPI)
and a resident of Chettipulam, said although he and his supporters had
been keeping themselves away from the temple entry struggle, they had
now decided to support the CPI(M) initiative. Apart from denying entry
into temples, Dalits were forced to do mean jobs, he said. "It is
unfortunate that many of our parties talk about the welfare of Sri
Lankan Tamils, totally ignoring the plight of the Adi Tamils of our
land," he said.

S. Vanitha, who was among the persons taken to the temple in the
police van, said caste Hindus blocked the van and attacked them from
all sides. The van driver was also injured. The caste-Hindu men were
armed with stones, crowbars, sticks and soda-water bottles while their
women carried broomsticks, she added. Dalit women were prevented from
offering worship at the temple and their archana plates were thrown
away, she alleged.

The TNUEF and the CPI(M) staged a protest demonstration in
Nagapattinam on October 20 condemning the violence in Chettipulam and
demanding that the government take necessary steps to ensure Dalits'
entry into the Ekambareswarar temple.

District Collector C. Munianathan has a different perspective on the
issue. According to him, the severity of untouchability has come down
owing to various schemes and projects implemented by the government
and also because of the growing awareness among Dalits, particularly
the youth. Dalits' dependence on landowners has become minimal mainly
because of the implementation of the National Rural Employment
Guarantee Act, although problems persist, he opines.

Caste discrimination is not peculiar to Chettipulam and other villages
in Vedaranyam block. It was officially admitted a few years ago that
discriminatory practices against Dalits prevailed in 7,000 villages in
the State. It was against this backdrop that the CPI(M) intensified
its struggle against different forms of untouchability, on the grounds
that caste oppression was inseparably intertwined with class
oppression. Through these struggles, it sought the government's
effective intervention to redress their long-standing grievances.

Members of the CPI(M) protesting at the Nagapattinam bus stand on
October 20, demanding action to enable Dalits to worship at the
temple.

As part of this struggle, protest programmes were held at eight places
in seven districts – Nagapattinam, Dindigul, Tiruvannamalai,
Villupuram, Perambalur, Virudhunagar and Coimbatore – on September 30
to assert Dalits' rights.

At Kangiyanur in Villupuram district, activists of the CPI(M) and the
TNUEF, including legislator G. Latha and general secretary of the
Tamil Nadu Vivasayigal Sangam K. Balakrishnan, were injured when
police lathi-charged them to foil an attempt to ensure that Dalits of
that village entered the Draupathiamman temple. Over 100 persons were
arrested and remanded to custody. The police repression evoked
widespread condemnation.

Another issue that has caused concern is the State's not-so-impressive
performance relating to the implementation of the Protection of Civil
Rights Act and the S.Cs and S.Ts (PoA) Act. According to A. Kathir,
executive director of Evidence, a Madurai-based non-governmental
organisation, from 2004 to 2008 a total of 5,741 cases were registered
under the S.Cs and S.Ts (PoA) Act but only 5 to 7 per cent of them
ended in conviction. On several occasions, the police had shown
reluctance to book cases relating to crimes against Dalits under this
Act, he alleged.

Although the government and the ruling DMK viewed the protest
programmes as an "attempt to disrupt law and order", the CPI(M) and
the TNUEF have stepped up their campaign against social and class
oppression. CPI(M) legislators observed a dawn-to-dusk fast in Chennai
on October 22 protesting against the police action in Kangiyanur and
the high-handedness of the casteist forces at Chettipulam.

Condemning the attitude of the DMK and the AIADMK on this vital issue,
Sampath said successive governments headed by the two parties had
failed to find a lasting solution to the problems of Dalits. "There
are over one crore Dalits in Tamil Nadu, who outnumber the entire
population of Tamils in Sri Lanka. While fighting for the island's
Tamils, we should pay due attention to the problems of the oppressed
people in the State," he said.

The hostility shown by caste Hindus to the temple entry agitation by
keeping away from the shrine on October 27 has led to a lot of
scepticism about the efficacy of the compromise evolved by the
officials. The district administration hopes that normality can be
restored after arresting the kingpins of the violence. But one thing
is clear: the Dalits of Chettipulam are not prepared to give up their
hard-won right.

"It is strange and unjust that we have hitherto been denied access to
this temple, though the fact remains that the manual transportation of
granite stones for its construction was the result of the sweat and
labour of our forefathers," a Dalit lamented.


------------------------------------

----
INFORMATION OVERLOAD?
Get all ZESTCaste mails sent out in a span of 24 hours in a single mail. Subscribe to the daily digest version by sending a blank mail to ZESTMedia-digest@yahoogroups.com, OR, if you have a Yahoo! Id, change your settings at http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTMedia/join/

PARTICIPATE:-
On this list you can share caste news, discuss caste issues and network with like-minded anti-caste people from across India and the world. Just write to zestcaste@yahoogroups.com

TELL FRIENDS TO SIGN UP:-
If you got this mail as a forward, subscribe to ZESTCaste by sending a blank mail to ZESTCaste-subscribe@yahoogroups.com OR, if you have a Yahoo! ID, by visiting http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/join/

Also have a look at our sister list, ZESTMedia: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTMedia/Yahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/

<*> Your email settings:
Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/join
(Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
mailto:ZESTCaste-digest@yahoogroups.com
mailto:ZESTCaste-fullfeatured@yahoogroups.com

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
ZESTCaste-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/

[ZESTCaste] Amar dares Maya, says not afraid of CBI

 

http://www.ptinews.com/news/360260_Amar-dares-Maya--says-not-afraid-of-CBI

Amar dares Maya, says not afraid of CBI

STAFF WRITER 18:12 HRS IST
Firozabad, Nov 3 (PTI) Samajwadi Party leader Amar Singh today accused
Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati of implicating him in a false
case, and dared her to get him arrested.

"If Mayawati has the guts, she should get me arrested after getting a
false case lodged against me," Singh said addressing an election rally
in support of party candidate Dimple Yadav here.

"I'm neither afraid of CBI nor police baton," the SP general secretary said.

Taking a dig at Rahul Gandhi who had last week campaigned here for
party candidate Raj Babbar, Singh said the Congress, which had given
several Prime Ministers, should also give an account of the situation
of power, water and unemployment.

He also accused BSP and Congress of being in league with each other to
defeat the SP chief Mulayam Singh Yadav's daughter-in-law Dimple in
Firozabad bypoll on November 7.

__._,_.___
----
INFORMATION OVERLOAD?
Get all ZESTCaste mails sent out in a span of 24 hours in a single mail. Subscribe to the daily digest version by sending a blank mail to ZESTMedia-digest@yahoogroups.com, OR, if you have a Yahoo! Id, change your settings at http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTMedia/join/

PARTICIPATE:-
On this list you can share caste news, discuss caste issues and network with like-minded anti-caste people from across India and the world. Just write to zestcaste@yahoogroups.com

TELL FRIENDS TO SIGN UP:-
If you got this mail as a forward, subscribe to ZESTCaste by sending a blank mail to ZESTCaste-subscribe@yahoogroups.com OR, if you have a Yahoo! ID, by visiting http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/join/

Also have a look at our sister list, ZESTMedia: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTMedia/
Recent Activity
Visit Your Group
New business?

Get new customers.

List your web site

in Yahoo! Search.

Yahoo! Groups

Small Business Group

Ask questions,

share experiences

Yahoo! Groups

Mom Power

Community just for Moms

Join the discussion

.

__,_._,___

[ZESTCaste] Christian groups to stage dharna for SC status to Dalit Christians, Dalit Muslims

http://twocircles.net/2009nov02/christian_groups_stage_dharna_sc_status_dalit_christians_dalit_muslims.html

Christian groups to stage dharna for SC status to Dalit Christians,
Dalit Muslims

Submitted by admin4 on 2 November 2009 - 6:37pm.
Indian Muslim
By TwoCircles.net News Desk,

New Delhi: Leading Christian religious groups will stage a dharna on
Parliament Street in New Delhi on November 18 demanding amendment in
the Constitution to grant Scheduled Caste status to Dalit Christians
and Dalit Muslims in the country.

The National Council of Dalit Christians in collaboration with
Catholic Bishops' Conference of India and National Council of Churches
in India have decided to organize a rally followed by a daylong dharna
"to express the urgency and gravity of Christians', Muslims' and
secular-minded peoples' just demand for Scheduled Caste rights to
Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims."

The Constitutional Scheduled Caste Order 1950 restricted SC status
only to the SCs professing Hinduism. Later on the order was amended to
include in the fold SCs who embraced Sikhism and Buddhism.

"Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims have been denied their right for
the last fifty nine years. National Commission for Religious and
Linguistic Minorities (NCRLM) stated that non inclusion of SC
Christians and SC Muslims in the SC list is a discrimination based on
religion and goes against the articles 14, 15 and 25 of the
Constitution of India. Religion must be de-linked from caste. The
discriminatory Para 3 of the Constitution Scheduled Caste Order 1950
should be deleted by appropriate action," said the Christian groups in
a statement.

"But it is very unfortunate that the Union Government has shelved this
report and makes millions of SC Christians and SC Muslims continue to
suffer unjustly," the groups said adding that the Writ petition filed
in the Supreme Court in 2004 is unduly delayed because of the
indifference of the Union Government to give a reply to the Supreme
Court.

Meanwhile the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) has also
recommended that Scheduled Caste status must be extended to the
Scheduled Caste Christians and Scheduled Caste Muslims. The National
Commission for Minorities too has supported the demand.

"Most of the political parties have supported the demand of Scheduled
Caste Christians and Muslims. Various dharnas and protest rallies have
been organized in the state and national level to assert our rights.
Prime Ministers including the present one and various Ministers have
made assurances that it would be done. So far they have been only
empty promises."

The groups have also demanded tabulation of the report of the National
Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities in the Parliament
with Action Taken Report and implementation of its recommendations.
They have urged the Union Government to give appropriate answer to the
query of the Supreme Court to the Writ Petitions demanding the
deletion of the unjust para 3 of the Constitution Scheduled Castes
Order 1950 to extend Scheduled Caste Status to Christians and Muslims
of Scheduled Caste origin.


------------------------------------

----
INFORMATION OVERLOAD?
Get all ZESTCaste mails sent out in a span of 24 hours in a single mail. Subscribe to the daily digest version by sending a blank mail to ZESTMedia-digest@yahoogroups.com, OR, if you have a Yahoo! Id, change your settings at http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTMedia/join/

PARTICIPATE:-
On this list you can share caste news, discuss caste issues and network with like-minded anti-caste people from across India and the world. Just write to zestcaste@yahoogroups.com

TELL FRIENDS TO SIGN UP:-
If you got this mail as a forward, subscribe to ZESTCaste by sending a blank mail to ZESTCaste-subscribe@yahoogroups.com OR, if you have a Yahoo! ID, by visiting http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/join/

Also have a look at our sister list, ZESTMedia: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTMedia/Yahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/

<*> Your email settings:
Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/join
(Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
mailto:ZESTCaste-digest@yahoogroups.com
mailto:ZESTCaste-fullfeatured@yahoogroups.com

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
ZESTCaste-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/

[ZESTCaste] Magic of millets

 

http://www.hardnewsmedia.com/2009/11/3331

Magic of millets

The marginalised women of Medak district have shown the way to other
farmers, scientists and policy makers to regenerate sustainable and
citizen controlled food systems
Akash Bisht Medak (Andhra Pradesh)

Balamma, a 60-year-old dalit woman from Edavulapalli village in Medak
district of Andhra Pradesh, is savouring her new-found freedom. Not
too long ago she was a bonded labour who led a difficult life living
on the margins of the village. Now she is a self-sufficient farmer.
How did this transformation take place in a span of a few years?

Balamma's narrative is quite stirring. "My husband was a bonded
labour. We owned a small piece of fallow land on the fringes of the
village. We are dalits so we were given infertile land by landlords
under the Land Ceiling Act. We could grow nothing on it as the top
soil was rocky and we did not have the resources - bullocks, seeds,
fertilisers - for farming."

Few years later, Balamma with some other dalit women from her village
decided to lease a small piece of fallow land collectively with the
help of a non-profit organisation, Deccan Development Society (DDS).
On it, they grew multiple crops, primarily millets and pulses. That
changed their lives. It has been more than 15 years now. Balamma owns
cattle and her grandchildren go to school. "My children never had a
chance to go to school because they had to start working at an early
age to sustain the family," she says.

Many other dalit women like Balamma adopted similar cropping patterns
in the wake of severe natural calamities like drought and floods.
They, too, have been phenomenally successful in ensuring food security
not only for themselves, but for the entire village. More than 5,000
dalit women, with the help of DDS, have formed sanghams (village-level
communities) in 70 villages where they sit together and discuss issues
pertaining to agriculture among other things. They have also devised
an alternative public distribution system and set up seed banks in
different villages of Medak district.

Collective farming by small groups of dalit women helped them conquer
poverty. They leased fallow land for which DDS paid them 75 per cent
of the total amount. Then they set about improving the soil quality
using animal manure and local water harvesting techniques.
The women decided to grow multiple traditional crops - millets and
pulses - instead of a single crop. If the harvest of a single crop
failed due to natural conditions, pest attacks et al, they would have
lost it all. However, with multiple crops the women had the advantage
of saving at least 40 per cent of the harvest in extreme conditions
and these crops are naturally resistant to pests as well.

Once the harvest was ready, these women, in a wealth ranking exercise,
gave different coloured cards to each family depending on their
economic status. That determined what portion of the produce each
family would get. Also, they sold their produce at a rupee less than
the market price. They paid back the DDS with a sack full of jowar for
each acre. The surplus crop was sold off and the money it fetched was
invested in a fixed deposit for five years. This money was taken out
only to bring more fallow land under cultivation. After long struggle,
they also got the work of bringing fallow land under cultivation in
the NREGS, too.

Seed banks run by the sanghams follow the traditional method of
storing. A woman in every village is chosen to store seeds and
distribute it to whoever needs them. But, the seed bank has a rule:
one has to return around double the quantity of seeds a person has
borrowed. These banks have helped in storing a wide variety of seeds
that would have been lost over time. "Some of the seeds had long been
forgotten by the locals. But extreme weather conditions in the past
few years have made people realise the value of these crops that had
sustained several generations," a sangham member told Hardnews.

The women also began to grow plantation crops and earned wages similar
to the NREGS. "We did work similar to what the government calls the
NREGS way back in 1987. We paid daily wages to women who were part of
the sanghams and worked in plantations or fallow land," informs PV
Sateesh, DDS director. The plantations provided them with timber,
fruits and fodder.

The plantations not only recharged the groundwater but also brought
money after the women sold off the surplus. Traditional medicinal
plants were also introduced which helped villagers
save money that would otherwise have been spent on commuting to
hospitals and medicines.
"According to our estimates, communities have saved around Rs three
million by using medicinal plants and other traditional medical
techniques. We also have a health worker in every village," says
Sateesh. The women have also set up shops to sell the surplus produce
at a rate lower than what the market offers.

Many women in different villages in Medak district narrate stories of
their poverty-stricken past when the men worked in fields of big
landowners. They couldn't plough their land as they had no bullocks.
And, when they did manage to get bullocks, the harvesting season was
over. "Now, even landlords sometimes come to us for bullocks and
seeds. Many of them have adopted our farming methods after seeing our
success," says a proud Lakshamma of Chilamamedi village.

The DDS has also started the country's first community radio station
run by dalit women. They discuss issues relating to agriculture,
health and music. Some of the women have even been trained in camera
and video editing. They make documentary films that have been dubbed
in several languages and won awards, too.

In 2002, during Chandrababu Naidu's regime, the Telangana region of
Andhra suffered severe drought for nearly five years. Many farmers
committed suicide as they were burdened with huge loans they could not
repay. Their hybrid cash crops had failed as they could not withstand
water scarcity. However, during this phase Balamma and other dalit
women in Medak district didn't face such huge losses. Some of the
millets they had sown were drought-resistant. So, they had food and
fodder during the drought years. "During these tough years the
villagers would ask everyone if they needed any grain or seeds.
Everybody declined as there was a surplus of grain in every house,"
says a local woman farmer. When farmers across Andhra were struggling
just to survive, these women had surplus in grain banks and seed
banks.

The villages also saw a sharp drop in the number of the poor migrating
to bigger cities, locals tell Hardnews. "Locals call millet satyam
pantalu (crops of truth). These crops grow on practically no inputs
and even on highly infertile soil," says Sateesh. Except for coastal
Andhra, most of the other regions also grew millets and other
traditional crops. After the Green Revolution, however, most farmers
gave up millet farming and took to cultivating hybrid cash crops.

"Our cattle were dying after eating Bt cotton. We soon learnt that the
crop required big investment. If one crop failed, farmers would face
huge losses," informs Suryamma of Edavulapalli village in Medak. Some
farmers who incurred such losses committed suicide.

Farmers also figured out that the soil was becoming infertile as no
other crop would reap a good harvest after Bt cotton was introduced.
Yet, cotton is still being grown in large parts of Andhra along with
several other cash crops that require large quantities of water and
other inputs like pesticides, fertilisers and seeds. This is leading
to an environmental crisis as water table in the region is depleting
at an alarming rate as more and more farmers are digging deep for
borewells.

Andhra Pradesh is divided into three regions - Rayalseema, Telangana
and coastal Andhra. Coastal Andhra has fertile lands and a vast
network of irrigation facilities. Most of Rayalseema and Telangana,
however, are rain-fed. Land in the Rayalseema and Telangana regions is
not conducive for crops that require plenty of water. So, millets were
grown in the past and in small quantities post Green Revolution. With
the advent of hybrid crops and genetically modified cash crops,
farmers decided to abandon traditional farming. Bt cotton was first
introduced in Andhra in 2002. It turned out to be a disaster that led
to several farmers committing suicides due to enormous debts.

"Cash crops provide farmers with higher yields but it gets evened out
with the input cost. One bad season can bring misery to farmers,
especially, the poor ones. This has led to farmer suicides in Vidarbha
and other parts of the country," says Suman Sahai of Gene Campaign.

The traditional cropping pattern of most of the rain-fed areas in
India is disappearing at an alarming rate. The government is providing
rice and wheat at a subsidised rate through the public distribution
system (PDS). This has led to small and marginal farmers abandoning
farming, migrating or engaging in some other profession while their
land lies fallow. In spite of the high nutritional value and other
benefits of millets, the area under millet cultivation has declined
over the last five decades, especially after the Green Revolution.
Between 1966 and 2006, more than 44 per cent of millet cultivation
areas have been occupied by other crops, primarily cash crops.
Government policies towards millets have also led to its decline.

"Millets are considered as the food of the poor. So, no one,
especially the new generation, wants to associate themselves with the
crop that is associated with poverty. People of older generations
might like it, but the demand and appeal of millets is on the wane
with the advent of junk food," informs Sahai. However, India still
remains the highest consumer of millets in the world. Indians consume
42 per cent of the total global produce.

Subsidised rice distributed through the PDS has also led to a decline
in the demand for millets as rice posed a competition. "There should
be some political pressure from Punjab which is the reason why surplus
rice from Punjab is being sent to Andhra Pradesh. It doesn't make
sense to transport rice all the way from Punjab and Haryana. People
should eat what they grow locally because it will save transportation
costs and keep alive the traditional farming," says Sahai.

Sateesh, Sahai and others have repeatedly requested the government to
introduce millets through the PDS primarily because they are high in
nutrition and will also inspire farmers to grow the crop. "Millets
should be introduced in midday meal and Integrated Child Development
Scheme (ICDS) because of their nutritional value and fibre. This will
also keep the younger generation in proximity with their traditional
eating habits," appeals Sateesh.

The marginalised women of Medak district have shown the way to other
farmers, scientists and policy makers to regenerate sustainable and
citizen controlled food systems. They have also succeeded in
eradicating poverty and hunger while ensuring environmental
sustainability. Moreover, women have assumed control over agriculture
and become financially secure.

"Farmers are being made into consumers rather than producers through
flawed government policies. The State has to empower people not
disempower them. If these marginalised women
in hostile natural conditions can become self-sufficient, why can't
people in other parts of the country emulate them?" asks Sateesh.

NOVEMBER 2009

__._,_.___
----
INFORMATION OVERLOAD?
Get all ZESTCaste mails sent out in a span of 24 hours in a single mail. Subscribe to the daily digest version by sending a blank mail to ZESTMedia-digest@yahoogroups.com, OR, if you have a Yahoo! Id, change your settings at http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTMedia/join/

PARTICIPATE:-
On this list you can share caste news, discuss caste issues and network with like-minded anti-caste people from across India and the world. Just write to zestcaste@yahoogroups.com

TELL FRIENDS TO SIGN UP:-
If you got this mail as a forward, subscribe to ZESTCaste by sending a blank mail to ZESTCaste-subscribe@yahoogroups.com OR, if you have a Yahoo! ID, by visiting http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/join/

Also have a look at our sister list, ZESTMedia: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTMedia/
Recent Activity
Visit Your Group
New web site?

Drive traffic now.

Get your business

on Yahoo! search.

Get in Shape

on Yahoo! Groups

Find a buddy

and lose weight.

Yahoo! Groups

Mom Power

Find wholesome recipes

and more. Go Moms Go!

.

__,_._,___

[ZESTCaste] Democracy has failed the Musahars of Bihar

 

http://news.rediff.com/special/2009/nov/03/democracy-has-failed-these-indians.htm

Democracy has failed the Musahars of Bihar
November 03, 2009 11:40 IST

Prayaag Akbar tells the story of 1,000 years of caste-based
repression, and of a people's quest for dignity under a democracy that
has failed them.
Vilas Ravi Raj, a Musahar, has brought his son Dileep, a shivering
six-year old with bandages across his face like a zebra crossing, to
the Anugrah Narain Magadh Medical College Hospital. The boy's
grandmother has walked with them from the village of Utlibari, around
30 kilometres away, in the same district of Gaya, Bihar.

The father bends over his son, feeding him milk via a syringe and
through a tube that goes up the boy's nose. All the beds in the
children's ward are filled with similarly suffering children. By their
side are parents in tattered clothes and haunted eyes, eyes that are
shrouded by confusion and fear each time the nurses describe what is
happening to their child.

District health officials have just announced there is an epidemic of
meningitis and encephalitis amongst the 30 lakh (3 million) strong
Musahar population of Bihar; their living habits bring them in close
proximity to pigs and cows, making the children of this community
especially susceptible to infectious disease.

This hospital is at the epicentre of the epidemic because Gaya
district has the highest concentration of Musahars, though they are
found all over the state. Twenty seven children have died in the
hospital in just a few days, but members of the medical staff say that
the number of children who receive poor or no medical attention far
outstrips this number. This is the third year in a row that a
meningitis epidemic has been declared in the district.

The Musahars are one of the most deprived communities in India. They
were given Maha-Dalit status by the Bihar government some years ago,
testament to the abject penury in which most live. They are perhaps
best known as rat-eaters (Mus -- mouse; ahar -- eater), a title many
in the community are keen to live down, though the tradition remains.
Even so, in the villages I visited, the villagers refused repeatedly
to hunt rats for the cameras of the freelance photographer who
accompanied me (in one ridiculous interlude, he offered the children
ten rupees for every rat they caught. They still refused.)

And this is one of the main problems the community faces; as the
dominant caste groups in the area and a compliant, sensation-seeking
media continue to frame the Musahars' existence through practices like
rat-eating, their perilous standards of living can continue to be
justified as those deserved by a 'subhuman' community.

Try this for a paradox. Dwarako Sundari is a 68-year old Sindhi
gentleman who crossed the border at Partition. In his twenties he was
entrusted by Acharya Vinobha Bhave to come to Bodhgaya and build an
ashram where Musahirs could be educated and fed. He has been running
his school for more than 30 years with no government support, reliant
on the kindness of people who travel to Buddhism's holiest place. He
received the Jamnalal Bajaj [ Images ] Award for Social Work in 1992,
but otherwise there have been few public plaudits. Almost all the
educated Musahars in the area have studied in his school, including
the aspiring politician Biswas Manjhi, who is hoping for a Rashtriya
Janata Dal Vidhan Sabha nomination. He tells me: "Dwarakoji is akin to
a saint. He has done so much for us."

It is shocking, then, to learn Dwarakoji's views on these people:
"After much thought, I have realised the Musahars are a sub-human
community. Jayprakash Narayan once visited my ashram and he said this
exact thing to me. Now, years later, I have to agree. I have seen
students of mine throw their parents out of the house once they cannot
earn anymore, saying they need to feed their children. Women complain
to me because their husbands refuse to acknowledge their marital
contract. Other families desert their children. Is this the way human
beings live?"

When I point out to him that the practices he has listed are prevalent
in other communities -- could even be considered common practice in
countries like the United States -- he brushes my objections aside.
Once again the problem that faces these people is illustrated.
Dwarakoji has done as much for Musahar children as perhaps anyone in
the world, and when he speaks of the children you can sense his
abiding affection. Yet, after 30 years of interacting with the
community there is a sharp delineation, a need to see people with such
strange and objectionable habits as something quite different from
himself.

About 15 minutes drive from the town of Bodhgaya, where the
Enlightened One has ensured hundreds of tonsured Japanese and European
tourists sit drinking imported Lapsang Souchong (Chinese black tea),
there is the village of Parariya, a dot in the hinterland of 300 homes
and 1,200 people.

To reach this village you must walk through an ankle-deep swamp until
you arrive at a cluster of tiny mud huts. Like every village in India,
living arrangements are segmented sharply along the lines of caste: in
the distance are the houses of the Yadavs and further along are the
Paswans (both of whom are considered upper-caste Dalits and have
enjoyed years of patronage under leaders like Lalu Prasad Yadav [
Images ] and Ram Vilas Paswan).

The biggest houses belong to the Thakurs, the landowners of the area,
though I am told there is a smattering of Muslim families who have
their own conclave.

The Musahar huts are the simplest, reflective of their status within
the village hierarchy. Each hut has two windowless rooms, a small
open-air courtyard that is used as a kitchen and a roof of thatched
hay. The doors and ceilings are built so low you must bend at the
waist to enter the room. It is clear that a Musahar roof cannot be
higher than a Yadav roof, and so on up the chain.

Kuleshar Manji and his wife Sudama Devi have been married for 30
years. They have five children, four of whom scamper in and out of the
house like the mice running around on the floor. They are landowners:
"humraa paanch gaj". Though this is not common in the community, this
is one of the few areas in Bihar with strong Musahar politicians, and
some years ago a land redistribution scheme was implemented that gave
each family in the surrounding villages a parcel of land.

But in the village, land without water is like no land at all. The
Musahars have the smallest freehold plots of the worst land. Manji and
his wife still spend the majority of the agricultural season
cultivating the plots of Yadav families.

The Yadav landowners pay each Musahar man Rs 15 for a day's work,
while every Musahar woman receives just 2.5 kilos of unrefined wheat,
no money. Kuleshar Manji says, "There is no irrigation, so we can't
water any of the crops on our land. But the government put in pumps
and pipes for the areas where the upper-castes have their land. If we
don't work on their land we won't have anything at all."

This works out to around Rs 500 a month during the agricultural
season. Manji and Sudama Devi are lucky because their oldest son is
working as construction labour in Bhutan, from where he sends Rs 500 a
month. "Now with Rs 1,000 we are more comfortable. Three of my
children are in school. But most families here don't have anyone to
send money. If we had to get by on just the wages I am paid to
cultivate the Yadav farms we would be in trouble."

Both husband and wife agree that NREGS (National Rural Employment
Guarantee Scheme) has been a huge boon during the difficult
non-agricultural season, when the steady daily payment of Rs 80 comes
as a massive windfall. The Bihar government has one of the best
records of implementing this scheme.

But such poverty can only breed discontent. Many young men from the
lowest caste groups in each village have taken up cause with the
Naxalites [ Images ], disillusioned by the unchanging patterning of
society.

One former Naxal, a young Musahar who studied in Dwarako Sundari's
school and is now a businessman in Bodhgaya, explains: "A lot of the
villages here are named after Naxal heroes. People get tired of
waiting for change. I drifted in and out of camps since I was 15. We
used to hold tribunals here, because the villagers were tired of going
to the corrupt courts."

The Naxalite problem affects even the least political villagers,
because state functionaries now have a ready-made excuse for not doing
their jobs. The former Naxal continues, "while I was growing up, the
schools did not have teachers, no health officials would ever come to
these areas. They all said the Naxals made it too dangerous for them
to work. It is the same now."

Bodhgaya is jammed with tourists from all over the world. The Bihar
government has built a shiny, metalled road from Patna to this small
town. An international airport has been built at Gaya, so Buddha
tourists can pop in and out without seeing the rest of India. But with
so much spending allocated to ease the journey of foreigners, what
remains for the people of this area? None of the tourism money
trickles down to the poorest people of this district, of which the
Musahars are only one community.

As the Buddha once left the grounds of his palace in Kapilavastu and
found nothing but disease and desolation, leave the city limits of
Bodhgaya and you enter a poverty-stricken wasteland.

It is only the very richest people of Parariya, the Thakurs, who own
motorbikes, so they do not have to trudge through the swamp that
separates the village from the main road. In these villages, the
difference between those who own motorbikes and those who don't is not
a simple one; it tells the story of a 1,000 years of caste-based
repression, and of a people's quest for dignity under a democracy that
has failed them.

Image: Vilas Ravi Raj feeds his son Dileep with a syringe as his
grandmother looks on

Courtesy: Covert Magazine

__._,_.___
----
INFORMATION OVERLOAD?
Get all ZESTCaste mails sent out in a span of 24 hours in a single mail. Subscribe to the daily digest version by sending a blank mail to ZESTMedia-digest@yahoogroups.com, OR, if you have a Yahoo! Id, change your settings at http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTMedia/join/

PARTICIPATE:-
On this list you can share caste news, discuss caste issues and network with like-minded anti-caste people from across India and the world. Just write to zestcaste@yahoogroups.com

TELL FRIENDS TO SIGN UP:-
If you got this mail as a forward, subscribe to ZESTCaste by sending a blank mail to ZESTCaste-subscribe@yahoogroups.com OR, if you have a Yahoo! ID, by visiting http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/join/

Also have a look at our sister list, ZESTMedia: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTMedia/
Recent Activity
Visit Your Group
Search Ads

Get new customers.

List your web site

in Yahoo! Search.

Yahoo! Groups

Mental Health Zone

Mental Health

Learn More

Find helpful tips

for Moderators

on the Yahoo!

Groups team blog.

.

__,_._,___

[ZESTCaste] Fwd: Seminar On Feminine, Criminal or Manly? Imaging Dalit Masculinities in Colonial North India

---------- Forwarded message ----------


Centre for Historical Studies, JNU

Invites you to a Seminar On Feminine, Criminal or Manly? Imaging Dalit
Masculinities in Colonial North India

by

Dr. Charu Gupta
University of Delhi

On

Date:         4th November 2009 (Wednesday)

Time:         3:00 pm

Venue:      Committee Room No. 001, SSS I, JNU

All are welcome
Abstract
This talk places Dalit masculinity at its centre as opposed to the
margins of theories of masculinity, in the process messing its current
trajectory. It explores ways in which Dalit male body was socially
imaged and constructed by colonial authorities, by upper castes and by
Dalits. It probes how images of Dalit masculinity were interpreted,
manipulated, and reinterpreted, both for social control and for
identity construction. Ways in which Dalit masculinity was constructed
or destructed by the upper castes reveals the social relations in that
particular historical time and how they were mapped onto available
bodies. In the process it also asks if there are differences in
masculinist assertions of Dalit men from those of upper caste men. The
paper moves at three inter-related levels. First, it attempts to offer
a corrective to earlier historiographic and theoretical paradigms
which focus primarily on upper caste, hegemonic Hindu masculinity, in
which Dalit men are only tangentially referred to, and that too as
negative referents. Second, it takes on a discursive approach in which
it examines Dalit masculinity through its representations within the
dominant culture and the way in which representations constitute, and
are reflective of, the power relationships between upper and lower
castes, in which Dalit men emerge as victims of institutional
casteism. The images of Dalit men were related to larger structures of
oppression, such as lack of education, a discriminatory labour market,
criminal justice system and technologies of surveillance which
resulted in the institutional decimation of Dalit males. Third it
attempts to understand assertions of Dalit masculinity by Dalits
themselves by rooting it in larger historical narratives. It tries to
read Dalit history, and the crisis of Dalit manhood through a gendered
lens. It appears that the construction of Dalit masculinity is neither
a fully cohesive one nor an entirely innocent one. The different,
varied and contrasting images of Dalit male bodies reveal that gender
identities are not fixed or immutable but rather marked by ambiguity,
contradictions, uncertainties and pluralities.
Charu Gupta is an Associate Professor of History in Delhi University.
She did her PhD from SOAS, London. She has been a Fellow at the Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library, the Social Science Research Council, New
York, the Asian Scholarship Foundation, Thailand, the Wellcome
Institute, London, and the University of Oxford. She has also been a
visiting Faculty at various universities in USA. Her publications
include the books Sexuality, Obscenity, Community: Women, Muslims and
the Hindu Public in Colonial India and Contested Coastlines:
Fisherfolk, Nations and Borders in South Asia, and several articles on
gender, sexuality, fundamentalism and nationalism in various national
and international journals. She is currently working on 'Gendering
Dalits in North India'.
THE SEMINAR SCHEDULE FOR THIS SEMESTER IS ATTACHED

Monsoon Semester 2009.pdf
803K   View   Download


------------------------------------

----
INFORMATION OVERLOAD?
Get all ZESTCaste mails sent out in a span of 24 hours in a single mail. Subscribe to the daily digest version by sending a blank mail to ZESTMedia-digest@yahoogroups.com, OR, if you have a Yahoo! Id, change your settings at http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTMedia/join/

PARTICIPATE:-
On this list you can share caste news, discuss caste issues and network with like-minded anti-caste people from across India and the world. Just write to zestcaste@yahoogroups.com

TELL FRIENDS TO SIGN UP:-
If you got this mail as a forward, subscribe to ZESTCaste by sending a blank mail to ZESTCaste-subscribe@yahoogroups.com OR, if you have a Yahoo! ID, by visiting http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/join/

Also have a look at our sister list, ZESTMedia: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTMedia/Yahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/

<*> Your email settings:
Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/join
(Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
mailto:ZESTCaste-digest@yahoogroups.com
mailto:ZESTCaste-fullfeatured@yahoogroups.com

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
ZESTCaste-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/